1. Clinton Rossiter and James Lare, eds., The Essential Lippmann: A Politi cal Philosophy for Liberal Democracy (New York: Random House, 1963), pp. 140–141.

2. Jervis, Perception and Misperception, pp. 146, 156.

3. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Political Space for ‘Political Islam,’" Washington Post, 12 September 1997.

4. Reprinted in Journal of Palestine Studies 103 (spring 1997): 162–163.

5. Gore is a former student and a close friend of New Republic publisher Martin Peretz, who is strongly pro-Israeli and is also widely characterized as anti-Arab. Gore is believed to be heavily influenced by Peretz.

6. In addition to Ross and Indyk, Aaron David Miller remained in the Clinton administration, on the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, and works on the peace process. Richard Haass left government service after Bush's electoral defeat, moving across town to the Brookings Institution, where he is still actively involved in foreign-policy matters. Daniel Kurtzer became ambassador to Egypt in 1997.

7. Steven Erlanger, "U.S.-Israeli Relations: Real Crisis or Smoke and Mirrors?"(symposium, Centerfor Policy Analysison Palestine, Washington, D.C., June 5, 1998).

8. The statement was in the form of a U.S. proposal for an "Israeli-Palestinian Joint Declaration of Principles" and was presented on June 30, 1993, to the Israeli and Palestinian delegations to the ongoing bilateral peace talks. Reprinted, along with the official Palestinian response, dated August 5, 1993, in Journal of Palestine Studies 89 (autumn 1993): 111–114.

9. The pertinent sections of the statement of principles asserted that "the inclusion or exclusion of specific … geographic areas … within the jurisdiction of the [Palestinian] interim self-government will not prejudice the positions or claims of either party and will not constitute a basis for asserting, supporting ordeny inganyparty'sclaimto territorial sovereignty in the permanent status negotiations. … Issues related to sovereignty will be negotiated during talks on permanent status." Ibid., p. 112.

10. Ross, Acting with Caution, p. 38.

11. Neff, Fallen Pillars, pp. 127, 165, 186.

12. Cited in ibid., p. 186.

13. Benvenisti, Intimate Enemies, p. 176.

14. William Safire, "Move the Embassy," New York Times, 1 July 1996.

15. In the last four years of the five-year loan-guarantee period, the Clinton administration imposed a penalty for that part of Israel's settlement construction that went beyond the limits of the 1992 loan-guarantee agreement, but in three of those years it offset the penalty in order to compensate Israel for redeployment costs under the Oslo agreement or because the offset was deemed "important to the security interests of the United States." Settlement penalties were set at $437 million (from an annual loan-guarantee total of $2 billion) in 1993, $311.8 million in 1994, $303 million in 1995, and $307 million in 1996. There was no offset in 1993, but offsets totaled $95 million (or 30 percent) in 1994, $243 million (80 percent) in 1995, and $247 (80 percent) in 1996. No penalty was levied in 1992, the first year of the loan guarantees. "Loan Guarantees Update," in "Settlement Report," ed. Geoffrey Aronson, reprinted in Journal of Palestine Studies 102 (winter 1997): 142.

16. In March and April 1997, UN Ambassador Bill Richardson vetoed two moderately worded resolutions in the Security Council, one drafted by European allies, criticizing Israel's construction of the Har Homa settlement in the Jabal Abu Ghunaym section of East Jerusalem. On two other occasions in the same months, the United States voted with Israel against similar resolutions in the General Assembly. The U.S. position is that the UN should not become involved in an issue that the two parties to the conflict have to settle themselves.

17. Two Israeli human-rights organizations—Hamoked, the Center for the Defence of the Individual, and B'Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories—have published a study on the Israeli practices, The Quiet Deportation: Revocation of Residency of East Jeru salem Palestinians (Jerusalem: Hamoked and B'Tselem, April 1997).

18. Leon T. Hadar, "The Friendsof Bibi(FOBs)vs.‘The New Middle East,’" Journal of Palestine Studies 101 (autumn 1996): 91–92.

19. Ian S. Lustick, "The Oslo Agreement as an Obstacle to Peace," Journal of Palestine Studies 105 (autumn 1997): 62, 66.

20. Broadcast of the Rush Limbaugh radio show, 9 April 1997.

21. Lustick, "The Oslo Agreement," p. 63.

22. Quoted from a FLAME ad in the New Yorker, 8 September 1997.

23. Peretz Kidron, "Triumph in Washington," Middle East International, 30 January 1998, 6.

24. Israeli left-wing journalist Haim Baram, for instance, has reported that a prominent Labor Party leader complained to him following the September 1997 visit to Israel of Secretary of State Madeleine Albright—her first involvement in the peace process despite being in office for eight months—that the fate of Israel and of the peace process was now left to "nonentities" like Clinton and Albright, who offered a stark contrast to the "relatively effective" Bush and Baker. Baram also reported that Yossi Sarid of the left-wing Meretz party appeared on Israeli television following the Albright visit and declared

25. Palestinian intellectuals in the United States launched a public campaign in the Arabic and the international press in late 1989 taking the PLO to task for leaving the propaganda field, as always, to Israel and its supporters. See reprint of a critical article by Edward Said in Journal of Palestine Studies 74 (winter 1990): 146–151; interview of Ibrahim Abu-Lughod in Foreign Broadcast Information Service FBIS-NES-89-209 (31 October 1989); and Hisham Sharabi, "Two Years of the Intifada: The Impact on the Palestinian Diaspora," Middle East International (15 December 1989): 20–21.

26. Edward W. Said, Peace and Its Discontents: Essays on Palestine in the Middle East Peace Process (New York: Vintage Books, 1996), p. 27. Emphasis in original.

27. Reich, The United States and Israel, p. 179.

28. Mansour, Beyond Alliance, pp. 277–278.

29. Gershon Shafir, "Israeli Decolonization and Critical Sociology," Journal of Palestine Studies 99 (spring 1996): 29.

30. David Makovsky, Making Peace with the PLO: The Rabin Government's Road to the Oslo Accord (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), pp. 19, 26–29; and Jane Corbin, Gaza First: The Secret Norway Channel to Peace between Israel and the PLO (London: Bloomsbury, 1994), pp. 66–67, 175–176.

31. Makovsky, Making Peace with the PLO, pp. 13, 25, 38–39.

32. Saunders, "An Israeli-Palestinian Peace," p. 121.

33. Corbin, Gaza First, pp. 89, 138.