1. Luo Zhufeng, ed., Hanyu da cidian [The comprehensive Chinese dictionary], vol. 6 (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1990), 49. The verbally less flamboyant Zhongwen da cidian [The encyclopedic dictionary of the Chinese language] (Taibei: Zhongguo wenhua xueyuan chuban bu, 1967) compiled on Taiwan, whose editor in chief is Zhang Qiyun, defines it as a "term for someone who willingly harms his own country for the benefit of a foreigner" (20:79).

2. Zhang, Zhongwen da cidian, 9:143; Luo, Hanyu da cidian, 4:349.

3. Other related compounds include jianren (artful villain), jianqiao (double-faced, deceptive), jianxi (spy), jianmou (treacherous plot; to plot against), and zuojian (to act the spy). Like hanjian, the term jianxi (with the first form of the character) was first employed widely in the Song dynasty (though the usage can be found in the Jiu Tang shu) to mean a spy employed by the barbarian Jin dynasty. Zhang, Zhongwen da cidian, 9:145.

4. Luo, Hanyu da cidian, 4:268–69. Pronounced gan, it was used in Zuo zhuan as a verb for usurping a king's throne. See also Zhang, Zhongwen da cidian, 9:53.

5. Luo, Hanyu da cidian, 6:49.

6. The ethnic component can be shifted. On Taiwan, one hears the term taijian applied to Taiwanese who do not favor independence.

7. Pamela Kyle Crossley, "An Introduction to the Qing Foundation Myth," Late Imperial China 6, no. 1 (December 1985): 3–24; "Manzhou yuanliu kao and Formalization of the Manchu Heritage," Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (November 1987): 761–90; and Orphan Warriors: Three Manchu Generations and the End of the Qing World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Joseph Richmond Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968); Frederic Wakeman Jr., The Great Enterprise: The Manchu Reconstruction of Imperial Order in Seventeenth-Century China, 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985), all passim.

8. In the early fifteenth century, during the Ming, "the battle line [along the southwestern frontier] was drawn not only between barbarians and civilians (min), but also between collaborators and other law-abiding residents." Leo K. Shin, "Contracting Chieftaincy: Political Tribalization of the Southwest in Ming China" (paper presented at the Center for Chinese Studies Annual Symposium, "Empire, Nation, and Region: The Chinese World Order Reconsidered," Berkeley, California, March 3–4, 1995), 37.

9. Usually intermarrying with the Miao, hanjian acted as intermediaries in Miao contacts with Han officials and merchants. Jianmin (treacherous people), however, were the staff members, sergeants, and runners who served as advisors to the hereditary chieftains along the frontier. Donald Sutton, "Sinicizing and Signifying in the Eighteenth Century: Ordering the World of the Ethnic Frontier" (paper presented at the Center for Chinese Studies Annual Symposium, "Empire, Nation, and Region: The Chinese World Order Reconsidered," Berkeley, California, March 3–4, 1995; long version of the paper March 2, 1995, p. 12).

10. Donald Sutton, "Sinicizing and Signifying in the Eighteenth Century: Ordering the World of the Ethnic Frontier" (paper presented at the Center for Chinese Studies Annual Symposium, "Empire, Nation, and Region: The Chinese World Order Reconsidered," Berkeley, California, March 3–4, 1995; short version of the paper March 2, 1995, p. 19). The most interesting aspect of this progression was the latitude afforded to ascriptive officials to deem transgressors as being traitors to the Han.

11. Arthur Waley, The Opium War through Chinese Eyes (London: Allen and Unwin, 1958); Frederic Wakeman Jr., Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839–1861 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966).

12. Paul A. Cohen, China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Antiforeignism, 1860–1870 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963); Mark Elvin, "Tales of Shen and Xin: Body-Person and Heart-Mind in China during the Last One Hundred and Fifty Years," in Zone: Fragments for a History of the Human Body, ed. Michel Feher, with Ramona Naddaff, pt. 2 (New York: Zone, 1989), 267–349;Frank Dikötter, The Discourse of Race in Modern China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992); Wakeman, Strangers at the Gate, all passim. There was, to be sure, a "functional" side to this linkage between native treachery and foreign collusion. William C. Kirby has noted, "Efforts to control the internal effects of foreign penetration could take the form of castigating Chinese with foreign connections as traitors." Kirby, "Intercultural Connections and Chinese Development: External and Internal Spheres of Modern China's Foreign Relations," in China's Quest for Modernization: A Historical Perspective, ed. Frederic Wakeman Jr. and Wang Xi (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1997), 208–33, citation on 215.

13. In vernacular Chinese, han also means "man" and is gendered masculine, as in laohan (old man), hanzi (heman, brave fellow), dahan (big man), and haohan (brave man).

14. Cohen, China and Christianity.

15. SB, 24 December 1938, p. 2:6.

16. Zhongyang zuzhi bu, tewuzu, diaocha ke, ed., "Zhou Enlai cansha Gu Shunzhang jiashu ji yiji fenzi sanshi yu ren maicang Shanghai zujie quyu zhi faxian" [Zhou Enlai's slaughter of Gu Shunzhang's dependents and the discovery of more than thirty deviate elements buried in the Shanghai concession region], Bureau of Investigation Archives document D112(276/7435B/19933), pp. 10 and 336–37; Li Tianmin, Zhou Enlai pingzhuan [A critical biography of Zhou Enlai] (Hong Kong: Youlian yanjiusuo, 1975), 104; Li Zhaochun, "Shenfen fuza de Pan Hannian" [The complicated identities of Pan Hannian], Gongdang wenti yanjiu 9, no. 3 (n.d.): 114–18, citation on 115;Roger Faligot and Remi Kauffer, Kang Sheng et les services secrets chinois (1927–1987) (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1987), 105; SMP, D-9319, 1939, pp. 2–3; Shen Zui, Juntong neimu [The inside story of the Military Statistics (Bureau)] (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao chubanshe, 1984), 64.

17. Shen Zui, Juntong neimu, 92.

18. Ibid., 63–64; Concession Française de Changhai, Direction des Services de Police, Service Politique, Document No. 237/S. Étude—le mouvement communiste en Chine, 1920–1933, Shanghai, December 15, 1933, pp. 40–41.

19. Deng Yuanzhong, Sanminzhuyi Lixingshe shi [A history of the Sanminzhuyi Lixingshe] (Taibei: Sixian chubanshe, 1984), 110.

20. Xu Youwei, "Lixingshe yu Riben (1932–1938 nian)" [The Vigorous Revival Society and Japan, 1932–1938] (paper presented at the Thirteenth International Association of Historians of Asia Conference, Sophia University, Tokyo, September 5–9, 1994), 5; T'ienwei

21. Xu Youwei, "Lixingshe yu Riben," 5. This is the author's synopsis and condensations of a half dozen Lixingshe tracts.

22. Shanghai Municipality Public Security Bureau, Shanghai shi gong'anju yewu baogao [Shanghai Municipality Public Security Bureau report of affairs], vol. 5 (Shanghai: Shanghai Municipality Public Security Bureau, July 1931–June 1932), 54, 84–85, 214.

23. Article translated from Xin wan bao (April 5, 1932), in SMP, D-3445, 5/4/32. See also Tan Shaoliang's April 5 report in the same file.

24. Then, and later in 1937, hundreds of Koreans and Taiwanese came to work for the Japanese special services units in Shanghai. More than a thousand Koreans were settled in surrounding farmlands. Again, the linkage between hanjian and the alien was reinforced.

25. Tan Shaoliang's report, "Citizen's Maintenance Association," SMP, D3445, 5/4/32, pp. 4–5; and D. S. Golder to Special Branch, SMP, D-3445, 7/4/32; Emily Honig, "The Politics of Prejudice: Subei People in Republican-Era Shanghai," Modern China 15, no. 3 (July 1989): 243–274; Emily Honig, "Creating Ethnicity: Subei People in Shanghai," Modern China 15, no. 3 (July 1989): 26; Emily Honig, "Migrant Culture in Shanghai: In Search of a Subei Identity" (n.p., n.d.), p. 10.

26. Article translated from Xin wan bao in SMP, D-3445, 27/4/32.

27. Feng denounced Chiang Kai-shek's government for failing to resist the Japanese. Howard L. Boorman, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967–1971, 1979), 42.

28. Deng Yuanzhong, Sanminzhuyi Lixingshe shi, 110. Chiang actually declared domestic pacification the priority in a speech on July 23, 1931, after the Guangdong-Guangxi clique denounced Party Center. Ibid., 126–27.

29. Parks M. Coble, "Super-Patriots and Secret Agents: The Blue Shirts and Japanese Secret Services in North China" (paper presented at the Center for Chinese Studies Regional Seminar, Berkeley, 21 March 1987), 18.

30. Zhang Weihan, "Dai Li yu ‘Juntong ju,’" [Dai Li and the Military Statistics Bureau], in Zhejiang wenshi ziliao xuanji, ed. Wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui, fasc. 23, Neibu publication (Zhejiang: Renmin chubanshe, 1982), 137.

31. Gan Guoxun, "Guanyu suowei ‘Fuxingshe’ de zhenqing shikuang" [The true conditions and actual circumstances of the so-called Fuxingshe], Zhuanji wenxue, xia, 35, no. 5 (November 1979): 83.

32. Haruke Keiin [Yasutane], Shanghai tero kōsaku 76 gō [Working it out in Shanghai's Number 76] (Tokyo: Mainichi shimbun sha, 1980), 33–35;Parks M. Coble, Facing Japan: Chinese Politics and Japanese Imperialism, 1931–1937 (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1991), 228. According to Thomas Chao, a State Department informant, the Blue Shirts had gained control of "municipal and provincial police organizations in the capital and in important places throughout the country…. They practically dominate the armed forces of the government." "Blueshirts Organization," report from

33. The shangtuan was formed in February 1937.

34. "Shanghai Special Service Corps Arrest," report by Detective Sergeant Pitt, in SMP, D-8039a, 25/10/37, p. 1.

35. "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," in SMP, D-8635, 24/7/38, p. 7. The deputy chief was Liang Tongfang.

36. Wang, born outside Ningbo, was the son of a captain in the Republican Army. After primary school in his village, he attended Nanjing Middle School for three years. Then, through an uncle's introduction, he was apprenticed to a machine factory in Pudong, where he had lived and worked until the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. He went to the Guandi Temple in response to the newspaper notice, and was posted to Sun Yaxing's section. "Deposition of Wong Tz Koo," in SMP, D-8635, 27/7/38, p. 1. Jiang, born in Nanjing, was the son of a Jinjiang shop assistant. He attended primary school in Jinjiang and then boarded at Shanghai Middle School (Nandao) where he studied Chinese literature from March 1936 to June 1937. The day he left school to move in with a friend of his father, he bought a copy of Central Daily News and saw the advertisement. He enrolled in the association without telling his mother. SMP, D-8597, 22/7/38, pp. 1–2. Zhou, a native of Chongming, where he received an elementary education, came to Shanghai by himself at the age of fourteen (fifteen sui) to serve an apprenticeship at a printing press in the French Concession. He worked in four different printing shops before becoming a printer at the Zhongguo dabao (China herald). "Deposition of Tsou Sue Kong," in SMP, D-8635, 26/7/38, p. 1.

37. CWR, 19 February 1938, p. 321.

38. "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 8–9; SMP, D-8597, 2–3; "Deposition of Wong Tz Koo," 1–2; "Deposition of Tsou Sue Kong," 2.

39. Wang Fangnan, "Wo zai Juntong shisinian de qinli he jianwen" [What I experienced and learned about during my fourteen years in the MSB], in Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Editorial Committee, ed., Wenshi ziliao xuanji [Selections of historical materials], fasc. 107 (zong) (Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chubanshe, 1987), 144–45; Xu Zhucheng, Du Yuesheng zhengzhuan [A straightforward biography of Du Yuesheng] (Hangzhou: Zhejiang sheng xinhua shudian, 1982), 95; Zhu Zuotong and Mei Yi, eds., Shanghai yi ri [One day in Shanghai], vol. 1 (Shanghai: Huamei chuban gongsi, 1938), 133–36.

40. "Emergency Period Service Group Report," SMP, D-8039a, 23/9/37, pp. 1–2; SMP, D-8039A, 10/9/37, p. 1, and D-8615, 22/9/39, p. 1; Xu Zhucheng, Du Yuesheng zhengzhuan, 100.

41. Fu Duoma, twenty-seven years old and a native of Dinghai, joined the Special Action Corps on August 20, 1937—the very day the Public Security Bureau requested help from the Shanghai Municipal Police in arresting Chinese "traitors" believed to have poisoned public tea urns (a belief that aroused mobs on August 17 to beat several suspects to death). After hostilities had broken out on August 13, Fu Duoma had moved into the closed-down Xinguang Primary School (of which he was the former principal) at Changxingli in Zhabei. Fu was arrested by the police on September 16, 1937. SMP, D-8039A, 22/8/37, 26/8/37, and 10/9/37, passim. "[After the August 1937 bombings] patriotism in its most drastic guise ran through the city like fire in the form of ‘traitor hunts'; any poor wretch

42. "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 3–4; Emily Hahn, China to Me: A Partial Autobiography (Philadelphia: Blakiston, 1944), 54–55.

43. Zhang Weihan, "Dai Li yu ‘Juntong ju,’" 100–101; Shen Zui, "Wo suo zhidao de Dai Li" [The Dai Li I knew], in Shen Zui and Wen Qiang, Dai Li qi ren [Dai Li the man] (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao chubanshe, 1980), 21–22; "Special Service Corps Arrest," 3;Xu Zhucheng, Du Yuesheng zhengzhuan, 99; Haruke Keiin, Shanghai tero kōsaku 76 gō, 48–50.

44. Zhang Weihan, "Dai Li yu ‘Juntong ju,’" 100–101.

45. SMP, D-8039a, 10/9/37.

46. "Deposition of Wong Tz Koo," 1–2; "Deposition of Tsou Sue Kong," 1–2; "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 9–10.

47. Xu Zhucheng, Du Yuesheng zhengzhuan, 100.

48. Ibid., 100–101.

49. Edgar Snow, The Battle for Asia (Cleveland: World Publishing, 1942), 52. See also Zhu Zuotong and Mei Yi, Shanghai yi ri, 1:101–11.

50. "Woosung-Shanghai Special Chinese Corps Leaves Shanghai," Da mei wanbao, 1 February 1938. Translated in SMP, D-8039A, 4/2/38, pp. 6.

51. RWSSZ, 1–2 (see also the first illustration in the frontispiece, a photographic copy of the founding announcement); Lynn White, "Non-governmentalism in the Historical Development of Modern Shanghai," in Urban Development in Modern China, ed. Laurence J. C. Ma and Edward W. Hanten (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1981), 48.

52. Su Xiwen, forty-seven years old, was originally from Amoy and had been head of the Fujian Finance Bureau. RWSSZ, 13. Note, however, that Boyle and Zhu Zijia identify him as being brought over to Shanghai from Taiwan by the Japanese army. John Hunter Boyle, China and Japan at War, 1937–1945: The Politics of Collaboration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), 112; Zhu Zijia [Jin Xiongbai], Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang [The beginning and end of the drama of the Wang régime], vol. 4 (Hong Kong: Chunqiu zazhi she, 1961), 32;Robert Barnett, Economic Shanghai: Hostage to Politics, 1937–1941 (New York: International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1941), 19.

53. This was also the symbol on the flag of the Xinminhui (New People's Society), which trained cadres and promoted the "kingly way" (ōdō or wangdao) of Confucianism on behalf of the provisional government in north China. The Xinminhui was patterned after the Manchurian Xiehehui (Concordia Society), used by General Kita Seiichi (the foremost "puppeteer" in north China) as part of the baojia of the North China Area Army's special services units and the system of local control by the Peace Preservation Committees. The Xinminhui's president, Miao Bin, also emphasized Buddhism as the common heritage of China and Japan. Boyle, China and Japan at War, 85, 91–94; George Edward Taylor, The Struggle for North China (New York: International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1940), 72–74. As Prasenjit Duara shows, some of these "modern redemptive societies" dated back to the second decade of the twentieth century and drew upon gentry syncretism. Others, such as the Yellow Way Society (Huangdaohui), enrolled former gangsters and engaged in assassinations and bombings on behalf of the Japanese. Prasenjit Duara, "Of Authenticity and Woman: Personal Narratives of Middle-Class Women in Modern China" (paper prepared for the conference "Becoming Chinese: Passages to Modernity

54. SMA, Wang 1.1.10—Dadao file, cover sheet dated in both lunar and solar (24 February 1938) figures—" Jingchaju xiang zhangze" [Rules and regulations of the Police Bureau], pp. 2, 5–7. Cleaning up bodies and debris after the Japanese invasion was how the puppet régime of "traitors" (hanjian) commenced as well in 1932 in Shanghai. Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 4:32;Frederic Wakeman Jr., Policing Shanghai, 1927–1937 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 197. See also RDS, 893.00 P.R. Shanghai/117 June 1938, p. 15. Photographs of the flag are to be found in the frontispiece photographs in RWSSZ, and in CWR, 8 January 1938, p. 152. To justify its rule, the puppet government accused both the GMD and Chinese Communist Party of spreading civil war across the country and promised to restore peace and tranquillity. RWSSZ, 6.

55. SMA, Wang 1.1.10, pp. 5, 9b, 18, 24a. The head of the public health section was Fan Jimin, thirty-six sui, who had a degree in medicine from the Zhejiang Specialized Medical School (yiyao zhuanmen xuexiao). He had been head of the Songjiang county hospital. SMA, Wang 1.1.58—Dadao file (April 1938)— "Guanyu jingju neiwai yuanjing" [Long-term perspectives for the police], pp. 2b. The chief advisor for the detective squad was Li Jinbiao, a gangster who had been a detective in the Song-Hu police department (Song-Hu jingcha ting). Li was later assassinated by Nationalist agents on October 28, 1939. SB, 29 October 1939, p. 9. For an organizational chart of the Dadao government, see RWSSZ, 3–5.

56. RWSSZ, 12.

57. Ibid.

58. SMA, Wang 1.1.58—Dadao file— "Guanyu jingju neiwai yuanjing," pp. 19. There is a complete roster of the Dadao police bureau for March 1938 in SMA, Wang 1.1.226— Dadao file— "Jingchaju sanyuefen qingce" [Police roster in March]. The inspectorate (including Chief Inspector Liu Wanqing and Chief Investigator Xu Wenbing) is listed in SMA, Wang 1.1.34—Dadao file— "Jingchaju weiren ji renmian" [Police department appointments and dismissals], pp. 66a; and other important positions (Hu Zhenggu, head of the Detective Brigade, and his deputy, Huo Liangchen) are noted in SMA, Wang 1.1.29— Dadao file— "Jingchaju cunren" [Police department personnel assignments], pp. 2b–3b. When people heard the term "Dadao Municipal Government" (Dadao shi zhengfu), they invariably smiled, because dao4 (way) was a homophone for the character dao4 (robber), making the phrase mean "the Municipal Government of the Big Robbers." Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 4:32.

59. For lists of these municipal officials, along with records of their turpitudes, see WX, vol. 2 (10 November 1938): E42–E44.

60. Wang Zihui later served as minister of industry (shiye buzhang) in the reform government. Qin Xiaoyi, Zhonghua minguo zhongyao shiliao chubian—Dui Ri zhanzheng shiqi [Initial compilation of important historical documents of the Republic of China—The period of the war with Japan], Di liu bian: Kuilei zuzhi [pt. 6: Puppet organizations] (Taibei: Zhongguo Guomindang dangshi weiyuanhui, 1981), 139.

61. Cao Zhenwei, "Liang Hongzhi," in Wang wei shi hanjian [Ten Wang puppet traitors], ed. Huang Meizhen (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1986), 406–7; Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 5:108–9. For an intimate and artfully written portrait of Liang, see Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 4:36–37. Liang Hongzhi was born in Changle (Fujian) in 1881. His grandfather, the eminent scholar Liang Zhangju (jinshi,

62. "Weixin zhengfu zuzhi xitong ji zhongyao zhiyuan biao" [Table of organization and important personnel of the reform government], in Zhonghua minguo weixin zhengf u zhenggang [Political program of the Chinese National Reform Government] (Nanjing: Zhonghua lianhe Tongxun she, 10 September 1939), attachment to p. 311; Qin Xiaoyi, Zhonghua minguo zhongyao shiliao chubian, 127–28, 132–38; Nashimoto Yuhei, Chūgoku no naka no Nihonjin [The Japanese in China], vol. 2 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1958), 65–74; Liu Qikui, "Wang Kemin," in Wang wei shi hanjian [Ten Wang puppet traitors], ed. Huang Meizhen (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1986), 342–43; Israel Epstein, The Unfinished Revolution in China (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1947), 315; T.K. Koo, "Some Economic Documents Relating to the Genesis of the Japanese-Sponsored Régime in North China," Far Eastern Quarterly 6, no. 1 (November 1946): 66;Boyle, China and Japan at War, 88–89 and 110–11; F.C. Jones, Japan's New Order in East Asia: Its Rise and Fall, 1937–45 (London: Oxford University Press, 1954), 72; Imai Takeo, Shina jihen no kaisō [Reminiscences of the China Incident] (Tokyo: Misuzu shobo, 1964), 282–83. Wang Kemin's government, it was said, was composed of "tired retired old scoundrels, forgotten petty warlords, people who have been smoking opium for the past ten years." Emily Hahn, The Soong Sisters (New York: Double-day, Doran, and Company, 1941), 306.

63. Zhonghua minguo weixin zhengf u zhenggang, 1. See also Qin Xiaoyi, Zhonghua minguo zhongyao shiliao chubian, 140–41. For the "cleansing of villages" policy, see Qin Xiaoyi, Zhonghua minguo zhongyao shiliao chubian, 142–43; Huang Meizhen, ed., Wei ting yin ying lu—Dui Wang wei zhengquan de huiyi jishi [Chronicles of the secret shadows of the puppet court— records of the memoirs of the puppet Wang régime] (Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chuban-she, 1991), 52–53.

64. Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 4:33. The reform government initially operated out of the New Asia Hotel in Hongkou because the Japanese army had commandeered most important government buildings in Nanjing. Boyle, China and Japan at War, 112.

65. SMP, D-8155D, 30/3/38, p. 1. "The real masters," Franz Michael has pointed out, "are the Japanese Special Service Bureau and the Military Police." Michael, "The Significance of Puppet Governments," Pacific Affairs Pro 4 (December 1939): 400–412.

66. RWSSZ, 18–20. For the regulations governing the relationship between the Nanjing central government and the Shanghai Special Municipality (Shanghai tebie shi), see Zhonghua minguo weixin zhengf u zhenggang, 79–80; and RWSSZ, 18–19. The Supervisory Yamen was not even powerful enough to find office quarters in Shanghai. In October 1938 its representatives were still hunting, having discovered that "the most suitable accommodations [had] already been preempted by the Japanese authorities." RDS, 893.00 P.R. Shanghai/121, October 1938, p. 15.

67. RWSSZ, 31, 38. For the organization of the Shanghai Special Municipality government, see ibid., 43–45; and SB, 15 October 1938, p. 10.

68. Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, 25 November 1938, p. 1, in SMP, D-8870, 25/11/38. Su Xiwen led a delegation of ten puppet officials, accompanied by ten Japanese military and special services officers, to Tokyo. WX, vol. 3 (10 December 1938): F40.

69. Fu's original name was Zongyao. He was from Zhenhai (Zhejiang), and had been a client of the warlord Sun Chuanfang. He was also head of the board of directors of the Shanghai French Commercial Tramway Company (Shanghai Fashang dianche gongsi). Zhang Weihan, "Dai Li yu ‘Juntong ju,’" 138.

70. Percy Finch, Shanghai and Beyond (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953), 312.

71. See, for an example of this puppet master imagery, "Wan kuilei ju kaimu" [Puppet show opens in Anhui], describing the Japanese ensconcement of a puppet government in Anhui on October 28, 1938. SB, 4 November 1938, p. 2b. When the resistance press reported that such-and-such a puppet had "taken power," the term invariably used was dengchang (coming on stage). See, for example, WX, vol. 6 (10 March 1939): D80.

72. Wen Jingdao, "Saochu yimin qi" [Sweeping out the energy of the recluses], SB, 12 October, 1938, p. 4:16. Elsewhere in this volume, Pickowicz points out that most collaborators were presented as being "foreign" in terms of their dress and behavior. They participated in "an alien, capitalist culture of merchants" that denied people "their essential Chineseness."

73. Ding San, "Xianshizhuyizhe" [Realists], SB, 19 November 1938, p. 4:16.

74. Stanley Hoffman's foreword to Henry Rousso's The Vichy Syndrome is relevant in this regard. "What [Rousso] shows, explicitly and vividly, is how the French chose to believe that Vichy had been the creation of a small group of rather wicked (but still more misguided than evil) men, that the crimes committed were crimes of the Germans and of very small bands of collaborationists, and that most of the population had resisted the Occupation in some degree." Stanley Hoffmann, foreword to The Vichy Syndrome: History and Memory in France since 1944, by Henry Rousso, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), viii.

75. The letters appeared a little more than a month after the United Front journal Wenxian reported that Wang Zuntong and her sisters had failed to keep their father, Wang Kemin, from serving as the head of the Beiping puppet régime. Subsequently, Zuntong had fled from the side of "this hanjian," abandoning the "spiritual prison" of her father's household to seek refuge in Hong Kong, where she planned to devote her energies to the nation and the people. WX, vol. 1 (10 October 1938): D69. Wartime propaganda repeatedly adjured wives and daughters to keep their menfolk from becoming collaborators: "Not only do we personally swear not to be hanjian, we also want to exhort our parents and brothers, our husbands and sons, our relatives and our friends not to do work that is harmful to our progeny and our people. We want to do [whatever is needed to make sure that] all around us there is not a single trace of hanjian." Funü wenxian supplement to WX, vol. 7 (April 1939): 3.

76. Jian means "hard, firm, steadfast, determined."

77. The Maintenance Association, which was usually congruent with the Self-Government Association (Zizhihui), was the local collaborationist law-and-order entity. For lists of local Maintenance Association members in a dozen Jiangsu counties—a presentation that invited assassination—see WX, vol. 2 (10 November 1938): E44–E45.

78. Ye Shan, "Wo shi yige zhanshi le" [I'm a warrior now], SB, 18 November 1938, p. 4:14.

79. The resistance press vaunted examples of "heroines" (nü yingxiong) such as Cai Yifei, the Lake Tai woman warrior who was killed in battle by Japanese bayonets. WX, vol. 3 (10 December 1938): F47. See also the supplement, Funü wenxian, vol. 7 (April 1939): 18–19, 23–24.

80. This is a variant of the saying, "Murder someone with a borrowed knife" (jie dao sha ren)—that is, use someone else to kill an adversary.

81. The term for this minute fraction is chana, a Buddhist term from the Sanskrit kshana.

82. Ye Shan, "Wo shi yige zhanshi le," SB, 19 November 1938, p. 4:16.

83. Ibid.

84. The theme of ghosts and demons, or of tigers and their attendant chang, was prevalent in anti-Japanese and antipuppet propaganda. In a poster put up by the Guoji fan qinglüe yundong dahui Zhongguo fenhui (Chinese Branch of the International Anti-Aggression Movement Society) in 1938, there is a portrayal of a Chinese avenger thrusting a torch in the face of a tiger-monster thrown back against a heap of its victims' skeletons. Frontispiece to WX, vol. 3 (10 December 1938).

85. The resistance press published as many examples it could find of sons renouncing their fathers for "turning traitor for personal gain" (maiguo qiurong). This was called "extinguishing family relationships for a greater cause" (dayi mieqin). WX, vol. 3 (10 December 1938): F47.

86. Ye Shan, "Wo shi yige zhanshi le," p. 4:14.

87. WX, vol. 3 (10 December 1938): F11. "Wavering elements" could be kept in place in occupied China and used as informants or secret agents by the United Front. Ibid., vol. 5, 10 February 1939, B38.

88. A chang is the hungry ghost of a person eaten by a tiger who urges the tiger to eat others so that his or her soul may be freed.

89. WX, vol. 5 (10 February 1939): D11. The repetition in this announcement of phrases such as sangxin bingkuang could be a matter of the government picking up then-current phrases to describe traitors, or it could suggest that the letters to Jian were actually written by government propagandists, who were probably men. Although the authenticity of the "Jian letters" is dubious, the movement of these stock phrases from government to populace and back again—a characteristic of good propaganda—is certain.

90. Ibid.

91. Wang's followers invariably described their becoming collaborators as "joining the peace movement" (canjia heping yundong). During his October 21, 1946, war crimes trial, Zhou Fohai told the court: "At that time we exerted ourselves to carry out the peace movement because we wanted to help the people out of their suffering in the Occupied Zones. It was not to conspire with the enemy or to oppose our country." SW, 156.

92. For a sensitive portrait of Wang Jingwei as an ambivalent collaborator hoping to be a patriot to the end, see Boyle, China and Japan at War, 350–51.

93. Wang Jingwei detested hanjian. In March 1937, after seeing Chinese puppet troops in action in Suiyuan, Wang declared, "When China was invaded in the past, it often happened that the despicable acts of traitors rather than the aggression of aliens inflicted the most deadly blow upon the country. That Chinese should be unfaithful to their own people is a disgraceful stain on the pages of our history, and if such humiliating acts should be repeated China would suffer early extinction." Lawrence K. Rosinger, "Wang Ching-wei— the Technique of a Traitor," Amerasia 4, no. 6 (August 1940): 271.

94. Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 1:91.

95. Ibid., 92.

96. Ibid.

97. SW, 277. Chu's altruism, however, has to be placed alongside the financial killing this popular health promoter made after his stint as foreign minister when his sister, Chen Bijun (Mme. Wang), got him appointed governor of Guangdong. Boyle, China and Japan at War, 279–80.

98. SW, 583.

99. Lit. Yan Huang—Emperors Yan and Huang.

100. Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 4: ii–iii.

101. WX, vol. 5 (10 February 1939): D11;vol. 8 (10 May 1939): B17.

102. WX, vol. 5 (10 February 1939): B38. Fang Renzhi's father, Yanchu, was secretary of the puppet Self-Government Association (Zizhihui) of Qingpu. In July 1938, Renzhi ran the following notice in the Hankou Dagong bao: "My father returned to Qingpu after the National Army left Shanghai for the west, and occupied an important post in the Maintenance Association [Weichihui]. Renzhi has repeatedly reproved him to no avail…. This kind of behavior is shameless. Not only does it harm the country, it also brings disgrace upon the family. Now, because Renzhi is unwilling to be the descendant of a hanjian, he is placing in the newspaper this respectful warning to relatives and friends. From this day on Renzhi completely breaks off father-son relations (this does not extend to his mother). He is willing as well to contribute his service to the country in order to wipe away this oppressive humiliation." Ibid., vol. 1, 10 October 1938, D69.

103. Ibid., vol. 3, 10 December 1938, H14.

104. Ibid., vol. 510 February 1939, B38.

105. Ibid., vol. 8, 10 May 1939, E23–E24.

106. Hanjian and "treacherous merchants" (jianshang) were engaged in smuggling rice along the coast of Zhejiang and Jiangsu. SB, 3 December 1938, p. 2:7. High rice prices were blamed upon "underhanded control of the rice market by certain traitorous merchants who, in conspiracy with the Japanese and puppet authorities, are making handsome profits." SMP, D-8039, 7/3/39, p. 1.

107. Contemporaries frequently used the term duhua to refer to the poisoning of China with heroin and opium as part of a Japanese and puppet plot to weaken the Chinese race. See, for example, the article, "Duhua Jiashan" (Poisoning Jiashan), which describes the opium sales bureau set up by the Japanese and the puppet magistrate in the county seat. SB, 22 November 1938, p. 2:7; M. S. Bates, "The Narcotics Situation in Nanking and Other Occupied Areas," Amerasia 3, no. 11 (January 1940): 525–27; WX, vol. 1 (20 October 1938): D43; vol. 2 (10 November 1938): E40; and vol. 3 (10 December 1938): F43. The Chongqing authorities accused the Japanese of encouraging this drug abuse for three reasons: (1) revenue; (2) maintaining the livelihoods of undesirable Japanese and Korean elements, thereby keeping them out of Japan; and (3) weakening Chinese wartime resistance by poisoning the people. Joyce Ann Madancy, "Propaganda versus Practice: Official Involvement in the Opium Trade in China, 1927–1945" (master's thesis, Cornell University, 1983), 29–30, 33. The connection between drugs and treachery was obvious to the Japanese. "Spies were generally gangsters. Bright gangsters. Paper money had no value for them. They wanted opium. In big cities or large villages there were always pariahs. We'd find them and train them, threaten them, cajole them. We'd tell them, ‘If you take the wrong course we'll kill you, but if you do what you're told you'll have to build warehouses to hold your fortune.’ Then we'd bring out the opium. ‘I'll do it!’ they'd say in a minute." Statement by Uno Shintaro,

108. Hanjian, serving as district officials in Songjiang, were described as increasing taxes, collecting all the white rice, and extorting money and goods from the peasants and townsfolk. SB, 26 November 1938, p. 2:7. When Wang Zihui, the reform government's minister of trade and industry (shiye buzhang), returned from an economics conference in Tokyo, he was described in the Shanghai press as having gone "to sell out the people's interests" (chu mai minzu liyi). SB, 6 December 1938, p. 3:10.

109. WX, vol. 1 (10 October 1938): D51.

110. Ibid., D49–D50; and vol. 2 (10 November 1938): E41–E42. The newspaper also published a list of the "excesses" committed by these "dogs" in order to ridicule them: the governor of Jiangsu ordering everyone to worship Confucius on the grounds that Confucius was the teacher of "Oriental culture" (Dongfang wenhua), the mayor of Haining conducting a lantern procession and shouting, "Long live great Japan! Long live the reform government!" and so forth. Ibid., vol. 2 (10 November 1938): E44–E46.

111. Ibid., vol. 5 (10 February 1939): D59, and vol. 7 (10 April 1939): D82.

112. Ibid., vol. 6 (10 March 1939): D80, and vol. 7 (10 April 1939): D83–D86.D88–D89.

113. At the same time, Wenxian published lists of "eliminated traitors" (chujian), who were typically local Maintenance Association heads assassinated by Nationalist death squads. See ibid., vol. 2 (10 November 1938): E46;vol. 3 (10 December 1938): F41–F42;vol. 5 (10 February 1939): D59–D60;vol. 6 (10 March 1939): D80; and vol. 7 (10 April 1939): D84.

114. RWSSZ, 63–64.

115. British Foreign Office Records, Her Majesty's Public Record Office, London, FO371–24663; Zhang Weihan, "Dai Li yu ‘Juntong ju,’" 138–39; Confidential U.S. State Department Central Files, China: Internal Affairs, 1940–1944, 893.00 P.R. (Political Reports)/Shanghai, 145, October 1940, p. 15; CWR, 11 October 1940, p. 168. A fifty thousand dollar reward was put on Zhu's head, and the Japanese launched a manhunt throughout all of occupied China, but Zhu was never caught. RWSSZ, 64–65; Cheng Shuwei and Liu Fuxiang, Daoguang jianying: Minguo ansha jishi [The glint and flash of cold steel: An actual record of assassinations during the Republic] (Beijing: Tuanjie chubanshe, 1989), 168–74.

116. The impact of terrorism on collaborators living in Shanghai was severe. Zhou Fohai compared the fear of air raids in Chongqing with the dread of terrorism in Shanghai: "Plainly speaking, a man of my standing would have been safe anywhere [in Chongqing] in case of air raids, being provided with the strongest of bombproof dugouts…. My life [in Shanghai in 1939] is constantly being threatened by the Communists and the ‘special service’ element of the Chongqing régime. As there is no warning of an approaching assassination…, I think the danger to life created by these terrorists is much more serious than a Japanese air raid." Boyle, China and Japan at War, 261.

117. For the same reason, Chen Lifu and Chen Guofu also ordered Wu Kaixian, in the summer of 1939, to clear up the party "underground organization" in Shanghai. Wu established the Shanghai Party Political Unification Committee (Shanghai dang zheng tongyi weiyuanhui), and through Du Yuesheng secured the help of the racketeer Huang Jinrong to curb or eliminate collaborationist elements. Jiang Shaozhen, "Du Yuesheng," in Minguo renwu zhuan [Biographies of Republican personages], ed. Li Xin and Sun Sibai, vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1978), 317.

118. Wang Fangnan, "Wo zai Juntong shisinian de qinli he jianwen" [What I experienced and learned during my fourteen years in the MSB]. In Chinese People's Political Consultative

119. More than forty Japanese military officers were also shot down. Chen Gongshu, Yingxiong wuming: Beiguo chujian [Anonymous heroes: Weeding out traitors in north China], pt. 1 (Taibei: Zhuanji wenxue chubanshe, 1941), 10. There were other operations conducted by the Guomindang's civilian secret service, the Central Statistics Bureau, or Zhongtong, quite apart from Dai Li's organization. Huang Meizhen and Zhang Yun, Wang Jingwei guomin zhengf u chengli [The establishment of the Wang Jingwei National Government] (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1984), 297. "Was Juntong more active than Zhongtong in occupied areas? They were both active. Was there more coordination between Juntong and Zhongtong in occupied areas than in free areas? We did not want them to know one another. In case one system was exposed, the other would be exposed also [if there were coordination]. In underground work in enemy areas it is better to keep two systems separate." "Ting Mots'un, Chün-t'ung, and Chung-t'ung during the War," 1, in Ch'en Li-fu Materials (Materials relating to the oral history of Mr. Ch'en Li-fu, done with Miss Julie Lien-ying How as part of the Chinese Oral History Project of the East Asian Institute of Columbia University between December 1958 and July 2, 1968).

120. Jonathan Spence, "Goodfellas in Shanghai," New York Review of Books 45, no. 9 (May 28, 1998): 36–38 passim.

121. Hung Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine: The Ideology of Early Chinese Pictorial Art (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989), 168–69.

122. Transl. in ibid., 190.

123. After joining Sun Yatsen's group, Shi—who was from Panyu—made three attempts to blow Deshou up. He was caught and executed on the third try. Edward S. Krebs, "Assassination in the Republican Revolutionary Movement," Ch'ing-shih went'i 4, no. 6 (December 1981): 49–50. "Political assassination is a form of death that occurs suddenly to an individual who is involved in politics as the result of covert planning by one or more individuals." Daniel Tretiak, "Political Assassinations in China, 1600–1968," in Assassination and Political Violence: A Report to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, ed. James F. Kirkham, Sheldon G. Levy, and William J. Crotty (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970), 637.

124. Yang, who wrote Xin Hunan (New Hunan), the chief manifesto of Huang Xing's China Revival Society (Huaxing hui), believed, "In reconstructing society, we cannot simply reorganize the old society. We must destroy the old society and cleanse it." Krebs, "Assassination in the Republican Revolutionary Movement," 53–54.

125. Ibid., 45, 55.

126. Tretiak, "Political Assassinations in China," 644. Although rumor had it that Wang Jingwei was spared execution because his handsome looks captivated the empress, a likelier explanation is that the Japanese secretly intervened to prevent his death. As far as the public knew, Prince Su, president of the Board of Civil Administration, was moved by Wang's passionate statement of his motives to reduce the sentence to life imprisonment. Prince Su subsequently visited the prisoner in his cell. Boyle, China and Japan at War, 17–18; Barbara Brooks, "Spies and Adventurers: Kawashima Yoshiko" (paper presented at the Center for Chinese Studies Regional Seminar, Berkeley, 21 March 1987), 2–3.

127. "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 13.

128. Zhao Liang, thirty-four years old, was a native of Hangzhou. He had worked as a cardboard box maker for twelve years in Nandao before war broke out in 1937, and he volunteered to serve under Sun Yaxing. "Deposition of Zau Liang," in SMP, D-8635, 26/7/38. Microfilms from the U.S. National Archives, p. 1.

129. "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 13–14.

130. Zhang Weihan, "Dai Li yu ‘Juntong ju,’" 132; "Deposition of Wong Tz Koo," 2.

131. SMP, D-8597, 22/7/38, pp. 7–8; "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 15.

132. "Deposition of Zau Liang," 2. Jiang Haisheng said that they were explicitly told that they had to carry out Sun's assassination orders directly. SMP, D-8597, 22/7/38, p. 8.

133. "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 15–16.

134. "Deposition of Tsou Sue Kong," 1–2; "Deposition of Zau Liang," 2–3.

135. Alias Chen Yuanliang, he was a native of Shanghai whose parents came from Guangdong. His father was a private watchman in the French Concession. "Deposition of Zong Kwei Kong," in SMP, D-8635, 25/7/38. p. 1.

136. Ibid., 2.

137. Ibid., 3; "Deposition of Zau Liang," 3–5.

138. RDS, 893.102 S/1654, 11 July 1938.

139. Ibid., 9–10.

140. "Deposition of Sung Yah Shing," 27.

141. WX, fasc. 6 (March 10, 1939): D-81.

142. "Further Assistance to Japanese Military Police," report by D. S. I. Crighton, in SMP, D-9037, 18/3/39, pp. 5–7.

143. "Deposition of Dan Pau Nyi," in SMP, D-9037, 3/11/39, pp. 3–4; "Deposition of Ping Foh Chang," in SMP, D-9037, 3/11/39, pp. 3–4; "Further Assistance to Japanese Military Police," 7–8; "Assassination of Reformed Government Official," Miscellaneous Report no. 89/39, dated February 19, 1939, in SMP (International Settlement) Files, D-9037, 9/11/39, pp. 4–6; "How the Foreign Minister Was Assassinated,"Xin shenbao, November 9, 1939, translated in SMP, D-9037, 9/11/39;Wen-hsin Yeh, "Dai Li and the Liu Geqing Affair: Heroism in the Chinese Secret Service during the War of Resistance," Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 3 (August 1989): 551;Yeh, "The Liu Geqing Affair: Heroism in the Chinese Secret Service during the War of Resistance" (paper presented to the Regional Seminar, Center for Chinese Studies, University of California at Berkeley, 21 March 1987), 23; China Post, 21 February 1939, p. 1; North China Daily News, 21 February 1939, p. 1; Shanghai Times, 21 February 1939, p. 1; CWR, 25 February 1939, p. 3.

144. CWR, 4 March 1939, p. 12. See also WX, vol. 7 (10 April 1939): D90.

145. Lloyd E. Eastman, The Abortive Revolution: China under Nationalist Rule, 1927–1937 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974).

146. Regulations of the Shanghai People's Mobilization Society enclosed in Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1939, Volume 4, the Far East, the Near East, and Africa (16 May 1939) U.S. Department of State. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1955), pp. 50–51.

147. CWR, 11 March 1939, p. 48; SB, 28 February 1939, p. 11; and 7 March 1939, p. 11. Zhu, a graduate of the Baoding Military Academy who had served the Beiyang warlords, was one of the leading officials in the Finance Bureau (Caizheng ju) of the Dadao régime. Members of the Liang Hongzhi reform government had been promised generous payments to their family survivors should they fall prey to terrorists' guns. CWR, 4 March 1939, pp. 10, 47.

148. SB, 12 April 1939, p. 10.

149. He was a native of Suzhou. During his period of study at the Tokyo Ika Daigaku, Dr. Xi had taken a Japanese wife. In Shanghai she became the senior of his two concubines, the principal wife and other concubine being Chinese. Ibid.; SMP, D-9122, 4/11/39.

150. According to Shen bao, Dr. Xi's eldest son, Xingzhi, was in charge of a special radio broadcasting station "engaged in spreading strange reports" and acting as an agent on behalf of Japan. SB, 12 April 39, p. 10.

151. Tairiku shimpo, 12 April 1939, translated in SMP, D-9122, 13/4/39.

152. Yuan's native place was either Songjiang or Kunshan. He was described as being about five and a half feet tall with "thin build, thin face, pale complexion, long hair brushed back, wears foreign clothes, no hat, speaks Shanghai dialect." SMP, D-9122, 15/4/39, pp. 2–3.

153. Peng, who was from Liyang, recalled first meeting Yuan and Zhao at the Wing On (Yongan) Department Store roof garden. Ibid., 12/4/39. Zhao Zhixiang later told the police, however, that he had known Peng before the war broke out in Shanghai, and that Peng (who was then a waiter at the Dadong xin lüguan) and he would often rent a room with a couple of friends to play mahjongg. Ibid., 11/4/39. Peng, who most likely was a trained Juntong agent, also later told the police that he had just happened to bump into Yuan Dechang outside a Chinese movie theater on Avenue Edward VII on April 7, and that he had told Yuan that he had no interest in participating in "patriotic activities."

154. Ibid., 11/4/39.

155. Zhao had met Yuan in the first place through a Pudong guerrilla section chief surnamed Zhang, who had defected to the Japanese in January 1939. Ibid., 11/4/39.

156. Ibid. The telephone operator was probably an agent of Juntong, which had an excellent telephone and telegraph monitoring section, and which often used Shanghai hotels as listening posts. Shen Zui, Juntong neimu [The inside story of the Military Statistics (Bureau)] (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao chubanshe, 1984), 46–47. The operator in this case, one Pu Fuxin, was interrogated by the Shanghai Municipal Police after the assassination and released. The Japanese Consular Police later claimed that he was a key figure in the assassination ring, but even with the help of the Shanghai Municipal Police they were unable to run him down. SMP, D-9122, 13/4/39, p. 1, and 12/5/39, p. 1.

157. Zhao's account of this haphazard encounter is dubious. The letter from Zhou Jianhua (see below), later found by the police in Peng Fulin's hotel room at the Nanjing Hotel, referred to an earlier "matter" that Yuan, Peng, and Zhao had successfully carried out, strongly suggesting that Zhao had worked together with the other two Juntong agents in an earlier operation. Ibid., 11/4/39.

158. Ibid., 11/4/39 and 12/4/39.

159. Ibid.

160. The envelope had part of a three-cent stamp, which Zhao noticed was not postmarked. This was corroborated later by the police when they found the letter in Peng Fulin's hotel room. Ibid., 15/4/39. The name reads "Zhou [the dynasty] Sword China." The return address on the envelope was the Guansheng yuan shop at 416 Rue du Consulat. When Shanghai Municipal Police detectives later visited this store, they were not surprised to find no one named Zhou on the premises. Ibid., 11/4/39 and 15/4/39.

161. Cited in ibid., 11/4/39. See also the testimony dated 14/4/39.

162. Xi Shitai's house was located at No. 12, Lane 127, Lloyd Road, but the back door opened onto Lane 139. Ibid., 11/4/39.

163. One of the interrogations suggests there may have been a third lookout, Peng Fulin's younger brother, Jinyi, who escaped with Yuan Dechang. Ibid., 13/4/39.

164. The forty-year-old Shandong guard, Song Jiangrong, was a police watchman, Chinese police watchman no. 277, licensed to bear firearms. Zhao, the Chinese beat policeman, Chinese police constable no. 730, was armed only with his whistle. Ibid., 11/4/39.

165. Ibid., 11/4/39.

166. The twenty-three-year-old waiter, a tea boy at the Dadong xin lüguan (94 rue Palikao), was named Li Xinghe. The police initially mistook him to be Peng Jinyi, Peng Fulin's brother; but they soon discovered his real identity. Li Xinghe claimed to have met the wounded man along Lloyd Road, where he had hired two rickshaws to take them to the Nanjing Hotel. On the way, however, the two had stopped by Yuan Dechang's place where Peng Fulin had given him back his pistol. Ibid., 11/4/39. 12/4/39, 15/4/39.

167. Ibid., 11/4/39.

168. Ibid.

169. One of the men must have returned to the boardinghouse with their luggage after checking out of the hotel.

170. Ibid., 11/4/39, 15/4/39

171. Ibid., 20/4/39. This was two days after a Nationalist assassin "executed" Wang Xianming, a section chief (kezhang) in the puppet municipal government, in the French Concession, and on the very day that Yang Qiguan, chief of the municipal Department of Statistics and Taxes (tongshui chu), was repeatedly stabbed by a "heroic Han" (zhuang Han). SB, 18 April 1939, p. 12, and 21 April 1939, p. 11. On July 21, 1939, the Japanese Military Police informed the Shanghai Municipal Police, who had handed Zhao over to them, that the prisoner had been sentenced to death on July 10. SMP, D-9122, 22/7/39, p. 1.

172. Cheng Yiming, "Juntong tewu zuzhi de zhenxiang" [The truth about the special services organization of Juntong], in Guangdong ziliao, vol. 29 (Guangzhou: Wenshi ziliao chuban-she, 1980), 231–33; Shen Zui, Juntong neimu, 83; Zhang Weihan, "Dai Li yu ‘Juntong ju,’" 146. Emily Hahn poked fun at the public rumors in the 1940s that Chiang Kai-shek was "in constant secret communication with Wang Ching-wei [Jingwei]" as an emblem of the Chinese obsession with espionage, but the truth was not far removed insofar as Dai Li was concerned. Emily Hahn, China to Me: A Partial Autobiography (Philadelphia: Blakiston, 1944), 96.

173. Xianggang qunzhong chubanshe, ed., Dai Li zhi si [The death of Dai Li] (Hong Kong: Xianggang qunzhong chubanshe, n.d.), 16.

174. One letter to the editor of China Weekly Review read: "Since the occupation of the Shanghai outskirts by the Japanese invaders and their ‘running dogs,’ headed by Wang Ching-wei [Jingwei], this city, which was formerly known as a metropolis of peace and order, has now become a place of horror." CWR, 29 March 1941, p. 109.

175. Tao Juyin, Tianliang qian de gudao [The isolated island before daybreak] (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1947), 1.

176. The messages were thereafter kept in a special file numbered 0042 (42 being the multiplication of 7 times 6 or "76") in a green safe in his office. Liu Gong, "Wo suo zhidao de Zhongtong" [The Central Committee Statistics Bureau that I knew], Wenshi ziliao xuanji, no. 36 (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao chubanshe, December 1962), 79; Zhu Zijia, Wang Zhengquan de kaichang yu shouchang, 2:68–74.

177. Xu Zongyao, "Zuzhi Juntong Beiping zhan heping qiyi de qianqian houhou," Wenshi ziliao xuanji, no. 68 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 206; Xu Zhaoming, "Hanjian Zhou Fohai goujie Juntong ji qi xiachang" [Chinese traitor Zhou Fohai's unsavory alliance

178. Mao Dun [Shen Yanbing], Fushi [Corrosion] (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chuban-she, 1981), passim; Henry Rousso, The Vichy Syndrome: History and Memory in France since 1944, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 114. But see also Ralph Hewins, Quisling: Prophet without Honor (London: W. H. Allen, 1965), 20; and H. R. Kedward, Occupied France: Collaboration and Resistance, 1940–1944 (London: Basil Blackwell, 1985), 32–33.

179. Rousso, Vichy Syndrome, 300.

180. Cheng Yiming, "Dui Shen Zui ‘Wo suo zhidao de Dai Li’ de buchong, dingzheng," 249.

181. Xianggang qunzhong chubanshe, ed., Dai Li zhi si, 13–14.

182. Collaboration, however, was the main subject of a long-running television series in mainland China in the 1980s about wartime Beiping. The series, based upon a work by Lao She, was called Four Generations under the Same Roof (sishi tongtang). One major exception is the research group under Professor Huang Meizhen at Fudan University. See, e.g., Huang Meizhen and Zhang Yun, Wang Jingwei guomin zhengf u chengli, passim.

183. This discussion owes much to Poshek Fu's subtle analysis in Fu, Passivity, Resistance, and Collaboration, 162–65; and in Poshek Fu, "Intellectual Resistance in Shanghai: Wang Tongzhao and a Concept of Resistance Enlightenment, 1937–1939" (paper delivered at the Association for Asian Studies meetings, San Francisco, March 24, 1988), 7.

184. Cheng Yiming, "Dui Shen Zui ‘Wo suo zhidao de Dai Li’ de buchong, dingzheng," 247. For an example of an "arch traitor" escaping capital punishment after turning over five tons of gold and silver, see the case of Wang Shijing. Wenhui bao, 16 October 1946, p. 1.

185. This ambiguity is present throughout the war crimes cases detailed in Nanjing shi dang'an guan, ed., Shenxun Wang wei hanjian bilu [Records of the interrogations of the Wang puppet traitors] (Jiangsu: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992).

186. Li Zhaochun, "Shenfen fuza de Pan Hannian" [The complicated identities of Pan Hannian], Gongdang wenti yanjiu 9, no. 3 (March 15, 1983): 114–18.

187. Cheng Yiming, "Dui Shen Zui ‘Wo suo zhidao de Dai Li’ de buchong, dingzheng," 16;Howard L. Boorman, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, 3:36. Koiso Kuniaki, a member of the Tasei (Control) faction and former commander of the Japanese military forces in Korea, was trying to wrest control of the army from the militarists then in command. The Miao Bin affair provided his enemies in the cabinet with a pretext to call for his dismissal. Information supplied by Dr. Irwin Scheiner.

188. Cheng Yiming, "Dui Shen Zui ‘Wo suo zhidao de Dai Li’ de buchong, dingzheng," 17;Howard L. Boorman, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, 3:37. Though there is no evidence to support the hunch, Dai Li's accidental death after Miao Bin's release may have had more than a little to do with his rearrest.

189. Cited in Boyle, China and Japan at War, 33.