1. Human Rights Watch, Violations of the Laws of War in Turkey (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995).

2. In autumn 2000, a second Palestinian uprising broke out, dubbed the Al Aqsa Intifada. See the conclusion for a brief discussion.

3. I have translated the titles of newspaper reports and journal articles published in Serbo-Croatian or Hebrew. Serbo-Croatian translations were done by research assistants. All Hebrew translations are my own.

4. Middle East Watch, A License to Kill: Israeli Undercover Operations against "Wanted" and Masked Palestinians (New York: Middle East Watch, 1993).

5. Middle East Watch, Torture and Ill-Treatment: Israel's Interrogation of Palestinians from the Occupied Territories (New York: Middle East Watch, 1994).

6. For barriers to changing state boundaries, see David Strang, "Anomaly and Commonplace in European Political Expansion: Realist and Institutional Accounts," International Organization, 45: 2 (1991): 143–162.

7. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, Disputed Lands: Britain and Ireland, France and Algeria, Israel and the West Bank-Gaza (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).

8. For a provocative and comprehensive study of ethnic cleansing, see Michael Mann, The Dark-Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing, forthcoming.

1. Ben Caspit, Hanan Kristal, and Ilan Kfir, HaHitabdut: Miflaga Mevateret al-Shilton (The Suicide: A Party Abandons Government) (Tel Aviv: Avivim, 1996), 115–117. In Hebrew.

2. Human Rights Watch, Civilian Pawns: Laws of War Violation and the Use of Weapons on the Israel-Lebanon Border (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996), and "Operation Grapes of Wrath": The Civilian Victims (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1997).

3. This distinction began to break down in fall 2000 with the second Palestinian uprising.

4. Benny Morris, Israel's Border Wars, 1949–56 (Oxford, U.K.: Clarendon Press, 1996).

5. Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–49 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989). See Part II, notes, for more sources.

6. For anti-Arab sentiment by Israeli Jews, see Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, as well as the introduction to Part II.

7. Blaine Harden, "Prelude to ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ Is Heard in Serbia," Washington Post, 11 November 1992.

8. James Ron, "Boundaries and Violence: Patterns of State Action along the Bosnia-Yugoslavia Divide," Theory and Society, 29: 5 (2000): 609–647.

9. See the introduction to Part II.

10. For discussions of Israel's semi-democratic nature, see Baruch Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers of the Israeli Control System: Analytical Conclusions," in Baruch Kimmerling, ed., Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers (Albany: SUNY Press, 1989); Yoav Peled, "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State," The American Political Science Review, 86: 2 (1992): 432–443; Sammy Smooha, "Minority Status in an Ethnic Democracy: The Status of the Arab Minority in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies, 13: 3 (1990): 390–401; Smooha, "Ethnic Democracy: Israel as an Archetype," Israel Studies, 2: 2 (1997): 198–241; and Oren Yiftachel, "Ethnocracy: The Politics of Judaizing Israel/Palestine," Constellations, 6:3 (1999), 364–390. For a recent treatment of Israeli society and its ethnocratic elements, see Gershon Shafir and Yoav Peled, Being Israeli: The Dynamics of Multiple Citizenship (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

11. For a critical review of arguments suggesting that threat shapes state violence, see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996).

12. For internal violence in semi-democratic states, see Håvard Hegrew, Tanja Ellingsen, Scott Gates, and Nils Petter Gleditsch, "Towards a Democratic Civil Peace? Democracy, Political Change, and Civil War 1816–1992," American Political Science Review, 95:1 (2001): 33–48.

13. For the growing international relevance of human rights norms, see Thomas Risse, Stephen C. Ropp, and Kathryn Sikkink, eds., The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999). For an important critique of the international human rights movement, see Makau Mutua, "Savages, Victims and Saviors: The Metaphor of Human Rights," Harvard International Law Journal, 42:1 (2001): 201–245.

14. Isaac D. Balbus, The Dialectics of Legal Repression (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1973).

15. Human Rights Watch, Forced Displacement of Ethnic Kurds from South-eastern Turkey (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994); and Human Rights Watch, Violations of the Laws of War in Turkey.

16. In his forthcoming book, The Dark-Side of Democracy, Michael Mann argues that all political leaders involved in large-scale violence have multiple and increasingly extreme plans for achieving ethnic dominance. His discussion of Serbia's move from a more moderate "Plan A" to the most radical "Plan D" is particularly useful.

17. For an introduction to the notion of institutional settings, alternatively known as institutional environments, see Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1991).

18. The junior partner was Montenegro, a small republic heavily influenced by its more powerful Serbian neighbor.

1. Kalevi Holsti, The State, War, and the State of War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

2. Robert White, "From Peaceful Protest to Guerrilla War: Micromobilization of the Provisional Irish Republican Army," American Journal of Sociology, 94: 6 (1989): 1277–1302.

3. Ethnocracies are marked by the capture of the government apparatus by one ethnic group and the systematic exclusion of others, while semi-democracies have a limited number of democratic characteristics.

4. For historical Serbian nationalism, see Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984); Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans, Vols. I and II (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Tim Judah, The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000); David MacKenzie, "Serbia as Piedmont and the Yugoslav Idea, 1804–1914," East European Quarterly, 28: 2 (1994): 153–82; and Michael Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804–1918, Vols. I and II (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976).

For mainstream work on the Jewish national movement, see Walter Zeev Laqueur, A History of Zionism (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972); Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1997); and Howard Sachar, A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time (New York: Knopf, 1996). For more critical research on Zionism by Israeli scholars, see Gershon Shafir, Land, Labor, and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); and Zeev Sternhell, The Founding Myths of Israel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).

For nationalism more broadly, see Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Craig J. Calhoun, Nationalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998); and Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and

5. For the Serbian World War II experience, see Matteo Milazzo, The Chetnik Movement and the Yugoslav Resistance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975); Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia: The Chetniks (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975); and Veljko Vujačić, Communism and Nationalism in Russia and Serbia (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1995). The literature on the Jewish Holocaust is vast, but good starting points include Helen Fein, Accounting for Genocide (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1979); Raul Hilberg, Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders: The Jewish Catastrophe 1933–1945 (New York: Harper Perennial, 1993); and The Destruction of the European Jews (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1985).

6. Selected works on contemporary Serbian nationalism include Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals and the National Question, 1961–1991 (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, 1998); Eric D. Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press, 1999); Tim Judah, The Serbs; Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999); and Veljko Vujačić, Communism and Nationalism.

7. Nationalist mobilization by Croats, Bosnian Muslims, Slovenes, and others was only partially triggered by Serbian mobilization, as they have their own independent dynamics. For the origins of war in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s, see Christopher Bennett, Yugoslavia's Bloody Collapse: Causes, Course and Consequences (New York: New York University Press, 1995); Stephen L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2000); Lenard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia's Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1993); Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia (London: Penguin, 1992); Tim Judah, The Serbs; Laura Silber and Allan Little, Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation (New York: TV Books, 1995); and Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1995).

8. For the first Palestinian uprising, see Ian S. Lustick, "Writing the Intifada: Collective Action in the Occupied Territories," World Politics, 45 (July 1993): 560–594; Ruth B. Margolies, "The Intifada: Palestinian Adaptation to Israeli Counterinsurgency Tactics," Terrorism and Political Violence, 7: 2 (1995): 49–73; David McDowal, Palestine and Israel: The Uprising and Beyond (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); Jamal R. Nasser and Roger Heacock, eds., Intifada: Palestine at the Crossroads (New York: Praeger, 1990); Don Peretz, Intifada (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Intifada (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989); and Aryeh Shalev, Intifada: Causes and Effects (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991).

9. For state capacity, see Pierre Engelbert, State Legitimacy and Development (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Press, 2000); Robert Jackson and Carl Rosberg, "Why Africa's Weak States Persist: The Empirical and the Juridical in State-hood," World Politics, 35:1 (1980): 1–24; and Joel Migdal, Strong Societies and

10. Neil Fligstein, The Transformation of Corporate Control (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); John W. Meyer and Richard W. Scott, Organizational Environments: Ritual and Rationality (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1992); Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1991); and Richard W. Scott, Organizations: Rational, Natural and Open Systems (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1997).

11. James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, Rediscovering Institutions: The Organizational Basis of Politics (New York: Free Press, 1989).

12. Frederick Jackson Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," in George R. Taylor, ed., The Turner Thesis (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1956).

13. Jack D. Forbes, "Frontiers in American History," Journal of the West, 1:1 (1962–63): 63–73; Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981); Richard W. Slatta, "Historical Frontier Imagery in the Americas," in Lawrence Herzog, ed., Changing Boundaries in the Americas (San Diego: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, 1992).

14. Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, The Frontier in History, 25.

15. Richard Hogan, "The Frontier as Social Control," Theory and Society, 14: 1 (1985): 35–51.

16. William G. Cronon, George Miles, and Jay Gitlin, Under an Open Sky: Rethinking America's Western Past (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992), 16.

17. Richard M. Brown, "The American Vigilante Tradition," in Hugh D. Graham and Ted R. Gurr, eds., Violence in America (New York: Bantam, 1969).

18. Joe R. Feagin and Harlan Hahn, Ghetto Revolts: The Politics of Violence in American Cities (New York: Macmillan, 1973), 66.

19. Robert F. Berkhoffer Jr., "The North American Frontier as Process and Context," in Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, The Frontier in History.

20. See Erik Olin Wright, Class Counts: Comparative Studies in Class Analysis (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 11–12, 29.

21. Gertrude Neuwirth, "A Weberian Outline of a Theory of Community: Its Application to the ‘Dark Ghetto, ’" British Journal of Sociology, 20:2 (1969), 153. For more on the American ghetto, see Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993); and Louis Wirth, The Ghetto (Reprint) (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1998).

22. Joe R. Feagin and Harlan Hahn, Ghetto Revolts, 186, 192; and Richard E. Rubenstein, Rebels in Eden: Mass Political Violence in the United States (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970).

23. Isaac D. Balbus, The Dialectics of Legal Repression, 234; Joe R. Feagin and Harlan Hahn, Ghetto Revolts, 195; and Fred R. Harris and Roger W. Wilkins, eds., Quiet Riots: Race and Poverty in the United States (New York: Pantheon, 1988), 9–10.

24. Youssef Cohen, Brian R. Brown, and A. F. K. Organski, "The Paradoxical

25. See John Torpey, "Coming and Going: On the State Monopolization of the Legitimate ‘Means of Movement, ’" Sociological Theory, 16: 3 (1998): 239–259, for a historical discussion of state efforts to "penetrate" or "embrace" society.

26. "Once you were out of sight of the [despotic] Red Queen," Michael Mann observes, "she had difficulty in getting at you." Michael Mann, "The Autonomous Power of the State," 89.

27. Michael Mann, "The Autonomous Power of the State," 90.

28. Anthony Giddens, The Nation State and Violence; and Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish.

29. For Nazi Germany, see Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989); for Rwanda, see Gerard Prunier, The Rwandan Crisis: History of a Genocide (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).

30. Anatol Lieven, Chechnya: Tombstone of Russian Power (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 164. For similar arguments, see Donna Bahry and Brian D. Silver, "Intimidation and the Symbolic Uses of Terror in the USSR," American Political Science Review, 81: 4 (1987): 1065–1098; Valerie Bunce, Subversive Institutions: The Design and the Destruction of Socialism and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and Moshe Lewin, The Gorbachev Phenomenon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).

31. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish.

32. For the spread of international norms, see Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996); Audie Jeanne Klotz, Norms in International Relations: The Struggle against Apartheid (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996); John W. Meyer, John Boli, George M. Thomas, and Francisco O. Ramirez, "World Society and the Nation State," American Journal of Sociology, 103:1 (1997): 144–181; and Connie McNeely, Constructing the Nation-State: International Organization and Prescriptive Action, 1945–1985 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1995).

33. For a discussion of transnational activism, see Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).

34. For women's rights, see Nitza Berkovitch, From Motherhood to Citizenship: The Constitution of Women by International Organizations (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); for immigration, see Yasemin Soysal, Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe (Chicago:

35. See Paul Kevin Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany: SUNY Press, 1996), for global normative environments.

36. For the rationalist-constructivist debate in international relations, see Martha Finnemore, National Interests; Robert O. Keohane, "International Institutions: Two Approaches," International Studies Quarterly, 32 (December 1988): 379–396; Robert O. Keohane and Lisa L. Martin, "The Promise of Institutionalist Theory," International Security, 20: 1 (1995): 39–51; and Friedrich Kratochwill and John Gerard Ruggie, "International Organizations: A State of the Art on the Art of the State," International Organization, 40: 4 (1986): 753–775.

37. For a regime-based analysis of international human rights, see Rhoda E. Howard and Jack Donnelly, "Human Dignity, Human Rights, and Political Regimes," American Political Science Review, 80: 3 (1986): 801–817; for a transnational network analysis, Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders; for human rights as a global social movement, see Jackie Smith, "Transnational Political Processes and the Human Rights Movement," Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change, 18 (1995): 185–219; and for an organizational sociology perspective, see James Ron, "Varying Methods."

38. For details, see James Ron, "Varying Methods," 280.

39. Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders, 11.

40. See Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders, 117–119, for a discussion of the conditions under which states become vulnerable to international human rights pressures. For specific case studies, see Thomas Risse et al., The Power of Human Rights.

41. Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1999), aptly notes that human rights rhetoric is often wielded as a tool of Western domination. But as William I. Robinson, Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention, and Hegemony (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), argues, human rights discourse can also hinder Western alliances with authoritarian client regimes.

42. The relationship between local and international human rights workers can also be quite exploitative. These inequalities should not obscure the effects of their collective efforts, however. For a brief foray into this sensitive topic, see Lisa Hajjar, "Problems of Dependency: Human Rights Organizations in the Arab World—An Interview with Abdullahi An-Naim," Critiquing NGOs: Assessing the Last Decade: Middle East Report #214 (spring 2000).

43. For sovereignty, see Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999); Hendrik Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors: An Analysis of Systems Change (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994); and Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital.

44. David Strang, "Anomaly and Commonplace."

45. Robert Jackson and Carl Rosberg, "Why Africa's Weak States Persist."

46. Youssef Cohen et al., "The Paradoxical Nature of State Making."

47. Lawrence S. Eastwood Jr., "Secession: State Practice and International

48. For sovereignty and human rights conditionality, see Christopher Clapham, Africa and the International System: The Politics of State Survival (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

49. In Colombia, for example, government officials argue that illegal violence is often done by independent paramilitaries, rather than state security forces. See Human Rights Watch, The Ties That Bind: Colombia and Military-Paramilitary Links (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2000).

50. See Iaac Balbus, The Dialectics of Legal Repression: Black Rebels before the American Criminal Courts (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1973).

51. For a theoretically sophisticated application of this insight, see Michael N. Barnett, Dialogues in Arab Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998).

52. Pierre Bourdieu, Practical Reason (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998).

1. Formally known as the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY).

2. Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Muslims were defined as constituent nations. Albanians, Hungarians, and Turks were classified as "national minorities" because they were considered to have their own nation-states elsewhere.

3. Mark Baskin, "Crisis in Kosovo," Problems of Communism, 32: 2 (1983): 61–74; Laslo Sekelj, Yugoslavia: The Process of Disintegration (Highland Lakes, NJ: Atlantic Research and Publications, 1993); and Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy.

4. See Walker Connor, The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984). For Yugoslav identity, see Duško Sekulić, Garth Massey, and Randy Hodson, "Who Were the Yugoslavs? Failed Sources of a Common Identity in the Former Yugoslavia," American Sociological Review, 59 (February 1994): 83–97.

5. Veljko Vujačić, "Institutional Origins of Contemporary Serb Nationalism," East European Constitutional Review, 5: 4 (1996): 52.

6. In Communism and Nationalism, Veljko Vujačić argues that wrenching nineteenth- and twentieth-century experiences made Serbs particularly receptive to nationalist mobilization.

7. Dušan Bataković, The Kosovo Chronicles (Belgrade: Plato, 1992); Thomas Emmert, Serbian Golgotha: Kosovo, 1389 (New York: East European Monographs, 1990); and Tim Judah, Kosovo: War and Revenge (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000). For a critique of Serbian historiography on Kosovo, see Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1998).

8. Julie Mertus, Kosovo: How Myths and Truths Started a War (Berkeley:

9. See Jasna Dragovic, "Les intellectuels serbes et la ‘question’ du Kosovo, 1981–87," Relations Internationales, 89 (spring 1997): 53–70; Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals; Aleksander Pavkovich, "Intellectuals into Politicians: Serbia 1990–1992," Meanjin, 52: 1 (1993): 107–116, and his "The Serb National Ideal: A Revival, 1986–1992," Slavonic and East European Review, 72: 3 (1994): 440–455; and Veljko Vujačić, Communism and Nationalism.

10. Analysts are split between those who see Serbian nationalism during this period as an autonomous force in its own right, and those who see it as an object of elite manipulations.

11. Slobodan Antonić, Serbia between Populism and Democracy: Political Processes in Serbia, 1990–93 (Belgrade: Institute for Political Studies, 1993). In Serbo-Croatian.

12. Ognjen Pribičević, "The Serbian Exception: Why Communists Never Lost Power," Uncaptive Minds 7:3 (1995–6): 119–125.

13. The Reform Alliance, which later became the Civic Alliance, was the only explicitly a-national party. The Democratic Party was not originally constituted as a nationalist party, but became increasingly so during the wars in Croatia and Bosnia. The Muslim-led Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Albanian Democratic League of Kosova (LDK), and the Democratic Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians were all parties whose voters were non-Serb minorities.

14. Srbobran Branković Serbia at War with Itself: Political Choice in Serbia 1990–1994 (Belgrade: Sociological Society of Serbia, 1995), 66–67.

15. Zoran Lutovac, "Political Culture of Serbia in Light of Minority-Majority Relations" (Unpublished paper, Belgrade, Institute for Social Sciences, 1997); and Dragomir Pantić, "Voters' Value Orientations," in Vladimir Goati, ed., Challenges of Parliamentarianism: The Case of Serbia (Belgrade: Institute for Social Sciences, 1995), 107.

16. Stan Markotich and Patricia Moy, "Political Attitudes in Serbia," RFE/RL Research Report, 15 April 1994.

17. The Belgrade-based Institute for Social Studies conducted 2,000 interviews in Serbia and Montenegro, excluding Kosovo. For details, see Zoran Lutovac, "Political Culture of Serbia."

18. Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 112, 107.

19. Stan Markotich and Patricia Moy, "Political Attitudes in Serbia."

20. Nicholas Miller, "Serbia Chooses Aggression," Orbis, 38: 1 (1994): 63.

21. Aleksander Pavkovich, "The Serb National Idea," 440–441.

22. For both figures, see Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 111.

23. Julie Mertus, Kosovo, 317–320.

24. Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 111. In autumn 1991, respondents seemed confused as to how best to define Serbia. Some 47 percent thought Serbian citizens should fight only to defend the Serbian republic's borders, and should refrain from fighting in Croatia, but 64 percent supported fighting for Krajina and Slavonija, two Serb-majority areas in Croatia, suggesting that where "Serbia" began and ended was then quite unclear. In spring 1992, when

25. Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 112.

26. Vladimir Goati, The Challenges of Parliamentarianism, 270. The Socialists received a disproportionate number of parliamentary seats because of Serbia's first-past-the-post electoral system.

27. "Šešelj Says ‘All Serb Territories Must Be Liberated’ before UN Troops Arrive," Tanjug, 23 November 1991, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 26 November 1991], EE/1239/C1/1.

28. "SRS Election Manifesto: Šešelj on a Greater Serbia and No US Interference," Tanjug, 21 May 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 25 May 1992], EE/1389/C1/1. The Radical Party reportedly discussed the creation of a Serbian state encompassing present-day Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and parts of Croatia and Macedonia.

29. "Muslim Arrested after Assassination Attempt against Vojislav Šešelj," Tanjug, 25 May 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 30 May 1992], EE/1394/C1. Most ethnic Albanians boycotted the elections and refused to cooperate with a census. Many Sandžak Muslims had relatives fighting in Bosnia and were often accused of indirectly supporting the Bosnian Muslims. They too, might easily have been included in Šešelj's plans.

30. "Serbian Radical Party's Šešelj Says Krajina Must Be Part of New Yugoslavia," Tanjug, 23 January 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 27 January 1992], EE/1288/C1/1; and "Vojislav Šešelj Ready to Oppose ‘Muslim Fundamentalists’ in Bosnia-Hercegovina," Radio Belgrade, 2 March 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 7 March 1992], EE/1323/C1/1.

31. Dragan Milivojević, "Recent Yugoslav History in the Words of Contemporary Yugoslav Writers: Vuk Drašković, Slavenka Drakulić, and Slobodan Blagojević," Serbian Studies, 9: 1 (1995), 128; and Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 396.

32. Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 399–401.

33. Robert Thomas, Serbian Politics.

34. Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 366.

35. "Serbian ćetnik Movement Refused Registration," Tanjug, 9 August 1990, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 13 August 1990], EE/0841/B/1.

36. Ognjen Pribičević, "The Serbian Exception."

37. Zoran Slavujević, "Election Campaigns," in Vladimir Goati, ed., Challenges of Parliamentarianism, 161.

38. Eric D. Gordy, Culture of Power in Serbia, 17.

1. Laurence S. Eastwood Jr., "Secession."

2. The European Community later became the European Union. The following description draws on Milan Andrejevich, "Bosnia and Herzegovina: In

3. Milica Bakić-Hayden, "Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia," Slavic Review, 54: 4 (1995): 917–930.

4. For theoretical and empirical investigations of security dilemmas in Bosnia and elsewhere, see Barry Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict," Survival, 35:1 (1993): 27–47; and Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy.

5. For an overview of global responses to the early years of the Yugoslav crisis, see Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy. For in-depth treatments of Germany's position, see Beverly Crawford, "Explaining Defection from International Cooperation: Germany's Unilateral Recognition of Croatia," World Politics, 48: 4 (1996): 482–521. For U.S. policy, see David C. Gompert, "The United States and Yugoslavia's Wars," in Richard D. Ullman, ed., The World and Yugoslavia's Wars (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1996); and Warren Zimmermann, "Yugoslavia: 1989–1996," in Jeremy Azrael and Emil Payin, eds., U.S. and Russian Policymaking with Respect to the Use of Force (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1997). For Russia, see Suzanne Crow, "Russia's Response to the Yugoslav Crisis," RFE/RL Research Report, 24 July 1992, and her "Reading Moscow's Policies toward Rump Yugoslavia," RFE/RL Research Report, 6 November 1992. For Europe overall, see Nicole Gnesotto, "Lessons of Yugoslavia," Challiot Paper 14 (Paris: Institute for Security Studies, 1994); Catherine Guicherd, "The Hour of Europe: Lessons from the Yugoslav Conflict," Fletcher Forum on World Affairs, 17: 2 (1993): 159–182; and Trevor C. Salmon, "Testing Times for European Political Cooperation: The Gulf and Yugoslavia, 1990–1992," International Affairs, 68: 2 (1992): 233–253.

6. See Beverly Crawford, "Explaining Defection," for details.

7. UN Security Council resolutions 753 and 754, 18 May 1992, and 755, 20 May 1992.

8. UN Security Council resolution 752, 15 May 1992.

9. UN Security Council resolution 757, 30 May 1992.

10. Sabrina Pedro Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962–91 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992).

11. "Serbia, Montenegro Discuss Constitutional Issues," Tanjug, 17 March 1992, available through the Federal Broadcast Information Service (hereafter FBIS) [cited 18 March 1992], EEU-92-053.

12. "Prime Minister Božović Comments on Goals," Tanjug, 24 March 1992, available through FBIS [cited 27 March 1992], EEU-92-060.

13. "Republic of Yugoslavia Declaration," Tanjug, 28 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 29 April 1992], EEU-92-083.

14. "Yugoslavia Sends Letter to UN," Tanjug, 26 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 27 May 1992], EEU-92-102.

15. "Serbian Socialist Platform Outlined," Politika, 21 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 3 June 1992], EEU-92-107.

16. "SPS Says Inter-Ethnic Relations Protected," Tanjug, 21 April 21, available through FBIS [cited 22 April 1992], EEU-92-078.

17. "Republic of Yugoslavia Declaration," Tanjug, 28 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 29 April 1992], EEU-92-08.

18. "Presidency Annuls Immediate War Danger Decision," RTB Television Network, 20 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 21 May 1992], EEU-92-099.

19. "Milošević Confirms Continuity of New FRY," Politika, 7 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 15 May 1992], EEU-92-095.

20. "International Border Crossings Set Up," Tanjug, 30 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 1 May 1992], EEU-92-085.

21. "Full Customs Control Established," Tanjug, 5 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 7 May 1992], EEU-92-089.

22. "New FRY Border Posts, Regulations Detailed," Borba, 5 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 6 May 1992], EEU-92-095.

23. "Determination of New Borders of FRY Viewed," Politika, 23 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 3 June 1992], EEU-92-107.

24. "Gen. Aksentijević on Army's Role in Bosnia," Mladina, 18 February 1992, available through FBIS [cited 23 March 1992], EEU-02-056.

25. "FRY Citizens to Leave Bosnia," Tanjug, 4 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 5 May 1992], EEU-92-087.

26. "Presidency Asks Bosnian Leaders to Absorb JNA," Tanjug, 5 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 6 May 1992], EEU-92-088. See also "JNA Said to Begin Withdrawal to FRY," Tanjug, 7 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 8 May 1992], EEU-92-090, where it was announced that the pull-out "means that the Yugoslav head of state and the JNA need no longer concern themselves with military questions in Bosnia-Herzegovina." For a statement to the same effect by the Serbian minister of defense, Marko Negovanović, see "Defense Minister: JNA Withdrawal to End 20 May," RTB Television Network, 19 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 20 May 1992], EEU-92-098. See also "Kostić Discusses Breakup of SFRY," Pobjeda, 17 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 4 June 1992], EEU-92-108; and, "Uzice Troops Pull Out of Višegrad Region," Borba, 20 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 4 June 1992], EEU-92-108.

27. "[Slobodan Milošević] Blames Muslim, Croat Leaders for Bosnia," Tanjug, 10 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 11 May 1992], EEU-92-091.

28. "Kostić Comments on Withdrawal," Tanjug, 5 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 6 May 1992], EEU-92-088.

29. Three years later, Borislav Jović, a former senior Serbian politician, said Slobodan Milošević had forced the federal army to withdraw to avoid being labeled internationally as aggressors.

30. "Further Military Action Considered Unlikely," Politika, 19 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 28 April 1992], EEU-92-082.

31. "Differences in Negotiating with U.S. Discussed," NIN, 24 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 14 May 1992], EEU-92-094.

32. "Kostić Comments on Foreign Military Intervention," Radio Beograd Network, 26 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 27 May 1992], EEU-92-102;

33. "Air Defense Chief on U.S. Military Intervention," Tanjug, 1 June 1992, available through FBIS [cited 2 June 1992], EEU-92-106.

34. James Gow, "The Use of Coercion in the Yugoslav Crisis," The World Today, 48: 11 (1992): 198.

35. "Vance, Milošević Hold Talks on Bosnian Conflict, Appeal for Cease-Fire," Tanjug, 15 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 16 April 1992], EEU-92-074.

36. "Milošević Discusses Sanctions, Resignation Option," London ITV Television Network, 3 June 1992, available through FBIS [cited 4 June 1992], EEU-92-108.

37. "Jovanović Foresees ‘No Problems, ’" Radio Beograd Network, 16 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 17 April 1992], EEU-92-075.

38. "Božović Denies Territorial Claim," Tanjug, 22 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 22 April 1992], EEU-92-078.

39. "Government Issues Statement on CSCE Document," Radio Beograd Network, 24 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 24 April 1992], EEU-92-080.

40. "Milošević Comments on Peace Talks, U.S. Policy," RTB Television Network, 23 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 24 April 1992], EEU-92-080.

41. "Šešelj Denies Existence of Paramilitary Forces," Tanjug, 23 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 24 April 1992], EEU-92-08. Three weeks later Šešelj equivocated, saying his Serbian Radical Party was "continuing to extend all forms of support and aid to the Serb people in Bosnia-Herzegovina … the Serbs can therefore set up their own army … and … fight for their own interests." "Radical Party Official Welcomes EC Withdrawal," Radio Beograd Network, 14 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 15 May 1992], EEU-92-095. Ražnatović's promise appeared in "Arkan: Only Bosnian SDG Members in Sarajevo," Borba, 30–31 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 10 June 1992], EEU-92-112.

42. For example, see "Jovanović Presents Government's Reply to EC," Radio Beograd Network, 24 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 27 April 1992], EEU-92-081. For an example of a similar statement in the month of June, see "Letter Sent to UN's Ghali on Sanctions," Tanjug, 5 June 1992, available through FBIS [cited 8 June 1992], EEU-92-110.

43. "Presidency Examines UN Documents on Situation," Tanjug, 25 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 27 May 1992], EEU-92-102.

44. "Government Condemns Continued Bombing of Sarajevo," Tanjug, 30 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 1 June 1992], EEU-92-105.

45. "Presidency Terms UN Draft Resolution ‘Unjust, ’" Tanjug, 30 May 1992, available through FBIS [cited 1 June 1992], EU-92-105.

46. "Presidency Urges Cease-Fire on Bosnian Serbs," RTB Television Network, 2 June 1992, available through FBIS [cited 3 June 1992], EEU-92-107.

47. "Presidency Issues Appeal to Yeltsin," Tanjug, 4 June 1992, available through FBIS [cited 5 June 1992], EEU-92-109.

48. "Karadžić Comments on Division of Republic," Borba, 16 March 1992,

49. "Serbian Republic's Constitution Declared," Politika, 28 March 1992, available through FBIS [cited 9 April 1992], EEU-92-069; and "SDA [ sic] Chairman Karadžić Hails New Serb State," Tanjug, 7 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 9 April 1992], EEU-92-069.

50. "Karadžić Calls for Partition," Le Figaro, 23 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 24 April 1992], EEU-92-080.

51. "Karadžić, Krajišnik Hold News Conference," Radio Sarajevo Network, 18 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 20 April 1992], EEU-92-076. Karadžić also said that "as far as Serbia itself is concerned, we want to stand aloof from that matter, because accusing Serbia has become the fashion in the world at large and in Europe. In this phase, at this moment, we do not need Serbia except when it comes to moral support. At this moment, we are sufficiently strong economically." "Karadžić Comments on Division of Republic," Borba, 16 March 1992, available through FBIS [cited 30 March 1992], EEU-92-061.

52. "[Karadžić] Says Serbs Prepared for ‘Compromise, ’" Tanjug, 12 June 1992, available through FBIS [cited 15 June 1992], EEU-92-115.

1. For Serbian paramilitary activities, see Norman Cigar, Genocide in Bosnia: The Policy of "Ethnic Cleansing" (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995); James Gow, "Military-Political Affiliations in the Yugoslav Conflict," RFE/Radio Liberty Research Report, 15 May 1992; Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 93–106; United Nations, Final Report of the U.N. Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 (1992), S/1994/674 (New York: United Nations, 1994), Annex III; and Paul Williams and Norman Cigar, "War Crimes and Individual Responsibility: A Prima Facie Case for the Indictment of Slobodan Milošević," in The War Crimes Trials for the Former Yugoslavia: Prospects and Problems (Briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe CSCE, 28 May) (Washington, DC: CSCE, 1996).

2. Branko Milinković, "Yugoslavia: Who Is in Charge of This War," Inter Press Service, 18 November 1991.

3. Andrej Gustincic, "Yugoslav Conflict Creates Bizarre Assortment of Folk Heroes," Reuters North American Wire, 20 August 1991.

4. Marcus Tanner, "Assassination Divides Serbs," Independent (London), 7 August 1991.

5. Tim Judah, "Kaleidoscope of Militias Fights over Bosnia," Times (London), 30 May 1992.

6. Philip Sherwell, "Serbia's Warlords Walk Tall in Benighted Bosnia," Sunday Telegraph (London), 26 April 1992.

7. United Nations, Final Report, Annex IIIA, para. 24.

8. Former U.S. State Department official with access to classified intelligence,

9. Colonel Dragutin, interview by author, Banja Luka, May 1997.

10. A brochure published by Arkan's Serbian Voluntary Guards, for example, includes numerous references to Serbian history, the Serbian Orthodox Church, and royalist symbols.

11. Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia, 94. Arkan was later killed by unknown gunmen in Belgrade. For details of Arkan's career, see the international tribunal's indictment. ("The Prosecutor of the Tribunal Against Željko Ražnatović," case # IT-97–27, 30 September 1997. Available online at www.un.org/icty/ind-e.htm.)

12. Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia, 99.

13. Miroslav Mikuljanac and Gradiša Kapić, "Exiting with Trumpets and Cameras," Borba, 21 November 1993. In Serbo-Croatian.

14. For the higher estimate, see Cvijetin Milivojević and Miroslav Mikuljanac, Šešelj's Jail Circle (Belgrade: Mimeo, 1994). In Serbo-Croatian.

15. James Gow, "Military-Political Affiliations," 22.

16. Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia, 98–99.

17. Louise Branson, "Scapegoat Goes into the Dock," Times (London), 20 November 1994. The Wasp commanders were indicted by Serbian republican authorities for war crimes in 1994 (Šabac District Court indictment dated 28 April 1994, doc. #398/93). Additional information was supplied by Dragoljub đorđević, lawyer for the defense, in an interview by the author in Belgrade on 31 May 1997. See also Human Rights Watch, War Crimes Trials in the Former Yugoslavia (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995), 41–45.

18. đorđević, interview by author.

19. Details of Petrović's case come from videotaped testimony given by Petrović to Danilo Burzan, member of the Montenegrin parliament. The tape was made in 1996 but never publicized. I viewed it in Podgorica in June 1997.

20. Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia, 99.

21. Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Human Rights, Report on Ethnic Cleansing Operations in the Northeast-Bosnia City of Zvornik from April through June 1992 (Vienna: Ludwig Boltzmann Institute of Human Rights, 1994).

22. Obrad, interview by author, Belgrade, 26 May 1997.

23. Ludwig Boltzmann Institute, Report on Ethnic Cleansing, 23.

24. Obrad, interview.

25. Estimates of Bosnia's overall war dead vary widely, ranging from tens to hundreds of thousands. For a lower estimate, see SIPRI International Yearbook 1996 (Stockholm: SIPRI, 1996), 24, estimating total (all ethnic groups, civilians, and combatants) deaths between 1992 and 1995 at 25,000–55,000. A similarly low estimate can be found in George Kenney, "The Bosnia Calculation," New York Times Magazine, 23 April 1995. In 1997, however, Kenny wrote of 100,000 war casualties; see George Kenney, "Take off the Blinders on Bosnia," Los Angeles Times, 5 June 1997. Kenney is a controversial figure, however, as discussed in Mary Battiata, "War of the Worlds," Washington Post, 30 June

For higher end estimates, see the figure of "more than 160,000" deaths and 2.5 million displaced in the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Annual Report 1997: Bosnia-Herzegovina (Vienna: International Helsinki Federation, 1997), 1; or the U.S. State Department's estimate of 250,000 slain and 3 million displaced in Bosnia and Herzegovina Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, 1997), 1. Some argue these numbers are based chiefly on Bosnian government estimates from December 1992 (Patrick Bishop, "Combatants Play Numbers Game with Bosnia's Body Count," The Daily Telegraph, 20 May 1995). Ilijas Bošnjović, "Half of Bosnia without an Address," Oslobođenje, 24–31 August 1995 (English translation available online at http://www.cdsp.neu.edu/info/students/marko/oslob/oslob6.html), argues for 279,000 deaths, 50 percent of which were Muslim, 32.5 percent Serb, and 11 percent Croat; of 2.5 million displaced, Bošnjović says, 1.24 million were Muslim, 730,000 were Serb, and 377,000 were Croat.

26. Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, pp. 265–266.

27. The former Yugoslavia had a territorial defense system parallel to the Yugoslav federal army. Each municipality had a territorial defense commander charged with mobilizing local reservists in times of crisis. The command-and-control structure linking the local territorial defense forces, republican governments, and the Yugoslav federal army shifted frequently during 1945–90. For details, see James Gow, Legitimacy and the Military: The Yugoslav Crisis (New York: St. Martin's, 1992).

28. Human Rights Watch, Deadly Legacies: The Continuing Influence of Bosnia's Warlords (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996).

29. The Serbian Democratic Party was formed in Sarajevo in 1990 as a branch of the Croatian Serbian Democratic Party, largely in response to the establishment of the Bosnian Muslim-led Party of Democratic Action and the Bosnian Croatian Democratic Union. Its initial leadership drew on Bosnian Serb intellectuals from Sarajevo.

30. The Serbian autonomous region of Herzegovina was created on September 12, 1991; Bosanska Krajina on September 16; Romanija on September 17; and North-Eastern Bosnia on September 19. For details, see James Gow, Triumph of the Lack of Will (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 34.

31. "Serbian Villages in Olovo Municipality to Join Autonomous Region," Tanjug, 24 September 1991, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 26 September 1991], EE/1187/B/1.

32. Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 226, fig. 8.1.

33. "Romanija Serbs Determined to Stay with Serbia," Tanjug, 17 March 1992, available through FBIS [cited 18 March 1992], EU-92–053.

34. "Serbian Autonomous Regions Oppose Decision on Bosnia-Herzegovina's

35. James Gow, Triumph, 34.

36. James Gow, "The Use of Coercion."

37. Nenad Kecmanović, interview by author, Belgrade, 13 March 1997. Kecmanović, a well-known Sarajevo figure, was asked to lead the Serbian Democratic Party. He refused and fled to Belgrade during the first months of the fighting.—

38. "Serb Plan to Occupy Bosnia ‘Leaked Out, ’" Vjesnik, 3 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 21 April 1992], EEU-92–077.

39. "Ministry Sets Up Internal Security Centers," Tanjug, 31 March 1992, available through FBIS [cited 1 April 1992], EEU-92–063.

40. "Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in Bosnia Seen as ‘Putsch, ’" Oslobođenje, 2 April 1992, available through FBIS [cited 20 April 1992], EEU-92–076.

41. Stanica, interview by the author, Banja Luka, May 1997. Reference to the "Serbian Defense Forces" was also made in United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, para. 194, which reported that the unit trained in the Kozara military barracks in Banja Luka and participated in the takeover of Banja Luka as well as Prijedor.

42. Vučjak mountain was the unit's headquarters. Unit members reportedly wore a White Wolf patch on their left shoulder.

43. "Wolves from Vučjak, Colonel Veljko Milanković," Duga, 24 October 1992. In Serbo-Croatian.

44. Major Stanko, interview by author, Banja Luka, May 1997.

45. Nikola, interview by author's assistant, Banja Luka, May 1997.

46. Stanica, interview by author.

47. Human Rights Watch, Deadly Legacies. This document drew heavily on Western military intelligence.

48. Most of the material for this section comes from United Nations, Final Report, Annex V. See also Human Rights Watch, The Unindicted (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1997), and the international tribunal indictments of Bosnian Serb authorities in Prijedor, "The Prosecutor of the Tribunal against Simo Drljača and Milan Kovačević," case # IT-97–24, 13 March 1997. Available online at www.un.org/icty/ind-e.htm.

49. According to the United Nations report, the Party of Democratic Action won thirty seats, the Serbian Democratic Party won twenty-eight, and the Croatian Democratic Union won two. Independent left-wing parties won the remaining thirty municipal assembly seats. According to the 1990 census, Prijedor's population numbered 47,745 Serbs, 49,454 Muslims, and 6,300 Croats. By 1993, Prijedor's numbers had changed dramatically, with only 6,124 Muslims and 3,131 Croats in the town, versus 53,637 Serbs. Thus some 43,000 Muslims had fled, been deported, or were killed.

50. United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, paras. 113–114.

51. Cited in United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, para. 136. Original interview published by Siniša Vujaković in Kozarski Vjesnik, 9 April 1993.

52. United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, para. 168.

53. United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, paras. 178–179.

54. United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, paras. 170–171.

55. United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, para. 176.

56. For details of the Kozarac events, see Opinion and Judgement: The Prosecutor v. Duško Tadić (The Hague, Netherlands: International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, 1997), available online at http://www.un.org./icty/970507jt.html.

57. United Nations, Final Report, Annex V, para. 177.

58. Former State Department official, interview by author, Washington, D.C., March 1998. See also Thom Shanker and Charles Lane, "Bosnia: What the CIA Didn't Tell Us," New York Review of Books, 9 May 1996, 10.

59. For examples, see Wayne Bert, The Reluctant Superpower: United States Policy in Bosnia, 1991–1995 (New York: St. Martin's, 1998); James Gow, Triumph; Roy Gutman, A Witness to Genocide (New York: Macmillan, 1993); Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1994); Michael Sells, The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Milan Vego, "Federal Army Deployments in Bosnia and Herzegovina," Jane's Intelligence Review, 4: 10 (1992): 445–46; and Warren Zimmerman, Origins of a Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and Its Destroyers (New York: Random House and Times Books, 1996).

60. Milan Vego, "Federal Army Deployments," 445–446.

61. Roy Gutman, A Witness to Genocide.

62. Roy Gutman, interview by author, Washington, D.C., February 1997.

63. Sonja Biserko, interview by author, Belgrade, April 1997.

64. United Nations, Final Report, Annex III, para. 20.

65. Nataša Kandić, interview by author, Belgrade, February 1997.

66. Boro, interview by author, Belgrade, March 1997.

67. "The Prosecutor of the Tribunal against Slobodan Milošević—Bosnia Herzegovina," case #IT-01–51, 22 November 2001. Available online at www.un.org/icty/ind-e.htm.

68. See Tim Judah, The Serbs, 170, for specific mention of the Military Line. More generally, see 168–203.

69. Julian Borger, "Milošević Case Hardens," Guardian, 3 February 1997.

70. Julian Border, "Milošević Case Hardens," and Tim Judah, The Serbs, 170. See also Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia, 93.

71. Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia (Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin Books, 1992), 150.

72. "četnik Duke," Telegraf, 28 September 1994. In Serbo-Croat. Vakić gave the Telegraf interview soon after a Serbian police crackdown on Serbian Radical Party activists. For details of the radicals' split with Milošević, see Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia.

73. Cvijetin Milivojević, "I Am Ready, Awaiting Arrest," Spona, 18 December (1993), in Serbo-Croatian, translated in Paul Williams and Norman Cigar, The War Crimes Trials, 7.

74. Cited in Mark Brennock, "Right Wing Rally Features Ominous Battle Cries," Irish Times, 9 September 1996.

75. "Serbian Radical Party Leader Says Belgrade Gave Orders to all Serbian

76. Michael Mann, The Dark-Side of Democracy, Chapter 14.

77. U.S. State Department official, interview.

78. Boro, interview.

79. Aleksandar, interview by author, Belgrade, February 1997.

80. Miroslav, interviews by author, Belgrade, March and April 1997.

81. Daniel Snidden, interview by author, Belgrade, March 1997.

82. Colonel Stevo, interviews by author, Belgrade, February and March 1997.

83. Dragutin, interviews by author, Belgrade, February, March, and April 1997.

84. Tomo, interviews by author, Belgrade, March and April 1997.

85. Julian Borger, "Milošević Case Hardens." The police chief, Marko Nicović, spoke at greater length about paramilitary recruitment in Dragan Bujošević, "The Sporting Life of the ‘Grey Fox, ’" NIN, 12 April 1996, in Serbo-Croatian, as cited in Paul Williams and Norman Cigar, The War Crimes Trials, 17.

86. Miroslav Mikuljanac, interview by author, Belgrade, April 1997.

87. Obrad, interview.

88. Borivoje, interview by author, Belgrade, March 1997.

89. Julian Borger, "Milošević Case Hardens."

90. Vladan Vasilijević, interview by author, Belgrade, 15 February 1997. Vasilijević, who has since passed away, served briefly on a state-created war crimes commission in 1992 and was widely regarded as an informed observer of Serbian involvement in Bosnia and Croatia. His allegation regarding paramilitary fighters, however, is difficult to verify.

91. Gojko đogo, interview by author, Belgrade, May 1997.

92. Separation between Serbia and Bosnia was politically difficult, but certainly not impossible. In fall 1994, for example, Milošević's regime did cut many ties to the Bosnian Serbs, chiefly due to international pressure.

1. Fabian Schmidt, "The Sandžak: Muslims between Serbia and Montenegro," RFE/RL Research Report, 11 February 1994, 29–35.

2. Quoted in James Rupert, "Borderland Braces for Ethnic War; Serb Militias Active in Muslim Region," Washington Post, 29 May 1993.

3. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia officially recognized a Muslim nationality in the 1970s. For more on Muslim Slavs in Bosnia, see Tone Bringa, Being Muslim the Bosnian Way: Identity and Community in a Central Bosnian Village (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).

4. Lenard Cohen, Broken Bonds, 144.

5. Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 301.

6. Lenard Cohen, Broken Bonds, 279.

7. Milan Andrejevich, "The Sandžak: The Next Balkan Theater of War?" RFE/RL Research Report, 27 November 1992.

8. "Sandžak Muslims Confer with Carrington," Borba, 23 March 1992, available through FBIS [cited on 30 March 1992], EEU-92–061.

9. Cited in Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 395.

10. Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 396.

11. "Sandž Official Calls for Deployment of UN Forces Following Incidents," Radio Belgrade, 20 February 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 22 February 1993], EE/1619/C1.

12. Nedim, interview by author, Sandž, May 1997.

13. Nijaz, interview by author, Prijepolje, May 1997.

14. Dino, interview by author, Pljevlja, May 1997.

15. Stevo, interview by author, Podgorica, June 1997.

16. Zoran, interview by author, Pljevlja, May 1997.

17. Louise Branson, "On the Line with Serbia's Bold Weekend Warriors," Sunday Times (London), 16 August 1992.

18. Milan, interview by author, Pljevlja, May 1997.

19. Roger Cohen, "Montenegrin Town, All but at War, Shows Danger That Fight Will Spread," New York Times, 13 September 1992.

20. Nusret, interview by author, Pljevlja, May 1997.

21. Senad, interview by author, Pljevlja, May 1997.

22. Interviews by author, Novi Pazar, February 1997.

23. Sead, interview by author, Novi Pazar, February 1997.

24. Dženan, interview by author, Novi Pazar, February 1997.

25. Sejo, interview by author, Priboj, February 1997.

26. Safet, interview by author, Priboj, February 1997.

27. Mehmet, interview by author, Priboj, February 1997.

28. Blaine Harden, "Prelude to Ethnic Cleansing Is Heard in Serbia," Washington Post, 11 November 1992.

29. Yigal Chazan, "Serbian Brutality Revives Old Fears," Guardian, 9 November 1992.

30. Humanitarian Law Center, Spotlight Report No. 22 (Belgrade: Humanitarian Law Center, 1994).

31. "Police Still Searching for Attackers of Sandž Village," Yugoslav Telegraph Service, 24 February 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 1 March 1993], EE/1625/C1.

32. "Yugoslav Army to Reinforce Border Patrols after Priboj Kidnapping," Tanjug, 26 October 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 28 October 1992], EE/1523/C1/1.

33. "Fate of Abducted Muslims Uncertain; Human Rights Minister Memić Protests," Tanjug, 23 October 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 24 October 1992], EE/1520/C1/7. See also Humanitarian Law Center, Spotlight Report No. 22; "Kidnapped!" Vreme, 3 January 1994, in Serbo-Croat; "Silence Wrapped around Fear," Borba, 9 November 1992, in Serbo-Croat.

34. "Serbs and Muslims Removed from Train on Belgrade-Bar Line," Serbian Radio, 28 February 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 2 March 1993], EE/1626/C1.

35. See Lukić's international war crimes tribunal indictment for details of his

36. "Captain Pendurević Has Nothing to Do with the Kidnapping Case. Passengers Were Kidnapped and Killed by Milan Lukić," Dnevni Telegraf, 26 August 1996; "Everyone Knew That Lukić Was a Thug, but No One Dared to Stand Up to Him and Say: ‘Enough!’" Dnevni Telegraf, 27 August 1996; "Lukić and Pendurevic Were on Blood and Knife. Vinko Used to Say: If I Kill Him, They Will Kill Me, Saying I Killed a Serb," Dnevni Telegraf, 28 August 1996; "I Have No Connection with the Štrpci Kidnapping Case. I Met Lukić Only Once in My Life, and I Did Not Accept Him into My Unit," Dnevni Telegraf, 9 September 1996. All articles in Serbo-Croatian.

37. Zoran Šaponjić: "Paramilitaries Are All Around," Borba, 25 October 1992, as well as his "Night of the Triggers," Borba, 28 October 1992; "No Witnesses against Lukić," Borba, 29 October 1992. All articles in Serbo-Croatian.

38. Zoran Šaponjić, "Night of the Triggers."

39. Predrag, interview by author, Priboj, February 1997.

40. Zoran Šaponjić, "Paramilitaries All Around."

41. Zoran Prijević, "Kidnapped Muslims Alive?" Borba, 19 November 1992. In Serbo-Croatian.

42. "Yugoslav, Serbian and Local Authorities Call on Muslims to Return to Sjeverin," Tanjug, 31 October 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 3 November 1992], EE/1525/C1/6.

43. Humanitarian Law Center, Spotlight Report No. 22.

44. "Prijepolje Muslims Protest about Train Kidnapping inside Bosnia," Serbian Radio, 2 March 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 6 March 1993], EE/1630/C1.

45. Husein, interview by author, Prijepolje, February 1997.

46. Jasmina, interview by author, Belgrade, May 1997. Jasmina had worked as an investigator in the Sandž for Belgrade-based human rights groups.

47. Stan Markotich, "Vojvodina: A Potential Power Keg," RFE/RL Research Report, 19 November 1993. In 1992, after Croatia won its independence, many ethnic Croats left Vojvodina. Project on Ethnic Relations, Fact-Finding Mission on Inter-Ethnic Relations in Serbia/Yugoslavia and the Situation of Serbs in Croatia (Unpublished paper, Belgrade, Forum on Ethnic Relations, n.d.), sets the percentage of Croats in Vojvodina at 3.5.

48. Zoran Lutovac, "Political Culture of Serbia"; Stan Markotich, "Vojvodina"; Patrick Moore, "The Minorities' Plight Amid Civil War," RFE/RL Research Report, 13 December 1991; and Hugh Poulton, "Rising Ethnic Tension in Vojvodina," RFE/RL Research Report, 18 December 1992.

49. Milan Andrejevich, "Vojvodina Hungarian Group to Seek Cultural Autonomy," Report on Eastern Europe, 12 October 1990; Edith Oltay, "Hungarians in Yugoslavia Seek Guarantees for Minority Rights," Report on Eastern Europe, 20 September 1991; and "Hungarians under Political Pressure in Vojvodina," RFE/RL Research Report, 3 December 1993.

50. See, for example, "Proposal for New Vojvodina Status," Borba, 25 February 1992, available through FBIS [cited 16 March 1992], EEU-92–051.

51. Humanitarian Law Center, Spotlight Report No. 22, 3–7, 61–86.

52. Father Dejan, interview by author, Novi Sad, June 1997; and Stanimir, leader in the League of Vojvodina Social Democrats, interview by author, Novi Sad, June 1997.

53. Father Dejan, interview.

54. Cited in Humanitarian Law Center, Spotlight on Human Rights Violations in Times of Armed Conflict (Belgrade: Humanitarian Law Center, 1995), 6, note 4.

55. "Socialist Party of Serbia Condemns Demand for Expulsion of Croats," Tanjug, 3 April 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 6 April 1992], EE/1348/C1/1.

56. Some Vojvodina Croats served in the Yugoslav federal army during the fighting in Croatia, but were suspected by Serbian nationalists of disloyalty. Among other reasons, Vojvodina Hungarians seemed suspect to some Serbs because of the Hungarian government's weapons sales to Croatia.

57. Stanimir, interview.

58. Father Dejan, interview.

59. Father Sreten, interview by author, Hrtkovci, June 1997.

60. Father Dejan, interview.

61. Stanimir, interview.

62. For example, Carol Williams, "In Serbia, Standing Up to the Ethnic Cleansers," Los Angeles Times, 23 August 1992; Ray Moseley, "Ethnic Bullies Terrorize Town's Non-Serb Residents," Chicago Tribune, 31 July 1992; Jonathan Landay, "Non Serbs Are Forced from Vojvodina Region," Christian Science Monitor, 20 July 1992; Vesna Perić Zimonjić, "In the Village of Hrtkovci," Inter Press Service, 28 July 1992; Ken Kasriel, "Tales of Forced Exodus of Non-Serbs from Vojvodina," Inter Press Service, 29 July 1992; "Terror Campaign to Force Out Non-Serbs," Agence France Presse, 22 May 1992; and Thom Shanker, "‘Cleansing’ Abuses Pit Serbs against Serbs," Chicago Tribune, 10 September 1992.

63. For details, see Humanitarian Law Center, Spotlight on Human Rights Violations in Times of Armed Conflict, 62–65.

64. Nataš Kandić, interview.

1. Barry R. Posen, "The War for Kosovo: Serbia's Political-Military Strategy," International Security, 24: 4 (2000): 63.

2. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Kosovo/Kosova: As Seen, as Told: The Human Rights Findings of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission (OSCE: Vienna, 2000), available online at http://www.osce.org/kosovo/reports/hr, 98; and Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly: NATO's War to Save Kosovo (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 2000), 108–111.

3. Two major studies argue that Serbian forces killed 10,000 ethnic Albanians (civilians and fighters) during spring 1999. The first, authored by the American Bar Association's Central and East European Law Initiative and the American

4. For an estimate of 500 civilian deaths by NATO bombing, see Human Rights Watch, Civilian Deaths in the NATO Air Campaign (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2000). That report also quotes Yugoslav government officials as estimating between 1,200 and 5,000 civilian deaths, but a U.S. newspaper cites a Yugoslav official estimating 2,000 civilian deaths in Serbia as well as 600 Serbian soldiers. See Richard Boudreaux, "The Path to Peace: For Many Serbs, No Sense of Guilt over Atrocities," Los Angeles Times, 2 July 1999. Serbs from Kosovo say that as many as 1,300 ethnic Serbs were abducted and probably killed by ethnic Albanians after the war. For details, see Rory Carroll, "Missing Serbs Sharpen Kosovo's Pain," Guardian Weekly, 30 August-5 September 2001.

5. For Kosovo's 1981 protests, see Mark Baskin, "Crisis in Kosovo," Problems of Communism, 32: 2 (1982): 61–74; and Michele Lee, "Kosovo between Yugoslavia and Albania," New Left Review, 140 (July–August 1983): 62–91.

6. During June and July 1998, some 20,000 ethnic Albanians were expelled or fled into Albania and Macedonia (personal communication with former Human Rights Watch researcher Fred Abrahams, February 2001). According to p. 98 of the OSCE's Kosovo/Kosova, 350,000 persons were cumulatively displaced by Serbian forces within Kosovo by the end of 1998.

7. John Kifner, "U.N. Survey Finds Wide Destruction in Kosovo Villages," New York Times, 10 July 1999. The survey noted that in contrast to spring 1999, Serbian forces in 1998 did not destroy Kosovo's urban areas.

8. Amnesty International, Kosovo: The Evidence (London: Amnesty International, 1998), 30. See also International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, From Autonomy to Colonization: Human Rights in Kosovo 1989–1993 (Vienna: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, 1993), 7–8.

9. Howard Clark, Civil Resistance in Kosovo (London: Pluto Press, 2000); International Helsinki Federation, From Autonomy; Denisa Kostovicova, Parallel Worlds: Response of Kosovo Albanians to Loss of Autonomy in Serbia, 1986–1996 (Keele, U.K.: Keele University Institute for European Studies, 1997); and Michael Salla, "Kosovo, Non-violence, and the Break-up of Yugoslavia," Security Dialogue, 26: 4 (1995), 427–438.

10. The Democratic League of Kosova (LDK) was founded in December

11. Cited in Gazmend Pula, "Modalities of Self-Determination: The Case of Kosova as a Structural Issue for Lasting Stability in the Balkans," Sudosteuropa, 45: 4–5 (1996): 40.

12. For a sympathetic but critical review of ethnic Albanian positions on Serbian domestic politics, see Howard Clark, Civil Resistance.

13. Howard Clark, Civil Resistance, 75.

14. Eric D. Gordy, Culture of Power, 57.

15. The Yugoslav federal army only gained partial control over Slovenia and Bosnia's territorial defense stores before the conflicts began in those areas. Although it confiscated most of Croatia's stockpiles, Croat representatives managed to purchase arms abroad, boosting their ability to fight local ethnic Serb militias and Yugoslav federal forces. For more on access to weapons and the Yugoslav wars of secession, see Peter Andreas, "The Clandestine Political Economy of War: Lessons from the Balkans," paper presented to the American Political Science Association, San Francisco, September 2001.

16. International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, 23.

17. As we saw in earlier chapters, the ban on recognizing regions as sovereign states also affected ethnic Serbs in Bosnia and Croatia, ethnic Croats in Bosnia and Serbia, and Muslim Slavs in Serbia.

18. "U.S. ‘Deeply Concerned’ over Situation in Kosovo," Agence France Presse, 13 April 1992. (Emphasis added.)

19. Tim Judah, Kosovo, 73. See also Michael Evans, "West Issues ‘Hands Off’ Ultimatum on Kosovo," Times (London), 17 December 1992.

20. Although Albania did have diplomatic relations of a sort with the LDK-led parallel government for Kosovo, it claimed not to have recognized Kosovo's declaration of independence. See Ismije Beshiri, "Kosovar Independence Lacks International Backing," Transition, 22 (March 1996): 52–54.

21. "Ex-Yugoslavia: U.N. Security Council Upholds Monitors in Kosovo," Inter Press Service, 9 August 1993.

22. International Crisis Group, Kosova Spring, 17.

23. Tim Judah, Kosovo, 92.

24. Robert Marquand, "Kosovo Province: Balkans' Next Flash Point?" Christian Science Monitor, 28 December 1992; and Robert Kaplan, "The Next Balkan War," Guardian, 22 December 1992.

25. "Ibrahim Rugova Says Serbs' Goal in Kosovo Is an Ethnically-Cleansed Territory," Deutschlandfunk, 13 May 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 17 May 1993], EE/1690/C1. See also "Albanians in Kosovo Suffer Persecution, UN Human Rights Group Told," Albanian Telegraph Agency, 20 October 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 22 October, 1993], EE/1826/C1. Visiting representatives of the UN Center for Human Rights were told that "the Serbian regime in Kosovo is silently carrying out ethnic cleansing." For similar views by Albanian officials, see Henry

26. Bujar Bukoshi, "Kosovo's Plea for Help," Christian Science Monitor, 30 June 1993.

27. "Albanian Agency Chronicles ‘Open Terror’ by Serbia in Kosovo," Albanian Telegraph Agency, 15 June 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 19 June 1993], EE/1719/C1; and "Carnegie Endowment Breakfast Briefing with Ibrahim Rugova," Federal News Service, 16 February 1993.

28. Serbian authorities dismissed many ethnic Albanians in Kosovo's public sector, creating economic hardship and unemployment.

29. Fabian Schmidt, "Kosovo: The Time Bomb That Has Not Gone Off," RFE/RL Research Report, 2: 39 (1993).

30. International Committee of the Red Cross official, interview by author, Pristina, March 1997.

31. For details of Serbian human rights violations during this period, see Amnesty International's reports, Ethnic Albanians—Victims of Torture and Ill-Treatment by Police in Kosovo Province (London: Amnesty International 1992); Ethnic Albanians—Trial by Truncheon (London: Amnesty International, 1994); and Police Violence in Kosovo—The Victims (London: Amnesty International, 1994). See also Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Abuses in Kosovo 1990–1992 (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1992), and Open Wounds: Human Rights Abuses in Kosovo (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1993); and International Helsinki Federation, From Autonomy to Colonization.

32. "Kosovo: Cleansing Up," Economist, 6 November 1993, 68.

33. "Branch of Serbian četnik Movement Set Up," Tanjug, 30 June 1990, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 7 July 1990], EE/0810/B/1; and Liam McDowall, "Serbs Accused of Pushing Albanians Out of Kosovo," The Associated Press, 15 February 1993. Another article in the Albanian press argued that Šešelj planned to deport 670,000 Albanians. See "Serbs Attack Milošević's Policy over Kosovo," Rilindja, 23 May 1995, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 25 May 1995], EE/2312/C1. For more on Šešelj's views, see his 1995 essay, translated by the Kosova Crisis Center and available online at http://www.alb-net.com/cleansing/htm.

34. For Šešelj's comments, see "Šešelj in Kosovo Warns Ethnic Albanians," Belgrade TV, 18 November 1991, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 21 November 1991], EE/1235/C1/1. For estimates of weapons distributed, see Zoran Kusovac, "The KLA: Braced to Defend and Control," Janeapos;s Intelligence Review, 11: 4 (1999); and Miranda Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo (London: Hurst, 1998), 259.

35. For the White Eagle parade, see Maggie O'Kane, "Kosovo Majority Walks Softly on a Battlefield-in-Waiting," Guardian, 26 August 1992. For the recruitment office, see Miranda Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, 259.

36. "Šešelj's četniks Demonstrate in Village Near Gjilan in Kosovo," Albanian Telegraph Agency, 22 August 1993, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 27 August 1993], EE/1778/C.

37. "Arkan Bares His Teeth," Transition, 6 September 1996, 2.

38. "Citizen Arkan," Economist, 6 February 1993.

39. Miranda Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, 267.

40. Yigal Chazan, "Arkan's Assault on the Political Front," Guardian, 17 December 1992.

41. Anthony Robinson, "Kosovo PM Seeks Help for Serbia's ‘Next Target’: A Warning of War Spreading," Financial Times, 6 January 1993.

42. Details available in Elaine Sciolino and Ethan Bronner, "How a President, Distracted by Scandal, Entered Balkan War," New York Times, 18 April 1999.

43. Howard Clark, Civil Resistance; and Miranda Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, 281–284.

44. Gazmend Pula, "Modalities."

45. Janusz Bugajski, "The Kosovar Volcano," Transitions (October 1997), 67–68.

46. Both Demaçi and Qosja would later draw close to the KLA.

47. International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, 30.

48. Howard Clark, Civil Resistance.

49. Yigal Chazan, "Kosovo's Albanians on Trial in Serb-Dominated Courts," Inter Press Service, 21 December 1993.

50. Fabian Schmidt, "Show Trials in Pristina," Transition (November 1995).

51. Tim Judah, Kosovo, 90.

52. For the origins of the LPK and the KLA see Christophe Chiclet, "Aux origines de l'armée de libération du Kosovo," Le Monde Diplomatique, 6 May 1999; Chris Hedges, "Kosovo's Next Masters?" Foreign Affairs, 78: 3 (1999): 24–43; International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, 48–52, and their Kosovo's Long, Hot Summer, available online at wysiwyg://report.346/http://www.cri … jects/sbalkans/reports/kos05rep.htm, 1998, 10–16; Tim Judah, "War by Mobile Phone, Donkey and Kalashnikov," Guardian, 29 August 1998, "Inside the KLA," New York Review of Books, 6 June 1999, and Kosovo; and Zoran Kusovac, "KLA Power Rising," Jane's Defence Weekly, 30: 1 (1998), and "Different Realities Wrestle for Kosovo," Jane's Intelligence Review, 10: 9 (1998).

53. Gazmend Pula, "Modalities," 401. For a different view, see Christophe Chiclet, "Aux origines."

54. According to the Federation of American Scientists, some 6,000 political activists from twenty different organizations fled Kosovo after the 1981 demonstrations, including the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Kosova, the New Movement for the Liberation of Kosova, the Federation of Trade Unions of Kosova, the World Union of Kosova, the Bali Kombatare, and the New Communist Party of Kosova. See http://www.fas.org/man/dod-101/ops/ kosovo_back.htm.

55. Tim Judah, Kosovo, 111.

56. The KLA is known in Kosovo as the UÇK, short for Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës.

57. Miranda Vickers and James Pettifer, Albania: From Anarchy to a Balkan Identity (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 142–165.

58. Miranda Vickers and James Pettifer, Albania, 163–164.

59. Guz Xhuda, "What Brought Anarchy to Albania," Jane's Intelligence Review, 1 June 1997.

60. Zoran Kusovac, "KLA: Braced to Defend."

61. Tim Judah, "War by Mobile Phone."

62. Chris Hedges, "Kosovo Rebels and Their New Friend," New York Times, 9 June 1998.

63. Some argue the KLA purchased the support of Berisha's successor, Fatosh Nanos, while others suggest that Berisha was the KLA's main backer. With roots in Albania's mountainous north, Berisha allegedly helped the KLA bolster his tarnished credentials and solicit financial backing. Even if that was true, Berisha later reversed course. See Tom Walker, "Berisha Scorns ‘Incompetent’ KLA," Times (London), 18 May 1999.

64. Milan Milošević, Ljubomir Stajić, and Milan V. Petković, "Some Aspects of Contemporary Terrorism" (Belgrade: Serbian Police Academy and Yugoslav Army, 1998). English version available online at http://www.fas.org/irp/world/ serbia/docs/aspekti_e.html.

65. Gregory Mayer, "Shadowy ‘Liberation Army’ in Kosovo," Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 7 March 1998.

66. Carsten Hoffman, "Albanian Liberation Army Takes on Serbs in Kosovo," Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 13 December 1997; and International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, 48.

67. "Kosovo Ethnic Albanian Leader Denies Knowledge of Terror Group," Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 5 December 1997.

68. Human Rights Watch, Humanitarian Law Violations in Kosovo (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999), 28.

69. Human Rights Watch, Humanitarian Law Violations, 18–26.

70. Guy Dinmore, "Serbian Forces Accused of Slaughter," Financial Times, 3 March 1998.

71. Zoran Kusovac, "KLA: Braced to Defend."

72. Estimates put the number of KLA fighters in early 1998 at 500, mounting to several thousand, or even as high as 12,000–20,000 after the Drenica killings. See FAS Intelligence Resource Program, "Kosovo Liberation Army," available online at http://www.fas.org/irp/world/para/kla.htm, updated on 24 May 1999.

73. International Crisis Group, Kosovo's Long, Hot Summer.

74. Chris Hedges, "Kosovo's Next Masters?" 29, 40.

75. Tammy Arbuckle, "Unhealthy Climate in Kosovo as Guerrillas Gear Up for a Summer Confrontation," Jane's International Defense Review, 32 (February 1999): 59–61.

76. Zoran Kusovac, "Different Realities."

77. For allegations of KLA links to drug money, see Mark Almond, "Dealing with the Devils: Who Runs the KLA?" The Vancouver Sun, 6 April 1999; Roger Boyes and Eske Wright, "Drugs Money Linked to the Kosovo Rebels," Times (London), 24 March 1999; Frank Viviano, "Separatists Supporting Themselves with Traffic in Narcotics," San Francisco Chronicle, 10 June 1994; and "Speculation Plentiful, Facts Few about Kosovo Separatist Group," Baltimore Sun, 6 March 1998.

78. Roger Boys and Eske Wright, "Drugs Money."

79. Roger Boys and Eske Wright, "Drugs Money."

80. Tim Judah, Kosovo, 70. Albania's opening to international commerce in 1992 transformed it into a key route for drugs heading from Turkey to Europe. Albania's importance was bolstered by the war in Bosnia and sanctions on Serbia, which disrupted established courier routes.

81. "Albanian-Americans Help Fund the KLA," Agence France-Presse, 20 February 1999.

82. There were an estimated 600,000 ethnic Albanians from Kosovo in Europe, and 200,000–400,000 in the United States. For details, see Elizabeth Neuffer, "From Abroad, Kosovo Albanians Put Money on War," Boston Globe, 2 July 1998; Andrew Higgins and A. Craig Copetas, "KLA Seeks Cash—and a Role," Gazette, 22 May 1999; and Ron Scherer, "Pulling Political and Purse Strings," Christian Science Monitor, 31 March 1999.

83. The LDK's Fund for the Republic of Kosova was controlled by Kosovo's prime minister-in-exile, Bujar Bukoshi, and totaled some $250– $300 million in 1998.

84. Zoran Kusovac, "KLA: Braced to Defend."

85. Tammy Arbuckle, "Unhealthy Climate."

86. By mid-1998 Serbia had regained control over the border, but the KLA had built up stockpiles in Kosovo and was opening up roads through Macedonia and Montenegro. For an apparently informed but rather sensationalist source, see Mark H. Milstein, "Bad News Balkans: KLA's Windfall Victory," Soldier of Fortune, 24 (1999): 40–44.

87. Mark Brennock, "In the Hills, Where Serb Law Ends and the Men of the Kosovo Liberation Army Set the Rules," Irish Times, 16 June 1998.

88. International Crisis Group, Kosovo's Long, Hot Summer, 15.

89. Merita Dhimgjoka, "Refugee Exodus as Serbs Shell and Burn," Irish Times, 4 June 1998; and Human Rights Watch, Violations of Humanitarian Law, 38.

90. "Yugoslav Forces Attack Kosovo Rebels; Offensive Recaptures Many Towns," Facts on File World News Digest, 6 August 1998.

91. The other town was Orahovac, held by the KLA for a few days only. For details of the Mališevo events, see R. Jeffrey Smith, "A Massive—and Uncertain—Exodus; In Hordes of Kosovo Refugees, Aid Workers See a New Crisis Just Beginning to Unfold," Washington Post, 2 August 1998.

92. Tom Walker, "Serbs Hail Victory over Kosovo Rebels," Times (London), 4 August 1998.

93. Human Rights Watch, A Week of Terror in Drenica (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999).

94. See Human Rights Watch, A Week of Terror in Drenica, 62; and "Most Kosovo Villages Destroyed—NATO Approves Operation Plan," Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 13 November 1998.

95. Amnesty International, Kosovo: The Evidence, 43; Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly: NATO's War to Save Kosovo (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 2000), 112; and OSCE, Kosovo/Kosova, 38.

96. An overview of the U.S. perspective is available in Elaine Sciolino and Ray Bonner, "How a President, Distracted by Scandal, Entered Balkan War."

97. Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1999), 134–137.

98. UN Security Council resolution 1160, 31 March 1998.

99. Jonathan Steele and Richard Norton-Taylor, "Amnesty for Albanian ‘Terror’ Suspects in Kosovo Agreement," Guardian, 15 October 1998.

100. Barry R. Posen, "The War for Kosovo."

101. Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanism.

102. OSCE, Kosovo/Kosova, 98–99.

103. John Kifner, "Horror by Design—the Ravaging of Kosovo," New York Times, 29 May 1999.

104. See Human Rights Watch's "Kosovo Human Rights Flash #9," 30 March 1999, available online at http://www.hrw.org/hrw/campaigns/kosovo98/flash5.shtml#30.

105. Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 112.

106. For Clinton's statement, see Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanism, 82. For NATO officials, see Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 112.

107. For reports of Serbian troop buildups in Kosovo after January 1999, see Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 88–89, 94.

108. See Tony Paterson, "Germany Gives Details of Covert Plan," Times (London), 9 April 1999.

109. See the transcript of the BBC Panorama program "War Room," 19 April 1999, available online at http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/audio_video/programmes/panorama/transcripts/transcript_19_04_99.txt.

110. R. Jeffrey Smith and William Drozdiak, "Serbs' Offensive Was Meticulously Planned," argues that Operation Horseshoe aimed from the outset to alter Kosovo's ethnic balance, and that it was put in motion as early as December 1998. Barry Posen, "The War for Kosovo," however, notes that the reporters offer scant evidence.

111. "New Documents Point to Kosovo Crimes," United Press International, 28 June 1999.

112. Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 107; and BBC Panoroma, "War Room."

113. Cited in Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanitarianism, 82.

114. U.S. National Security Advisor Samuel Berger supplied this estimate during a February 2000 interview, as cited in Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 302, note 25.

115. Quoted in Tim Judah, Kosovo, 240.

116. The author was at Albania's border with Kosovo from 29 March to 6 April 1999 on a research effort for Human Rights Watch.

117. Cited in Tim Judah, Kosovo, 241–242.

118. John Goetz, "Serbian Ethnic Cleansing Scare Was a Fake, Says General," Sunday Times (London), 2 April 2000.

119. Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 107.

120. "War with Milošević: A Week Is a Long Time in a War," Economist, 3 April 1999, 17–18.

121. Barry R. Posen, "The War for Kosovo," 54–55.

122. American Bar Association, Political Killings.

123. Richard Boudreaux, "Europeans Hardened by Reports of Serb Atrocities," Los Angeles Times, 1 April 1999.

1. The two main Jewish ethnic groups are Ashkenazis, who hail from Europe and North America, and Sepheradis, who originate in the Middle East and North Africa.

2. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 355.

3. Rehava'am Ze'evi, "The Lost Zionism," Svivot (December 1993): 54, 57, in Hebrew. For a critique of Ze'evi's argument, see Anita Shapira, "Katznelson Taken Out of Context," Israeli Democracy (winter 1987): 39–40.

The mass, and in many cases forced, exodus of Palestinians during the 1947–1949 war is by now recognized in specialist academic circles. Debates still rage, however, over the extent of Israeli responsibility and premeditation. For details, see Simha Flapan, "The Palestinian Exodus of 1948," Journal of Palestine Studies, 16: 4 (1987): 3–26; Walid Khalidi, "Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine," Journal of Palestine Studies, 18: 1 (1988): 3–70; Baruch Kimmerling and Joel Migdal, Palestinians: The Making of a People (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 27–158; Benny Morris, "The Causes and Character of the Arab Exodus from Palestine: The Israel Defense Intelligence Branch Analysis of June 1948," Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 22 (January 1986): 5–19; "Yosef Weitz and the Transfer Committees, 1948–49," Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 22 (October 1986): 522–561; "Operation Dani and the Palestinian Exodus from Lydda and Ramle in 1948," The Middle East Journal, 40 (winter 1986): 82–109; and Benny Morris, The Birth; Nafez Nazzal, The Palestinian Exodus from the Galilee, 1948 (Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1978); Ilan Pappe, The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1947–1951 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1994), 47–134; and Tom Segev, 1949: The First Israelis (New York: Free Press, 1986). The extent to which the Palestinian exodus resulted from a pre-war Zionist expulsion plan is still debated. See Benny Morris, "Revising the Palestinian Exodus of 1948," and Laila Parsons, "The Druze and the Birth of Israel," in Eugene L. Rogan and Avi Shlaim, eds., The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001). For earlier iterations of this discussion, see articles by Norman Finkelstein, Nur Masalha, and Benny Morris in the Journal of Palestine Studies 21:1 (1991).

4. Nur Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians: The Concept of "Transfer" in Zionist Political Thought 1882–1948 (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992), 2. Following Masalha's book, historian Benny Morris investigated more closely Zionist thinking in the 1920s and 1930s, and concluded that "thinking about the transfer of all or part of Palestine's Arabs out of the prospective Jewish state was pervasive among Zionist leadership circles long before 1937," when a British colonial commission recommended partition and population transfer to settle Jewish-Arab tensions. Pro-transfer sentiment among Zionist leaders continued throughout the 1940s, but Morris is uncertain how firmly

5. Joseph Massad, "Zionism's Internal Others: Israel and the Oriental Jews," Journal of Palestine Studies, 25: 4 (1996): 53–68; Uri Ram, The Changing Agenda of Israeli Sociology: Theory, Ideology and Identity (Albany: SUNY Press, 1995), 97–148; and Shlomo Swirski, Israel: The Oriental Majority (London: Zed Books, 1989). Israeli scholars increasingly use the term "Mizrachi" or Easterner to denote Jewish immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa. For the construction of Mizrachi identity, see Aziza Khazoom, The Origins of Ethnic Inequality among Jews in Israel (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1998).

6. Dvora Bernstein, "The Black Panthers: Conflict and Protest in Israeli Society," Megamot, 25 (1979): 64–80. In Hebrew.

7. Asher Arian, ed., The Elections in Israel 1977 (Jerusalem: Academic Press, 1980).

8. Gershon Shafir, "Changing Nationalism and Israel's ‘Open Frontier’ on the West Bank," Theory and Society 13:6 (1984): 803–827. See also Eliezer Don-Yehiya, "Stability and Change: The National Religious Party and the Young Guard's Revolution," Medina, Mimshal Ve-Yachasim Beinleumiim, 14 (1979): 25–52, in Hebrew; and Menachem Friedman, "The National Religious Party in Change—Background to Its Electoral Losses," Medina, Mimshal Ve-Yachasim Beinleumiim, 20 (1982): 104–122, in Hebrew.

9. Ian S. Lustick, For the Land and for the Lord: Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1988); Amnon Rubenstein, From Herzl to Gush Emunim and Back (Tel Aviv: Shoken, 1980), in Hebrew; Danny Rubenstein, On the Lord's Side: Gush Emunim (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 1982), in Hebrew; and Ehud Sprinzak, Gush Emunim: The Politics of Zionist Fundamentalism in Israel (New York: The American Jewish Committee, 1986).

10. Zeev Sternhell, The Founding Myths; and Yonathan Shapiro, The Road to Power: Herut Party in Israel (Albany: SUNY Press, 1991).

11. With the exception of a national unity government immediately before and after the 1967 war.

12. In appealing to Sephardic voters on ethnic grounds, Likud successfully skirted the fact that it was just as Ashkenazi as its arch-rival, Labor.

13. Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance of Israel's Radical Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 13.

14. Ofira Seliktar, New Zionism and the Foreign Policy System of Israel (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1986), 144.

15. Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance, 167, 169.

16. For details, see Gershon Shafir and Yoav Peled, "Thorns in Your Eyes: The Socio-Economic Basis of Rabbi Kahane's Electoral Support," Medina, Mimshal Ve-Yachasim Beinleumiim, 25 (1986): 127, in Hebrew; and Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance, 246.

17. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 551; and Sammy Smooha, Arabs and Jews in Israel: Change and Continuity in Mutual Intolerance (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992), 71.

18. Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance, 124–136.

19. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 356.

20. Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance, 16.

21. Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance, 14.

22. Ofira Seliktar, New Zionism.

23. Sammy Smooha, Arabs and Jews, 70.

24. Charles S. Liebman, "Jewish Ultra-Nationalism in Israel: Converging Strands," in William Frankel, ed., Survey of Jewish Affairs 1985 (London: Associated University Press, 1986), 31.

25. Charles S. Liebman, "Jewish Ultra-Nationalism," 41.

26. Charles S. Liebman, "Jewish Ultra-Nationalism," 41; and Sammy Smooha, Arabs and Jews, 85, 148.

27. Sammy Smooha, Arabs and Jews, 142, 154.

28. For general discussions of Palestinians holding Israeli citizenship, see Ian S. Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Elia Zureik, The Palestinians in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979).

29. Charles S. Liebman, "Jewish Ultra-Nationalism," 42.

30. Sammy Smooha, Arabs and Jews, 58, 149, 52.

31. Sammy Smooha, Arabs and Jews, 67.

32. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 403. See also Avishai Ehrlich, "Is Transfer an Option?" Israeli Democracy (winter 1987): 36–38.

33. Charles S. Liebman, "Jewish Ultra-Nationalism," 42; and Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 540, note 50, citing surveys by Israeli pollster Hanoch Smith, as reported in Ha'aretz on November 10, 1989.

34. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 403.

35. Sammy Smooha, Arabs and Jews, 111, 152.

36. Gad Barzilai and Efraim Inbar, "The Use of Force: Israeli Public Opinion on Military Options," Armed Forces and Society, 23 (fall 1996): 56. For another low-end estimate, see Giora Goldberg, Gad Barzilai, and Efraim Inbar, The Impact of Intercommunal Conflict: The Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion (Jerusalem: Leonard Davis Institute, 1991).

37. Yuval Ne'eman, "Not Kach," Yediot Aharonot, 13 August 1985. In Hebrew.

38. Sh. Z. Avramov, "Stubborness That Will Provoke Disaster," Ha'aretz, 22 July 1988. In Hebrew.

39. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 404; and Gad Barzilai and Efraim Inbar, "The Use of Force," 62.

40. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 551.

41. Avishai Ehrlich, "Is Transfer an Option?" 37. The first was Likud member of parliament Meir Cohen Avidov, while the second was Likud legislator Benny Shalita.

42. Menachem Shalev, "Netanyahu Recommends Large-Scale Expulsions," Jerusalem Post, 19 November 1989. The wording of Netanyahu's quote is ambiguous, making it unclear whether he was speaking of expelling masses of Palestinian civilians, or only political and military activists. Netanyahu's spokesman said he meant the latter.

43. No Author, "Jordan Should Be Included in Discussions of Self-Determination," Ha'aretz, 23 May 1980. In Hebrew.

44. Dekel, quoted in Sh. Z. Avramov, "Stubborness That Will Provoke Disaster."

45. Menachem Rahat, "A Storm in the National Religious Party: ‘By Proposing to Pay Arabs to Emigrate, Yoska Shapira Has Transformed Himself into a Kahane with a Knitted Skullcap, ’" Ma'ariv, 30 October 1987. In Hebrew. Shapira was then a minister without portfolio, and was competing for leadership of the National Religious Party. His remarks reportedly drew criticism from colleagues.

46. Ariel Ben Ami, "Arabs Should Be Encouraged to Emigrate, Say 62 percent of Rabbis in Judea and Samaria," Davar, November 1, 1987. In Hebrew.

47. For example, the mayor of Ariel, a large West Bank settlement, said Palestinians could be expelled during an Arab-Israeli war. Cited in Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 144.

1. Cited in Benny Morris, The Birth, 28

2. For sources on the Palestinian exodus and expulsion, see note 3 in the introduction to Part II.

3. Elia Zureik, "Constructing Palestine through Surveillance Practices," British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 23: 2 (2001): 205–227.

4. Reuven Pedatzur, Triumph of Confusion: Israel and the Territories after the Six-Day War (Tel Aviv: Bitan, 1996), 53, 79. In Hebrew.

5. For a general exploration of guerrilla sanctuaries, see Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival: The PLO in Lebanon (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1990), 1–28.

6. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949–1993 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 177–179. See also Helena Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organization (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Alan Hart, Arafat (London: Sedgewick and Johnson, 1984); Bard O'Neil, Armed Struggle in Palestine: A Political-Military Analysis (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1978); Ze'ev Schiff and Raphael Rothstein, Fedayeen: Guerrillas against Israel (New York: McKay, 1972); and William B. Quandt, Fuad Jabber, and Ann Mosely Lesch, The Politics of Palestinian Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973).

7. Mordechai Nisan, "The PLO and Vietnam: National Liberation Models for Palestinian Struggle," Small Wars and Insurgencies, 4: 2 (1993): 181–210.

8. Kemal Kirisci, The PLO and World Politics: A Study of the Mobilization of Support for the Palestinian Cause (New York: St. Martin's, 1986), 45.

9. Alistair Horne, A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954–1962 (New York: Penguin Books, 1977). For an early comparison of the Palestinian and Algerian struggles, see William B. Quandt, "Palestinian and Algerian Revolutionary Elites: A Comparative Study of Structures and Strategies," paper presented to the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, September 1972.

10. Kemal Kirisci, The PLO, 55.

11. For Israel's operations in the Jordan valley, see Ann Mosley Lesch, "Israeli

12. Cited in Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel's Secret Wars: A History of Israel's Intelligence Services (New York: Grove Weidenfield, 1991), 245.

13. Richard D. McLaurin, "The PLO and the Arab Fertile Crescent," in Augustus Richard Norton and Martin H. Greenberg, eds., The International Relations of the Palestine Liberation Organization (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989).

14. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 155–281.

15. Shlomo Gazit, The Carrot and the Stick: Israel's Policy in Judea and Samaria, 1967–1968 (Washington, DC: B'nai B'rith, 1995), 238.

16. Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel's Secret Wars, 236–281.

17. Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel's Secret Wars, 279.

18. Meron Benvinisti, The West Bank Data Project: A Survey of Israel's Policies (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1984), 37–48; and Mordechai Nisan, "The PLO and Vietnam."

19. Shlomo Gazit, The Carrot and the Stick, 52.

20. State of Israel, Ministry of Defense, Unit for Coordination of Activities in the Territories, Three Years of Military Government, 1967–70: Figures on Civilian Activity in Judea, Samaria, the Gaza Strip and Northern Sinai (Tel Aviv: Ministry of Defense, 1970). In Hebrew.

21. State of Israel, Three Years, 33.

22. State of Israel, Three Years, 117.

23. B'Tselem, Law Enforcement vis-a-vis Israeli Civilians in the Occupied Territories (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, the Israeli Organization for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, 1994), 10.

24. Some Palestinian policemen remained in the force until the 1988 uprising, when many resigned their posts.

25. Jerusalem Media and Communications Center (JMCC), Israeli Military Orders in the Occupied Palestinian West Bank, 1967–1992 (Jerusalem: JMCC, 1993).

26. For two opposing views, see Esther Rosalind Cohen, Human Rights in the Israeli-Occupied Territories, 1967–1982 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985); and Raja Shehadeh, Occupier's Law (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1989). For more on the relationship between the Israeli judiciary and the Palestinian territories, see Yoav Dotan, "Judicial Rhetoric, Government Lawyers and Minority Rights: The Case of the Israeli High Court of Justice During the Intifada," paper presented at the Hebrew University Law Faculty, February 1997; David Kretzmer, The Occupation of Justice: The Supreme Court of Israel and the Occupied Territories (Albany: SUNY Press, 2002); and Ronen Shamir, "Landmark Cases and the Reproduction of Legitimacy: The Case of Israel's High Court of Justice," Law and Society Review 24: 3 (1990): 781–805.

27. B'Tselem, Law Enforcement, 37.

28. Reuven Pedatzur, Triumph of Confusion, 159.

29. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 360.

30. Shlomo Gazit, The Carrot and the Stick, 82.

31. For overviews of the Palestinian economy under Israeli control, see

32. Moshe Semyonov and Noah Lewin-Epstein, Hewers of Wood and Drawers of Water: Noncitizen Arabs in the Israeli Labor Market (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 1987), 29.

33. Moshe Semyonov and Noah Lewin-Epstein, Hewers of Wood, 42.

34. The other major source of income was remittances from relatives working in the Gulf oil states. During the oil boom of the 1970s Palestinians found numerous opportunities for work in the Gulf, and many of Palestine's most educated and talented people left. In the 1980s, however, those positions contracted and remittance income dropped substantially.

35. Arie Arnon et al., The Palestinian Economy, 12.

36. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 206–207.

37. Shaul Mishal, The PLO under Arafat: Between Gun and Olive Branch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986), 19.

38. Jordan opposed formal recognition of the PLO as sole legitimate Palestinian representative in 1974, but was outvoted by other Arab states.

39. Emile Sahliye, In Search of Leadership: West Bank Politics since 1967 (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1988).

40. Ziad Abu-Amr, Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza: Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994).

41. Some PLO factions, such as the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), differentiated between Jews and Zionists, arguing that if Jews living in Palestine accepted the notion of a secular democratic state, they could remain. Fatah initially supported the democratic secular state notion but said Jews who immigrated to Palestine after 1948 must leave. Fatah later moved toward a two-state solution. See below.

42. Shaul Mishal, The PLO under Arafat, 24–97; Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 333–357; and Matti Steinberg, "Arafat's PLO: The Concept of Self-Determination in Transition," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 9:3 (1987): 85–98, and his "The Pragmatic Stream of Thought within the PLO According to Khalid al-Hasan," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 11: 1 (1989): 37–57.

43. Shaul Mishal, The PLO under Arafat, 52.

44. Fatah was not able to keep the Palestinian national movement united (see William B. Quandt, "Palestinian and Algerian Revolutionary Elites"). In 1974, the Palestine Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and others pulled out of the PLO, fearing that Fatah was willing to forego too many core Palestinian demands.

45. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle.

46. John C. Reppert, "The Soviets and the PLO: The Convenience of Politics," in Augustus Richard Norton and Martin H. Greenberg, eds., The International Relations of the PLO.

47. Avi Becker, "UN North-South Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 10: 1 (1988): 44–59; Kemal Kirisci, The PLO, 54–58; and William Ofuatey-Kodjoe, "Third World Perspectives at the United Nations: The Problem for Israel," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 10: 1 (1988): 114–123.

48. Abraham Ashkenazi, "The International Institutionalization of a Refugee Problem: The Palestinians and UNRWA," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 12: 1 (1990): 45–75; and Benjamin N. Schieff, Refugees unto the Third Generation: UN Aid to Palestinians (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995).

49. Abraham Ashkenazi, "The International Institutionalization," 50.

50. United Nations, United Nations Monthly Chronicle, 11: 11 (1974): 36–37.

51. William B. Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict since 1967 (Washington, DC, and Berkeley: The Brookings Institution and University of California Press, 1993).

52. Kathleen Christison, "Bound by a Frame of Reference, Part II: U.S. Policy and the Palestinians," Journal of Palestine Studies, 27: 3 (1998): 20–34.

53. Michael Beenstock, "The Determinants of U.S. Assistance to Israel," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 14: 1 (1992): 65–97.

54. Eytan Gilboa, American Public Opinion toward Israel and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1987).

55. Michael Barnett, "From Cold Wars to Resource Wars: The Coming Decline in U.S.-Israeli Relations?" Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 13: 3 (1991): 99–119.

56. J. J. Goldberg, Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1996); and A. F. K. Organski, The 36 Billion Bargain: Strategy and Politics in U.S. Assistance to Israel (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990).

57. For books critical of the Israeli lobby in America, see George W. Ball and Douglas B. Ball, The Passionate Attachment: America's Involvement with Israel, 1947 to the Present (New York: Norton, 1992); Paul Findley, They Dare to Speak Out: People and Institutions Confront Israel's Lobby (Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1989); Mohammed Rabie, The Politics of Foreign Aid: U.S. Foreign Assistance and Aid to Israel (New York, Praeger, 1988); and Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987).

58. J. J. Goldberg, Jewish Power, 276, 266–267.

59. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 623–634. See also Gideon Levy, "Returning from Algiers," Ha'aretz, 25 November 1988. In Hebrew.

60. Shmuel Sandler, "The Protracted Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Temporal-Spatial Analysis," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 10: 4 (1988): 54–78.

61. Meron Benvinisti, West Bank Data Project, 62.

62. Meron Benvinisti, "The Second Republic," Jerusalem Post, 7 January 1987.

63. Baruch Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers of the Israeli Control System," 270, 272–273.

64. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 9–20.

65. See Michael Palumbo, Imperial Israel: The History of the Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza (London: Bloomsbury, 1990).

66. Gershon Shafir, "Changing Nationalism and Israel's ‘Open Frontier’ on the West Bank."

67. Baruch Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers," 277.

1. Ilan Peleg, Human Rights in the West Bank and Gaza: Legacy and Politics (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995), 177–185, lists some of the relevant human rights reports. See Chapter 1, note 8, for sources on the Intifada's origins and trajectory.

2. For Israeli deliberations about using greater force, see Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Intifada, 136–137.

3. Israeli forces killed approximately 860 Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza from early 1988 to December 1990, according to SIPRI, International Yearbook 1991 (Stockholm: SIPRI, 1991), 353. The source also cites a UN estimate of 60,000 Palestinian wounded. According to Israeli military sources, Israeli soldiers wounded 13,100 Palestinians in the first thousand days of the uprising. Palestinian sources, however, estimate more than 100,000 serious injuries by Israeli forces during that same time. See Ian S. Lustick, "Writing the Intifada," 566.

4. Benny Morris, The Birth, 222–223.

5. Benny Morris, The Birth, 206.

6. Benny Morris, The Birth, 210.

7. Benny Morris, "Zionist Transfer: A Conversation with Dr. Benny Morris," Svivot (December 1993): 72. In Hebrew.

8. Benny Morris, Israel's Border Wars, 1949–56 (Oxford, U.K.: Clarendon Press, 1993), 124.

9. Benny Morris, Israel's Border Wars, 126.

10. Benny Morris, Israel's Border Wars, 245, quotes an Israeli brigade commander saying he received the order from the Israeli Central Command.

11. "Israel: Massacre at Kibya," Time Magazine, 26 October 1953, 34. For the Israeli commander's view that the killings were a mistake, see Ariel Sharon and David Chanoff, Warrior: The Autobiography of Ariel Sharon (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), 89.

12. Benny Morris, "The Israeli Press and the Qibya Operation, 1953," Journal of Palestine Studies, 25: 4 (1996): 41.

13. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 138.

14. See for example, al Haq, Punishing a Nation: Human Rights Violations during the Palestinian Uprising, December 1987–1988 (Ramallah, West Bank: al Haq, 1989).

15. State of Israel, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Israel's Measures in the Territories and Human Rights (New York: Israeli Consulate, 1990); Colonel David Yahav, Israel, the "Intifada" and the Rule of Law (Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Defense Publications, 1993); and Gen. Amnon Straschnov, Justice under Fire:

16. Middle East Watch, A License to Kill: Israeli Undercover Operations against "Wanted" and Masked Palestinians (New York: Middle East Watch, 1993), 42–60.

17. "Internal Affairs" refers to Metzach, the Hebrew acronym for Mishtara Tsvait Chokeret, or Investigative Military Police. The unit belongs to the Israeli armed forces' Military Police and makes its recommendations to the Judge Advocate General. See Middle East Watch, A License to Kill, 189–192.

18. State of Israel, Ministry of Justice, "The Rule of Law in the Areas Administered by Israel," Israel National Section of the International Commission of Jurists (Tel Aviv: Ministry of Justice, 1981).

19. Al Haq, Punishing a Nation, 27–29.

20. Most of the author interviews with veterans were conducted during the summer of 1994 in Israel. The interviews took place in Hebrew and lasted from one to four hours. A smaller number were conducted in 1992 and 1993 under the auspices of Human Rights Watch.

21. See Joe R. Feagin and Harlan Hahn, Ghetto Revolts, for this dynamic.

22. See Francis Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: How They Succeed, Why They Fail (New York: Knopf, 1979), for a discussion of disruption.

23. Shabak is a Hebrew acronym for Sherut Bitachon Klali, or General Security Services. Earlier, the agency was known as the Shin Bet, short for Sherutei Bitachon, or Security Services.

24. Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel's Secret Wars, 237–281.

25. Colonel Avi, interview by author, Tel Aviv, 27 June 1994.

26. Colonel Yossi, interview by author, Jerusalem suburb, 4 July 1994.

27. Colonel Yiftach, interview by author, Tel Aviv, 11 July 1994.

28. Colonel Yossi, interview.

29. Colonel Amit, interview by author, Jerusalem, 6 July 1994.

30. Villages in Palestine were theoretically governed by a state-authorized headman, or mukhtar, many of whom had working relations with Israeli occupation authorities. During the uprising, mukhtars were often challenged by younger and more politicized Palestinian leaders.

31. The army had concluded that the .22 caliber rifles were less lethal than regular assault rifles, which fired a 5.56 mm bullet that caused extensive damage to internal organs. The weapons were distributed to snipers and officers, who were instructed to shoot at demonstration organizers.

32. Colonel Eytan, interview by author, Israeli settlement in the West Bank, 22 June 1994.

33. Lieutenant Dani, interview by author, Jerusalem suburb, 13 July 1994.

34. Amir, interview by author, Tel Aviv, 11 July 1994.

35. This figure excludes the Palestinian population living in Jerusalem. The West Bank and Gaza had approximately 1.5 million Palestinian residents in 1989.

36. Middle East Watch, Prison Conditions in Israel and the Occupied Territories (New York: Middle East Watch, 1991).

37. Nils Christie, Crime Control as Industry (London: Routledge, 1994), 33.

38. Most combat troops had little contact with the pens.

39. Miriam, interview by author, Jerusalem, winter 1993.

40. See remarks by Itai, quoted under a different name in B'Tselem, The Interrogation of Palestinians during the Intifada: Ill-Treatment, "Moderate Physical Pressure," or Torture? (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, 1991), pp. 128–129. I also interviewed Itai in northern Israel, 12 July 1994.

41. See also Ari Shavit, "Ansar Camp: Activity Report," Ha'aretz, 3 May 1991. In Hebrew. Several veterans, as well as many Palestinians, spoke in interviews of prison-related abuse.

42. B'Tselem, Collaborators in the Occupied Territories: Human Rights Abuses and Violations (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, 1994), 63–70; and Middle East Watch, Torture and Ill-Treatment: Israel's Interrogation of Palestinians from the Occupied Territories (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994), 205–208.

43. B'Tselem, Detained without Trial: Administrative Detention in the Occupied Territories since the Beginning of the Intifada (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, 1992).

44. For Israel's military tribunal system, see B'Tselem, The Military Justice System in the West Bank (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, 1989); Lisa Hajjar, Authority, Resistance, and the Law: A Study of the Military Court System in the West Bank and Gaza (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming); Amnesty International, The Military Justice System in the Occupied Territories: Detention, Interrogation and Trial Procedures (London: Amnesty International, 1991); Paul Hunt, Justice? The Military Court System in the Israeli-Occupied Territories (Ramallah: al Haq and the Gaza Center for Rights and Law, 1987); and Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, A Continuing Cause for Concern: The Military Justice System of the Israeli-Occupied Territories (New York: Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 1993).

45. Orlee, interview by author, Tel Aviv, July 1994. See also Colonel David Yahav, Israel, the "Intifada," and the Rule of Law.

46. B'Tselem, The Interrogation of Palestinians during the Intifada: Follow-Up to the March 1991 B'Tselem Report (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, 1992), 10. For more on the interrogation system, see Amnesty International, Torture and Ill-Treatment of Political Detainees (London: Amnesty International, 1994); B'Tselem, The Interrogation of Palestinians; Stanley Cohen, "Talking about Torture in Israel," Tikkun, 6: 6 (1991): 23–31, 88–90; Middle East Watch, Torture and Ill-Treatment; and James Ron, "Varying Methods of State Violence."

47. Middle East Watch, Torture and Ill-Treatment, 2.

48. Omri, interview by author, June 1993. See excerpts of the interview with the same soldier, identified as "A.M.," in Middle East Watch, Torture and Ill-Treatment, 305–309.

49. B'Tselem, The Interrogation of Palestinians, 127.

50. Efraim, interview by author, Tel Aviv, fall 1992 and 27 June 1994.

51. Cited in al Haq, Punishing a Nation, 19.

52. Shimon, interview by author, Jerusalem, 26 July 1994.

53. Al Haq, Punishing a Nation, 12–14.

54. Arik, phone interview by author, Jerusalem, winter 1993.

55. Al Haq, Punishing a Nation, 53.

56. Other attempts at finding less-than-lethal options include resorting to tear gas, plasticand rubber-coated bullets, and gravel-spewing cannon.

57. Colonel Avi, interview.

58. Cited in al Haq, Punishing a Nation, 23.

59. Colonel Yiftach, interview.

60. Efraim, interview.

61. Cited in Amnon Straschnov, Justice under Fire, 229–230.

62. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Intifada, 150–151.

63. John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan, "Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony," in Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, The New Institutionalism, 41–62.

64. Cited in Middle East Watch, A License to Kill, 219.

65. Ha'aretz interview cited in al-Haq, Punishing a Nation, 20.

66. For details, see Amnon Straschnov, Justice under Fire.

67. For a critical review of Internal Affairs investigations, see Middle East Watch, The Israeli Army and the Intifada: Policies that Contribute to the Killings (New York: Middle East Watch, 1991).

68. See also Middle East Watch, A License to Kill, 168–169.

69. Lieutenant Aviad, interview.

70. Shimon, interview.

71. Efraim, interview.

72. Colonel Avi, interview.

73. Colonel Yiftach, interview.

74. Colonels Avi and Rossi, interviews.

75. Details come from an unofficial court transcript made by members of Yesh Gvul, an Israeli antiwar group. I thank Glenn Frankel for making this document available to me.

76. Al Haq, Punishing a Nation, 12.

1. Meron Benvinisti, West Bank Data Project, 40.

2. Ian S. Lustick, For the Land, 64; Ilan Peleg, Human Rights, 22–43.

3. Ehud Sprinzak, it will be recalled, termed this Gush Emunim's "invisible realm."

4. Ian S. Lustick, For the Land, 15.

5. Ian S. Lustick For the Land, 15.

6. Ian S. Lustick, For the Land, 179. For Shapira's poll, see Ariel Ben Ami, "Arabs Should be Encouraged to Emigrate, Say 62 Percent of Rabbis in Judea and Samaria."

7. Moshe Ben Yosef, "In Support of Transfer," Nekuda, 109: 14 (April 1987): 16. In Hebrew.

8. Danny Rubenstein, On the Lord's Side; Nur Masalha, A Land; Ian S. Lustick, For the Land.

9. Meron Benvinisti, West Bank Data Project, 41.

10. Meron Benvinisti, West Bank Data Project, 41.

11. Hagar Segal, "The Cat Guarded the Milk Nicely," Hadashot, 27 April 1990. In Hebrew.

12. Palestine Human Rights Information Center (PHRIC). Israeli Settler Violence in the Occupied Territories: 1980–1984 (Jerusalem: PHRIC, 1985), 15.

13. Rehavam Ze'evi, "The Government Abandoned the Settlers to Stones and Explosives," Nekuda 89: 26 (July 1985): 12. In Hebrew.

14. David Weisburd, Jewish Settler Violence: Deviance as Social Reaction (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989); and State of Israel, Office of the Attorney General, The Karp Report: An Israeli Government Inquiry into Settler Violence against Palestinians on the West Bank (unofficial English translation) (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1984).

15. Ilan Lagziel, Political Violence on the Extreme Right in Israel: Kach from the Kahane Assassination until the Oslo Accords (Unpublished M.A. thesis, Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1994). In Hebrew.

16. Haim Segel, Dear Brothers: The History of the Jewish Underground (Jerusalem: Keter, 1987), in Hebrew; and Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 368.

17. Ze'ev Schiff's article appeared in Ha'aretz, 21 February 1987, as cited by Shevah Shtern, "The IDF without Yesha," Nekuda, 109: 14 (April 1987): 15. In Hebrew.

18. B'Tselem, Law Enforcement.

19. B'Tselem, Law Enforcement, 26.

20. The parliamentarians wrote two letters about Jewish militias. The first, dated 13 February 1989, was sent by Yossi Sarid and Dedi Zucker to Israeli Attorney General Yoseph Harish. The second, dated 22 February 1989, went to Minister of Justice Dan Meridor, Minister of Police Haim Bar-Lev, and Minister of Defense Yitzhak Rabin. Both are on file in the B'Tselem archives.

21. Uri Ben Eliezer, "Is a Military Coup Possible in Israel? Israel and French-Algeria in Comparative Historical-Sociological Perspective," Theory and Society, 27: 3 (1998): 311–349. For one incident in which soldiers joined settlers in a vigilante raid, see B'Tselem, Law Enforcement, 56–58.

22. Ehud Sprinzak, "Right-Wing Terrorism in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Split Delegitimization," in Tore Bjorgo, ed., Terror from the Extreme Right (London: Frank Cass, 1995).

23. Ilan Lagziel, Political Violence, 53–68.

24. Ilan Lagziel, Political Violence, 55.

25. Ilan Lagziel, Political Violence, 55.

26. Amnesty International, Unlawful Killings during Operation "Grapes of Wrath" (London: Amnesty International, 1996); Major-General Franklin Van Kappen, Report Dated 1 May 1996 of the Secretary-General's Military Advisor Concerning the Shelling of the United Nations Compound at Qana on April 18, 1996 (New York: United Nations, 1996), S/1996/337; Human Rights Watch, Civilian Pawns: Laws of War Violation and the Use of Weapons on the Israel-Lebanon Border (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996), and "Operation Grapes of Wrath" : The Civilian Victims (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1997).

27. Israel Defense Forces, IDF Response to the UN Report on the Qana Incident (Tel Aviv: IDF Spokesman's Office), 9 May 1996.

28. Human Rights Watch, "Operation Grapes of Wrath,"5.

29. Human Rights Watch, Civilian Pawns, 5–6, 8.

30. Human Rights Watch, Civilian Pawns, 48–49. From the end of July 1993 to the end of November 1999, according to B'Tselem, Israeli forces and Lebanese militia allies killed at least 355 civilians. From July 1985 to the end of November 1999, by contrast, Lebanese groups killed nine Israeli civilians. See B'Tselem, Israeli Violations of Human Rights of Lebanese Civilians (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, 2000), 59.

31. See, for example, a 1992 Israeli army statement that Palestinians were increasingly using weapons, cited in B'Tselem, Activity of the Undercover Units in the Occupied Territories (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, 1992), 111.

32. When the second Palestinian uprising broke out in fall 2000, Israel began to employ Lebanon-style methods against the West Bank and Gaza. See the book's concluding chapter for details.

33. Yair Evron, War and Intervention in Lebanon: The Israeli-Syrian Deterrence Dialogue (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 28–30.

34. The agreement was dubbed "the Cairo Accord." For details, see Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 48–52; and Avner Yaniv, Dilemmas of Security: Politics, Strategy, and the Israeli Experience in Lebanon (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 40–42.

35. For overviews of Palestinians in Lebanon, see Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival; and Mordechai Lahav, Fifty Years of Palestinian Refugees: 1948–1999 (Tel Aviv: Rosh Tov, 2000), 481–488, in Hebrew.

36. In 1995, there were 344,545 registered Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (United Nations Relief and Works Agency [UNRWA], Guide to UNRWA [Vienna: UNRWA, 1995], 7). For PLO-Lebanese relations, see Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege: P.L.O. Decision-Making during the 1982 War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 18–41.

37. Augustus Richard Norton and Jillian Schwedler, External Intervention and the Politics of Lebanon (Washington, DC: The Washington Institute for Values in Public Policy, 1984), 7.

38. Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation: Lebanon at War (London: Oxford University Press, 1990), 74. Although many southern Lebanese were initially sympathetic to the Palestinian guerrillas, some eventually turned against them, leading to armed clashes between the PLO and Amal, the Shi'ite Lebanese militia. See Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 133–136.

39. Avner Yaniv, Dilemmas of Security, 45; and Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation, 74.

40. Walid Khalidi, Conflict and Violence in Lebanon: Confrontation in the Middle East (Cambridge, Mass.: Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 1979), 124.

41. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 341.

42. Jonathan C. Randal, Going All the Way: Christian Warlords, Israeli Adventurers and the War in Lebanon (New York: Viking, 1983), 198–199; and Beate Hamizrachi, The Emergence of the South Lebanon Security Belt: Major Saad Haddad and the Ties with Israel, 1975–78 (New York: Praeger, 1988), 34.

43. Israeli casualties reported by Michael Jansen, The Battle of Beirut: Why

44. For discussions of Lebanese Shi'ite militias, see Hala Jaber, Hezbollah: Born with a Vengeance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); Chibli Mallat, Shi'i Thought from the South of Lebanon (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University, Center for Lebanese Studies, 1988); Augustus Richard Norton, Amal and the Shi'a: Struggle for the Soul of Lebanon (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987); and Shimon Shapira, "The Origins of Hizballah," Jerusalem Quarterly, 46 (spring 1988): 115–130.

45. Mordechai Lahav, Fifty Years, 484.

46. For Lebanon's civil war, see Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation; Elisabeth Picard, Lebanon: A Shattered Country (New York: Holmes and Meier, 2001); Tabitha Petran, The Struggle over Lebanon (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1987); and Itamar Rabinovich, The War for Lebanon, 1970–1985 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985). For the PLO's role in the 1975–76 fighting, see Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 79–106.

47. France had extended Lebanon's borders in the early 1920s to include large numbers of Muslims, and a 1943 national pact set confessional quotas for government and legislative bodies. The influx of largely Sunni Muslim Palestinians in 1948 changed the demographic balance, even though Palestinians were denied Lebanese citizenship.

48. Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 19–123; and Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege, 18–41.

49. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 427, cites Palestinian estimates of 25,000–30,000 Israeli troops and 300 tanks. Avner Yaniv, Dilemmas of Security, 72, estimates 7,000 men, as do Jehuda Wallach and Moshe Lissak, Carta's Atlas of Israel: The Third Decade 1971–1981 (Jerusalem: Carta, 1983), 117. Wallach and Lissak also report that Israeli troops fought with 4,000 "terrorists." Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence, 164, says there were 10,000 Israeli troops.

50. Augustus Richard Norton and Jilliam Schwedler, "External Intervention," estimate 1,000 deaths. Lebanese police sources, cited in Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 427, say 2,000 dead and 285,000 displaced. Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence, 164, estimates 200,000 displaced civilians, while Mordechai Lahav, Fifty Years of Palestinian Refugees, 481, says 67,000 Palestinian refugees fled northward—but does not discuss Lebanese civilians—and speaks of $310,000 in damages. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, mentions the Abassiya raid on 427.

51. Jonathan C. Randal, Going All the Way, 209; and Yair Evron, War and Intervention, 82.

52. Jonathan C. Randal, Going All the Way, 209, 217. Rex Brynen, Sanctuary or Survival, 125, counts six villages destroyed and eighty-two damaged, while Walid Khalidi, Conflict and Violence, 128, tallies 7,700 homes completely or partially destroyed. In their Carta's Atlas of Israel, 117, Jehuda Wallach and Moshe Lissak report, "Many villages in which terrorists found shelter absorbed heavy artillery bombardments, and as a result, hundreds of homes were destroyed and thousands of residents fled northwards."

53. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 495.

54. Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 149–150; Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 236.

55. B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 4.

56. For the official Israeli view of the war, see the articles in "Peace for Galilee," a special edition of the IDF Journal, 1:2 (December 1982). The journal is published by the Israeli military spokesman's office.

57. Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege, 29.

58. Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege, 46; and Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 3, 6–9. According to Israeli academic Yehoshua Porat, the PLO's respect for a 1981 cease-fire agreement had Israeli leaders increasingly worried about the organization's international credibility. By destroying the PLO's territorial and institutional base, Israeli leaders hoped to push the PLO toward terrorism and isolate them internationally. (Yehoshua Porat, "A Preliminary Political Summary," Ha'aretz, June 25, 1982, in Hebrew.)

59. Helena Cobban, The Palestine Liberation Organization, 120.

60. Michael Jansen, The Battle for Beirut, 4. For more on Israel's Lebanon war, see Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival; Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation; Thomas L. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem (New York: Anchor, 1990); Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege; Franklin P. Lamb, Reason Not the Need: Eyewitness Chronicles of Israel's War in Lebanon (Nottingham, U.K.: Russell Press, 1984); Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon; Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle; and Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984).

61. Avner Yaniv, Dilemmas of Security, 103.

62. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 141.

63. Daniel Gavron, "A Soldier's Protest," Jerusalem Post, July 9, 1982.

64. Yehoshua Porat, "A Preliminary Political Summary."

65. Mordechai Oren, "The War That Was—Notable Achievements and One Great Blot," Al-Hamishmar, 16 June 1982. In Hebrew.

66. The official Lebanese estimate of 18,000 dead and 30,000 wounded is cited in Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 540; Benny Morris, in Righteous Victims (New York: Knopf, 1999), 703, footnote 247, cites similar sources, but says there were 19,085 dead. Michael Jansen, Battle for Beirut, 25, supplies the figures of 12,000–15,000 slain civilians and 40,000 wounded. Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 19, 52–53, speak of 17,835 persons (both combatants and civilians) killed from 4 June 1982 to the end of August 1982. The Sabra and Shatila casualties, estimates of which range from 700 to 3,000 (see below), do not figure in this tally. An official Israeli source wrote that most of these estimates were "blatant examples of biased media reporting." See Louis Williams, "Peace

67. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 540.

68. UNRWA report of June 23, 1982, cited in Michael Jansen, Battle for Beirut, 19; Shatila estimate in Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 540; $12 billion figure and estimate of displaced in Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 31, 19. Mordechai Lahav, Fifty Years, 482—speaking only of Palestinian refugees in southern Lebanon—writes that 80,000–90,000 homes were destroyed, and that 175,000 refugees were in need of emergency assistance.

69. Avraham Rabinovich, "Hope among the Ruins," Jerusalem Post Magazine, 18 June 1982; Robert Fisk, "Hundreds Lie Dead in the Cellars of Sidon," Times (London), 19 June 1982.

70. Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 27, estimates 25,000 Palestinians lived in the camp; Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 141–150, count 35,000; and Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 71–72, estimate 60,000. Schiff and Ya'ari say Israeli officers encouraged Ein Hilwe's civilians to leave before attacking, but Sean McBride et al., drawing on Palestinian testimonies, say Israeli officers delivered vague evacuation instructions only four days after the shelling began. Quote on bombardment from Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 148.

71. Dov Yermiya, My War Diary: Israel in Lebanon (London: Pluto, 1983), 27; for a reporter's observation, see David Richardson, "Ein Hilwe—A Refugee Camp Reduced to Rubble by Bombing," Jerusalem Post, 9 July 1982. Lebanese government casualty estimates appeared in Christopher Walker, "Secrets beneath a Flattened Refugee Camp," The Times (London), 9 July 1982.

72. Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 95, 99.

73. Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 33, 38.

74. Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 143–161.

75. Charles T. Powers, "Chronicle of a Bombardment: Day 50 of the Israeli Siege in Beirut Is the Worst," International Herald Tribune, 3 August 1982.

76. Jonathan C. Randal, Going All the Way, 254; Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 225. Avner Yaniv, Dilemmas of Security, 147, estimated 128 dead and 400 wounded from that day's bombing.

77. The cable is cited in Robin Wright, David Blundy, Henry Brandon, and Mark Hosenball, "Beirut: Liquidation of a City," Sunday Times (London), 8 August 1982.

78. J. Michael Kennedy, "West Beirut: A Worried Look into the Future," International Herald Tribune, 16 August 1982, p. 13.

79. Beirut casualty estimates supplied by Lebanese daily An-Nahar, 2 September 1982; 80 percent estimate by ICRC official John de Salis. As quoted in Robin Wright et al., "Beirut."

80. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 240. See also Yair Evron, War and Intervention, 110.

81. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 459. Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 42, estimates the number of Fatah fighters on the eve of the 1982 invasion at only 10,000.

82. Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 140; and Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 460.

83. Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 140.

84. Yair Evron, War and Intervention, 109; Kirsten E. Schulze, Israel's Covert Diplomacy in Lebanon (New York: St. Martin's, 1998), 122; and Avner Yaniv, Dilemmas of Security, 143.

85. "The Chief of Staff: The War for Beirut—A Struggle for Eretz Israel," Ha'aretz, 9 July 1982. In Hebrew.

86. Christopher Walker, "Israel's Second Front on the West Bank," Sunday Times (London), 5 August 1982.

87. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 240.

88. Dov Yermiya, My War Diary, 48; and Edward Walsh, "Israel No Longer Talks of Moving Refugees," Washington Post, 9 December 1982.

89. Sharon's words cited in Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 211. Data on camp population from Yitzhak Kahan, Aharon Barak, and Yona Efrat, Final Report: The Commission of Inquiry into the Events at the Refugee Camps in Beirut (New York: Karz-Cohl, 1983), 15.

90. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 240.

91. Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 133, 138. After the Sabra and Shatila killings Israel reversed course, allowing refugees to stay put. See Edward Walsh, "Israel No Longer Talks of Moving Refugees."

92. See Yossi Beilin, Guidebook for Leaving Lebanon (Tel Aviv: HaKibbutz Hameuchad, 1998), in Hebrew; B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 7–18; and Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence.

93. The 5,000 figure from Yitzak Kahan, Aharon Barak, and Yona Efrat, Final Report, p. 7. For an overview of Lebanese militias, see Judith Harik, The Public and Social Services of the Lebanese Militias (Oxford, U.K.: Centre for Lebanese Studies, Oxford University, 1994). For more on Maronite militias and the Lebanese Forces, see Marie-Christine Aulas, "The Socio-Ideological Development of the Maronite Community: The Emergence of the Phalange and the Lebanese Forces," Arab Studies Quarterly, 7: 4 (1985): 1–27; Elaine C. Hagopian, "From Maronite Hegemony to Maronite Militancy: The Creation and Disintegration of Lebanon," Third World Quarterly, 11: 4 (1989): 101–117; Walid Phares, Lebanese Christian Nationalism: The Rise and Fall of an Ethnic Resistance (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Press, 1995); and Lewis W. Snider, "The Lebanese Forces: Their Origins and Role in Lebanese Politics," Middle East Journal, 38: 1 (1984): 1–33.

94. For an early overview of militia activities in Lebanon during and immediately after the 1982 invasion, see Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 118–124.

95. Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence.

96. Adal is the Hebrew language acronym for Ezor Drom Levanon, or "Region of Southern Lebanon." When the Israeli security zone was established in 1985, Adal became the Lebanon Liaison Unit, which effectively took command of the Southern Lebanese Army.

97. Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence, 73, 79.

98. Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence, 168, puts the number of slain civilians

99. Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence, 90, 124.

100. Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence, 130, emphasis in original.

101. Subsequently, Israel helped Shidiak move to Israel and open a business. See Beatte Hamizrachi, The Emergence, 108, 112–113.

102. State attorney's affidavit to the Israeli High Court of Justice; Peled's statement cited in B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 14.

103. B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 14.

104. B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 18.

105. Amnesty International, The Khiam Detainees: Torture and Ill-Treatment (London: Amnesty International, 1992); Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages: Lebanese Detainees in Israel and Khiam Detention Center (London: Amnesty International, 1997); Aviv Lavie, "Camp Where People are Concentrated," Ha'Ir (Tel Aviv), January 17, 1997, in Hebrew.

106. B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 21, citing SLA colonel ‘Akel Hashem.

107. Amnesty International, The Khiam Detainees, and Aviv Lavie, "Camp Where People Are Concentrated."

108. B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 20–21.

109. B'Tselem, Israeli Violations, 15.

110. Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation, 99.

111. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 20.

112. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 400.

113. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 396–401; Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 103, estimates 3,000 died during the siege and subsequent massacre.

114. For the Sabra and Shatila events, see Weston E. Burnett, "Command Responsibility and a Case Study of the Criminal Responsibility of Israeli Military Commanders for the Pogrom at Shatila and Sabra," Military Law Review, 107 (1985): 71–189; Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation, 359–400; Michael Jansen, The Battle of Beirut, 91–110; Loren Jenkins, "The Massacre: Witnesses Describe Militiamen Moving through Israeli Lines," Washington Post, 20 September 1982; Yitzhak Kahan, Aharon Barak, and Yoni Efraft, Final Report; Amnon Kapeliouk, Sabra and Shatila (Belmont, Mass.: Association of Arab-American University Graduates, 1983); Fergal Keane, "The Accused," BBC-Panorama, June 17, 2001, available online at http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/ audio_video/programmes/panorama/transcripts/transcript_17_06_01.txt; Franklin P. Lamb, ed., Reason Not the Need, 537–631; Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 162–186; and Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, 250–285.

115. According to Yitzhak Kahan et al., Final Report, 45, Israeli intelligence sources estimated 700 killed; the International Committee of the Red Cross, according to Sean McBride et al., Israel in Lebanon, 176, estimates 2,750 dead. For estimates of up to 3,000 casualties, see Jonathan C. Randal, Going All the Way, 15–16.

116. Amnon Kapeliouk, Sabra and Shatila, 41.

117. Yitzhak Kahan, Aharon Barak, and Yona Efrat, Final Report, 56–57.

118. Ze'ev Schiff, "Massacre Was Designed to Cause Palestinians to Flee from Beirut and Lebanon," Haaretz, September 28, 1982. In Hebrew.

119. "The Phalangists and the Struggle for Control over Lebanon," Skira Hodshit, 29: 9 (1982), 18. In Hebrew.

120. L'Orient le Jour (Beirut), September 27, 1982, cited in Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival, 228, note 10. See also Yitzhak Kahan et al., Final Report, 9.

1. For a popular example of this approach, see Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Vintage, 1997). A similar approach to the Serbian case is adopted by Michael Sells, The Bridge Betrayed (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). For a critical discussion, see Christopher R. Browning, The Path to Genocide: Essays on Launching the Final Solution (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 86–124.

2. John W. Meyer, John Boli, George M. Thomas, and Francisco O. Ramirez, "World Society"; Martha Finnemore, National Interests; and Connie McNeely, "Constructing the Nation State."

3. World polity theorists differ from scholars of cultural globalization in that they view worldwide processes of institutionalization in "harder" organizational terms. The world polity is not just a system of eurocentric ideas, but a more durable structure of both material and ideational elements.

4. Michael Burawoy et al., Global Ethnography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 3.

5. For South African violence in Mozambique and Angola, see Victoria Brittain, The Death of Dignity: Angola's Civil War (London: Africa World Press, 1998); William Minter, Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique (London: Zed Books, 1994); and Alex Vines, Renamo: Terrorism in Mozambique (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991).

6. Author observations, Ingushetia, November 1999. I was in the region as research consultant to Human Rights Watch.

7. Human Rights Watch, Iraq's Crime of Genocide: The Anfal Campaign against the Kurds (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994).

8. For civil war as a result of collapsed states, see Steven R. David, "Internal War: Causes and Cures," World Politics, 49: 3 (1997): 552–576; William Reno, Warlord Politics and African States (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Press, 1999); and Yahya Sadowski, The Myth of Global Chaos (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1998). For an important case study, see Barnett R. Rubin, The Fragmentation of Afghanistan: State Formation and Collapse in the International System (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995).

9. I thank Susan Stokes for this argument.

10. I thank Gay Seidman for this observation.

11. See, for example, Daniel Ben Simon, "Road to Hell," Ha'aretz (English edition), 17 November 2000; Amos Harel, "IDF's Intifada Tactics Amount to Separation—Green Line Fortifications Start to Look Like Lebanon Border," Ha'aretz (English edition), 8 January 2001; Israel Harel, "Lebanon Comes to Gilo," Ha'aretz (English edition), 16 November 2000; and Arieh O'sullivan, "Israel, PA, Now in ‘Armed Conflict, '" Jerusalem Post, 11 January 2001. See also James Ron, "The Second Palestinian Uprising: Cause for Optimism?" Middle East Policy, 8: 1 (2001): 73–80.

12. Hala Jaber and Mounzer Jaber, "Fin d'occupation au Liban Sud," Le Monde Diplomatique, July 2000.

13. Amnon Barzilai, "More Israeli Jews Favor Transfer of Palestinians, Israeli Arabs—Poll Finds," Ha'aretz English edition, 12 March 2002. The poll was based on a sample of 1,264 Jewish-Israeli adults surveyed in April 2002 through personal interviews.

14. Tom Segev, "A Black Flag Hangs over the Idea of Transfer," Ha'aretz English edition, 10 April 2002. See also Ben Lynfield, "Israeli Expulsion Idea Gains Steam," Christian Science Monitor, 6 February 2002; Yossi Klein, "Displaced People," Ha'aretz English edition, 24 April 2002; Meron Benvinisti, "The Homeland Purified of Arabs," Ha'aretz, 26 Sept. 2002; and a range of other recent sources cited in Elia Zurek, "Demography and Transfer: Israel's Road to Nowhere," unpublished manuscript, Queens University, Kingston, Ontario, 2002.

15. According to one set of mainstream Israeli polls, for example, 70 percent of Jewish Israelis in spring 2002 supported political negotiations (of a sort) with Palestinians, while over 60 percent supported the creation of a Palestinian state. See Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, "From Barak to Sharon: The Demise of ‘Oslo' in the Israeli Public," paper presented to the Association for Israel Studies annual meeting, Vail, Colorado, 26–28 May 2002. Smooha's most recent polling data are also relatively optimistic, showing that the number of Jewish Israelis committed to expelling Palestinians with Israeli citizenship dropped from 22.2 percent in 1980 to 13.7 percent in 2001. Sammy Smooha, "Long-Term Trends of Change in the Mutual Attitudes of Arabs and Jews in Israel," paper presented to the Association for Israel Studies annual meeting, Vail, Colorado, 26–28 May 2002.

16. Aryeh Naor, a cabinet secretary for right-wing Israeli governments in the 1980s, now teaches at Ben Gurion University. He is considered a pragmatist on the right-of-center political spectrum, and is an advocate of unilateral Israeli-Palestinian separation on the West Bank in order to preserve Israel's Jewish majority. As such, he differs from Zionism's more radical wing, which proposes the notion of transfer. Naor made these comments in a plenary session of the Association for Israel Studies annual meeting, Vail, Colorado, 26–28 May 2002.