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1. Cited in Benny Morris, The Birth, 28 [BACK]

2. For sources on the Palestinian exodus and expulsion, see note 3 in the introduction to Part II. [BACK]

3. Elia Zureik, "Constructing Palestine through Surveillance Practices," British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 23: 2 (2001): 205–227. [BACK]

4. Reuven Pedatzur, Triumph of Confusion: Israel and the Territories after the Six-Day War (Tel Aviv: Bitan, 1996), 53, 79. In Hebrew. [BACK]

5. For a general exploration of guerrilla sanctuaries, see Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival: The PLO in Lebanon (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1990), 1–28. [BACK]

6. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949–1993 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 177–179. See also Helena Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organization (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Alan Hart, Arafat (London: Sedgewick and Johnson, 1984); Bard O'Neil, Armed Struggle in Palestine: A Political-Military Analysis (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1978); Ze'ev Schiff and Raphael Rothstein, Fedayeen: Guerrillas against Israel (New York: McKay, 1972); and William B. Quandt, Fuad Jabber, and Ann Mosely Lesch, The Politics of Palestinian Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973). [BACK]

7. Mordechai Nisan, "The PLO and Vietnam: National Liberation Models for Palestinian Struggle," Small Wars and Insurgencies, 4: 2 (1993): 181–210. [BACK]

8. Kemal Kirisci, The PLO and World Politics: A Study of the Mobilization of Support for the Palestinian Cause (New York: St. Martin's, 1986), 45. [BACK]

9. Alistair Horne, A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954–1962 (New York: Penguin Books, 1977). For an early comparison of the Palestinian and Algerian struggles, see William B. Quandt, "Palestinian and Algerian Revolutionary Elites: A Comparative Study of Structures and Strategies," paper presented to the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, September 1972. [BACK]

10. Kemal Kirisci, The PLO, 55. [BACK]

11. For Israel's operations in the Jordan valley, see Ann Mosley Lesch, "Israeli

Settlements in the Occupied Territories," Journal of Palestine Studies, 7 (autumn 1977): 26–47. [BACK]

12. Cited in Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel's Secret Wars: A History of Israel's Intelligence Services (New York: Grove Weidenfield, 1991), 245. [BACK]

13. Richard D. McLaurin, "The PLO and the Arab Fertile Crescent," in Augustus Richard Norton and Martin H. Greenberg, eds., The International Relations of the Palestine Liberation Organization (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989). [BACK]

14. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 155–281. [BACK]

15. Shlomo Gazit, The Carrot and the Stick: Israel's Policy in Judea and Samaria, 1967–1968 (Washington, DC: B'nai B'rith, 1995), 238. [BACK]

16. Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel's Secret Wars, 236–281. [BACK]

17. Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel's Secret Wars, 279. [BACK]

18. Meron Benvinisti, The West Bank Data Project: A Survey of Israel's Policies (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1984), 37–48; and Mordechai Nisan, "The PLO and Vietnam." [BACK]

19. Shlomo Gazit, The Carrot and the Stick, 52. [BACK]

20. State of Israel, Ministry of Defense, Unit for Coordination of Activities in the Territories, Three Years of Military Government, 1967–70: Figures on Civilian Activity in Judea, Samaria, the Gaza Strip and Northern Sinai (Tel Aviv: Ministry of Defense, 1970). In Hebrew. [BACK]

21. State of Israel, Three Years, 33. [BACK]

22. State of Israel, Three Years, 117. [BACK]

23. B'Tselem, Law Enforcement vis-a-vis Israeli Civilians in the Occupied Territories (Jerusalem: B'Tselem, the Israeli Organization for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, 1994), 10. [BACK]

24. Some Palestinian policemen remained in the force until the 1988 uprising, when many resigned their posts. [BACK]

25. Jerusalem Media and Communications Center (JMCC), Israeli Military Orders in the Occupied Palestinian West Bank, 1967–1992 (Jerusalem: JMCC, 1993). [BACK]

26. For two opposing views, see Esther Rosalind Cohen, Human Rights in the Israeli-Occupied Territories, 1967–1982 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985); and Raja Shehadeh, Occupier's Law (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1989). For more on the relationship between the Israeli judiciary and the Palestinian territories, see Yoav Dotan, "Judicial Rhetoric, Government Lawyers and Minority Rights: The Case of the Israeli High Court of Justice During the Intifada," paper presented at the Hebrew University Law Faculty, February 1997; David Kretzmer, The Occupation of Justice: The Supreme Court of Israel and the Occupied Territories (Albany: SUNY Press, 2002); and Ronen Shamir, "Landmark Cases and the Reproduction of Legitimacy: The Case of Israel's High Court of Justice," Law and Society Review 24: 3 (1990): 781–805. [BACK]

27. B'Tselem, Law Enforcement, 37. [BACK]

28. Reuven Pedatzur, Triumph of Confusion, 159. [BACK]

29. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 360. [BACK]

30. Shlomo Gazit, The Carrot and the Stick, 82. [BACK]

31. For overviews of the Palestinian economy under Israeli control, see

George T. Abed, ed., The Palestinian Economy: Studies in Development under Prolonged Occupation (London: Routledge, 1988); Arie Arnon, Aron Spivak, Israel Luski, and Jimmy Weinblatt, The Palestinian Economy: Between Imposed Integration and Voluntary Separation (Leiden: Brill, 1997); and Sarah Roy, The Gaza Strip: The Political Economy of De-development (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1995). [BACK]

32. Moshe Semyonov and Noah Lewin-Epstein, Hewers of Wood and Drawers of Water: Noncitizen Arabs in the Israeli Labor Market (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 1987), 29. [BACK]

33. Moshe Semyonov and Noah Lewin-Epstein, Hewers of Wood, 42. [BACK]

34. The other major source of income was remittances from relatives working in the Gulf oil states. During the oil boom of the 1970s Palestinians found numerous opportunities for work in the Gulf, and many of Palestine's most educated and talented people left. In the 1980s, however, those positions contracted and remittance income dropped substantially. [BACK]

35. Arie Arnon et al., The Palestinian Economy, 12. [BACK]

36. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 206–207. [BACK]

37. Shaul Mishal, The PLO under Arafat: Between Gun and Olive Branch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986), 19. [BACK]

38. Jordan opposed formal recognition of the PLO as sole legitimate Palestinian representative in 1974, but was outvoted by other Arab states. [BACK]

39. Emile Sahliye, In Search of Leadership: West Bank Politics since 1967 (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1988). [BACK]

40. Ziad Abu-Amr, Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza: Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994). [BACK]

41. Some PLO factions, such as the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), differentiated between Jews and Zionists, arguing that if Jews living in Palestine accepted the notion of a secular democratic state, they could remain. Fatah initially supported the democratic secular state notion but said Jews who immigrated to Palestine after 1948 must leave. Fatah later moved toward a two-state solution. See below. [BACK]

42. Shaul Mishal, The PLO under Arafat, 24–97; Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 333–357; and Matti Steinberg, "Arafat's PLO: The Concept of Self-Determination in Transition," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 9:3 (1987): 85–98, and his "The Pragmatic Stream of Thought within the PLO According to Khalid al-Hasan," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 11: 1 (1989): 37–57. [BACK]

43. Shaul Mishal, The PLO under Arafat, 52. [BACK]

44. Fatah was not able to keep the Palestinian national movement united (see William B. Quandt, "Palestinian and Algerian Revolutionary Elites"). In 1974, the Palestine Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and others pulled out of the PLO, fearing that Fatah was willing to forego too many core Palestinian demands. [BACK]

45. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle. [BACK]

46. John C. Reppert, "The Soviets and the PLO: The Convenience of Politics," in Augustus Richard Norton and Martin H. Greenberg, eds., The International Relations of the PLO. [BACK]


47. Avi Becker, "UN North-South Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 10: 1 (1988): 44–59; Kemal Kirisci, The PLO, 54–58; and William Ofuatey-Kodjoe, "Third World Perspectives at the United Nations: The Problem for Israel," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 10: 1 (1988): 114–123. [BACK]

48. Abraham Ashkenazi, "The International Institutionalization of a Refugee Problem: The Palestinians and UNRWA," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 12: 1 (1990): 45–75; and Benjamin N. Schieff, Refugees unto the Third Generation: UN Aid to Palestinians (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995). [BACK]

49. Abraham Ashkenazi, "The International Institutionalization," 50. [BACK]

50. United Nations, United Nations Monthly Chronicle, 11: 11 (1974): 36–37. [BACK]

51. William B. Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict since 1967 (Washington, DC, and Berkeley: The Brookings Institution and University of California Press, 1993). [BACK]

52. Kathleen Christison, "Bound by a Frame of Reference, Part II: U.S. Policy and the Palestinians," Journal of Palestine Studies, 27: 3 (1998): 20–34. [BACK]

53. Michael Beenstock, "The Determinants of U.S. Assistance to Israel," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 14: 1 (1992): 65–97. [BACK]

54. Eytan Gilboa, American Public Opinion toward Israel and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1987). [BACK]

55. Michael Barnett, "From Cold Wars to Resource Wars: The Coming Decline in U.S.-Israeli Relations?" Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 13: 3 (1991): 99–119. [BACK]

56. J. J. Goldberg, Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1996); and A. F. K. Organski, The 36 Billion Bargain: Strategy and Politics in U.S. Assistance to Israel (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990). [BACK]

57. For books critical of the Israeli lobby in America, see George W. Ball and Douglas B. Ball, The Passionate Attachment: America's Involvement with Israel, 1947 to the Present (New York: Norton, 1992); Paul Findley, They Dare to Speak Out: People and Institutions Confront Israel's Lobby (Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1989); Mohammed Rabie, The Politics of Foreign Aid: U.S. Foreign Assistance and Aid to Israel (New York, Praeger, 1988); and Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987). [BACK]

58. J. J. Goldberg, Jewish Power, 276, 266–267. [BACK]

59. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, 623–634. See also Gideon Levy, "Returning from Algiers," Ha'aretz, 25 November 1988. In Hebrew. [BACK]

60. Shmuel Sandler, "The Protracted Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Temporal-Spatial Analysis," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 10: 4 (1988): 54–78. [BACK]

61. Meron Benvinisti, West Bank Data Project, 62. [BACK]

62. Meron Benvinisti, "The Second Republic," Jerusalem Post, 7 January 1987. [BACK]

63. Baruch Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers of the Israeli Control System," 270, 272–273. [BACK]


64. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, 9–20. [BACK]

65. See Michael Palumbo, Imperial Israel: The History of the Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza (London: Bloomsbury, 1990). [BACK]

66. Gershon Shafir, "Changing Nationalism and Israel's ‘Open Frontier’ on the West Bank." [BACK]

67. Baruch Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers," 277. [BACK]

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