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1. Formally known as the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY). [BACK]

2. Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Muslims were defined as constituent nations. Albanians, Hungarians, and Turks were classified as "national minorities" because they were considered to have their own nation-states elsewhere. [BACK]

3. Mark Baskin, "Crisis in Kosovo," Problems of Communism, 32: 2 (1983): 61–74; Laslo Sekelj, Yugoslavia: The Process of Disintegration (Highland Lakes, NJ: Atlantic Research and Publications, 1993); and Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy. [BACK]

4. See Walker Connor, The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984). For Yugoslav identity, see Duško Sekulić, Garth Massey, and Randy Hodson, "Who Were the Yugoslavs? Failed Sources of a Common Identity in the Former Yugoslavia," American Sociological Review, 59 (February 1994): 83–97. [BACK]

5. Veljko Vujačić, "Institutional Origins of Contemporary Serb Nationalism," East European Constitutional Review, 5: 4 (1996): 52. [BACK]

6. In Communism and Nationalism, Veljko Vujačić argues that wrenching nineteenth- and twentieth-century experiences made Serbs particularly receptive to nationalist mobilization. [BACK]

7. Dušan Bataković, The Kosovo Chronicles (Belgrade: Plato, 1992); Thomas Emmert, Serbian Golgotha: Kosovo, 1389 (New York: East European Monographs, 1990); and Tim Judah, Kosovo: War and Revenge (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000). For a critique of Serbian historiography on Kosovo, see Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1998). [BACK]

8. Julie Mertus, Kosovo: How Myths and Truths Started a War (Berkeley:

University of California Press, 1999); and Sabrina Pedro Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962–91 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993). [BACK]

9. See Jasna Dragovic, "Les intellectuels serbes et la ‘question’ du Kosovo, 1981–87," Relations Internationales, 89 (spring 1997): 53–70; Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals; Aleksander Pavkovich, "Intellectuals into Politicians: Serbia 1990–1992," Meanjin, 52: 1 (1993): 107–116, and his "The Serb National Ideal: A Revival, 1986–1992," Slavonic and East European Review, 72: 3 (1994): 440–455; and Veljko Vujačić, Communism and Nationalism. [BACK]

10. Analysts are split between those who see Serbian nationalism during this period as an autonomous force in its own right, and those who see it as an object of elite manipulations. [BACK]

11. Slobodan Antonić, Serbia between Populism and Democracy: Political Processes in Serbia, 1990–93 (Belgrade: Institute for Political Studies, 1993). In Serbo-Croatian. [BACK]

12. Ognjen Pribičević, "The Serbian Exception: Why Communists Never Lost Power," Uncaptive Minds 7:3 (1995–6): 119–125. [BACK]

13. The Reform Alliance, which later became the Civic Alliance, was the only explicitly a-national party. The Democratic Party was not originally constituted as a nationalist party, but became increasingly so during the wars in Croatia and Bosnia. The Muslim-led Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Albanian Democratic League of Kosova (LDK), and the Democratic Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians were all parties whose voters were non-Serb minorities. [BACK]

14. Srbobran Branković Serbia at War with Itself: Political Choice in Serbia 1990–1994 (Belgrade: Sociological Society of Serbia, 1995), 66–67. [BACK]

15. Zoran Lutovac, "Political Culture of Serbia in Light of Minority-Majority Relations" (Unpublished paper, Belgrade, Institute for Social Sciences, 1997); and Dragomir Pantić, "Voters' Value Orientations," in Vladimir Goati, ed., Challenges of Parliamentarianism: The Case of Serbia (Belgrade: Institute for Social Sciences, 1995), 107. [BACK]

16. Stan Markotich and Patricia Moy, "Political Attitudes in Serbia," RFE/RL Research Report, 15 April 1994. [BACK]

17. The Belgrade-based Institute for Social Studies conducted 2,000 interviews in Serbia and Montenegro, excluding Kosovo. For details, see Zoran Lutovac, "Political Culture of Serbia." [BACK]

18. Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 112, 107. [BACK]

19. Stan Markotich and Patricia Moy, "Political Attitudes in Serbia." [BACK]

20. Nicholas Miller, "Serbia Chooses Aggression," Orbis, 38: 1 (1994): 63. [BACK]

21. Aleksander Pavkovich, "The Serb National Idea," 440–441. [BACK]

22. For both figures, see Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 111. [BACK]

23. Julie Mertus, Kosovo, 317–320. [BACK]

24. Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 111. In autumn 1991, respondents seemed confused as to how best to define Serbia. Some 47 percent thought Serbian citizens should fight only to defend the Serbian republic's borders, and should refrain from fighting in Croatia, but 64 percent supported fighting for Krajina and Slavonija, two Serb-majority areas in Croatia, suggesting that where "Serbia" began and ended was then quite unclear. In spring 1992, when

Milošević backed the creation of a rump Yugoslavia that clearly did not include the Serb-held lands in Bosnia and Croatia, that confusion began to clear up. For details, see Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 112, note 11. [BACK]

25. Srbobran Branković, Serbia at War with Itself, 112. [BACK]

26. Vladimir Goati, The Challenges of Parliamentarianism, 270. The Socialists received a disproportionate number of parliamentary seats because of Serbia's first-past-the-post electoral system. [BACK]

27. "Šešelj Says ‘All Serb Territories Must Be Liberated’ before UN Troops Arrive," Tanjug, 23 November 1991, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 26 November 1991], EE/1239/C1/1. [BACK]

28. "SRS Election Manifesto: Šešelj on a Greater Serbia and No US Interference," Tanjug, 21 May 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 25 May 1992], EE/1389/C1/1. The Radical Party reportedly discussed the creation of a Serbian state encompassing present-day Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and parts of Croatia and Macedonia. [BACK]

29. "Muslim Arrested after Assassination Attempt against Vojislav Šešelj," Tanjug, 25 May 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 30 May 1992], EE/1394/C1. Most ethnic Albanians boycotted the elections and refused to cooperate with a census. Many Sandžak Muslims had relatives fighting in Bosnia and were often accused of indirectly supporting the Bosnian Muslims. They too, might easily have been included in Šešelj's plans. [BACK]

30. "Serbian Radical Party's Šešelj Says Krajina Must Be Part of New Yugoslavia," Tanjug, 23 January 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 27 January 1992], EE/1288/C1/1; and "Vojislav Šešelj Ready to Oppose ‘Muslim Fundamentalists’ in Bosnia-Hercegovina," Radio Belgrade, 2 March 1992, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 7 March 1992], EE/1323/C1/1. [BACK]

31. Dragan Milivojević, "Recent Yugoslav History in the Words of Contemporary Yugoslav Writers: Vuk Drašković, Slavenka Drakulić, and Slobodan Blagojević," Serbian Studies, 9: 1 (1995), 128; and Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 396. [BACK]

32. Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 399–401. [BACK]

33. Robert Thomas, Serbian Politics. [BACK]

34. Audrey Helfant Budding, Serb Intellectuals, 366. [BACK]

35. "Serbian ćetnik Movement Refused Registration," Tanjug, 9 August 1990, available through BBC Summary of World Broadcasts [cited 13 August 1990], EE/0841/B/1. [BACK]

36. Ognjen Pribičević, "The Serbian Exception." [BACK]

37. Zoran Slavujević, "Election Campaigns," in Vladimir Goati, ed., Challenges of Parliamentarianism, 161. [BACK]

38. Eric D. Gordy, Culture of Power in Serbia, 17. [BACK]

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