INTRODUCTION
1. Ben Caspit, Hanan Kristal, and Ilan Kfir, HaHitabdut: Miflaga Mevateret al-Shilton (The Suicide: A Party Abandons Government) (Tel Aviv: Avivim, 1996), 115–117. In Hebrew. [BACK]
2. Human Rights Watch, Civilian Pawns: Laws of War Violation and the Use of Weapons on the Israel-Lebanon Border (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996), and "Operation Grapes of Wrath": The Civilian Victims (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1997). [BACK]
3. This distinction began to break down in fall 2000 with the second Palestinian uprising. [BACK]
4. Benny Morris, Israel's Border Wars, 1949–56 (Oxford, U.K.: Clarendon Press, 1996). [BACK]
5. Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–49 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989). See Part II, notes, for more sources. [BACK]
6. For anti-Arab sentiment by Israeli Jews, see Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, as well as the introduction to Part II. [BACK]
7. Blaine Harden, "Prelude to ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ Is Heard in Serbia," Washington Post, 11 November 1992. [BACK]
8. James Ron, "Boundaries and Violence: Patterns of State Action along the Bosnia-Yugoslavia Divide," Theory and Society, 29: 5 (2000): 609–647. [BACK]
10. For discussions of Israel's semi-democratic nature, see Baruch Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers of the Israeli Control System: Analytical Conclusions," in Baruch Kimmerling, ed., Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers (Albany: SUNY Press, 1989); Yoav Peled, "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State," The American Political Science Review, 86: 2 (1992): 432–443; Sammy Smooha, "Minority Status in an Ethnic Democracy: The Status of the Arab Minority in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies, 13: 3 (1990): 390–401; Smooha, "Ethnic Democracy: Israel as an Archetype," Israel Studies, 2: 2 (1997): 198–241; and Oren Yiftachel, "Ethnocracy: The Politics of Judaizing Israel/Palestine," Constellations, 6:3 (1999), 364–390. For a recent treatment of Israeli society and its ethnocratic elements, see Gershon Shafir and Yoav Peled, Being Israeli: The Dynamics of Multiple Citizenship (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002). [BACK]
11. For a critical review of arguments suggesting that threat shapes state violence, see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996). [BACK]
12. For internal violence in semi-democratic states, see Håvard Hegrew, Tanja Ellingsen, Scott Gates, and Nils Petter Gleditsch, "Towards a Democratic Civil Peace? Democracy, Political Change, and Civil War 1816–1992," American Political Science Review, 95:1 (2001): 33–48. [BACK]
13. For the growing international relevance of human rights norms, see Thomas Risse, Stephen C. Ropp, and Kathryn Sikkink, eds., The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999). For an important critique of the international human rights movement, see Makau Mutua, "Savages, Victims and Saviors: The Metaphor of Human Rights," Harvard International Law Journal, 42:1 (2001): 201–245. [BACK]
14. Isaac D. Balbus, The Dialectics of Legal Repression (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1973). [BACK]
15. Human Rights Watch, Forced Displacement of Ethnic Kurds from South-eastern Turkey (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994); and Human Rights Watch, Violations of the Laws of War in Turkey. [BACK]
16. In his forthcoming book, The Dark-Side of Democracy, Michael Mann argues that all political leaders involved in large-scale violence have multiple and increasingly extreme plans for achieving ethnic dominance. His discussion of Serbia's move from a more moderate "Plan A" to the most radical "Plan D" is particularly useful. [BACK]
17. For an introduction to the notion of institutional settings, alternatively known as institutional environments, see Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1991). [BACK]
18. The junior partner was Montenegro, a small republic heavily influenced by its more powerful Serbian neighbor. [BACK]