6—
Unity of Each Book
From looking at the scenes and series of scenes, we move up to the unit next in size,
the book; the reason why this is always treated as a unit has been discussed above
p. 209f.
First, the rule of unity of action holds good for the books, that rule which, we saw
above, was striven after as the ideal requirement for the whole; but with the majority
of the books the conception was already unified, and that is decisive for the unity of
effect. Each book is supposed to contain a piece of the action which is complete in
itself and which leads to a
[end] in the Aristotelian sense. However, even the
greatest skill cannot divide a connected epic action cleanly into twelve parts each
complete in itself, without the need for any transitions; these transitions are then
placed at the beginning of the books, as a kind of proem, which precedes the real
[beginning] of the action. In many of the books it is immediately obvious that
they fulfil the requirement: 2: Iliu Persis , 3: Wanderings, 4: Dido, 5: Sojourn in
449 Sicily, 6: Underworld, 7: (with introduction) the outbreak of war in Latium and its
causes, 8: Aeneas' excursion (with introduction), 9: Turnus' feats in Aeneas' ab-
sence, 10: the first main battle, together with preparatory assembly of the gods, 12:
the duel: it is prepared, temporarily frustrated, and carried out. We should note how
in Book 10, for example, the ending is set up in exactly the same way as we noted at
the end of Book 12, which is also the end of the whole poem: Book 10 finishes with
the death of Mezentius; to make this possible, the relief of the camp is anticipated
(p. 289 above), but the results of this victory are kept back until the following book:
Aeneas' address on the following day (11.14ff.) would in all likelihood have been
given on the same day as the battle. How an episodic effect is deliberately and
skilfully avoided in other places can be seen from the examples which follow.
The narrative in Book 6 had to cover not only the visit to the Underworld but also
the death and burial of Misenus, which had no real connection with the Underworld.
But Virgil makes Aeneas visit the Sibyl as soon as he lands; the death of Misenus
occurs while he is absent; the requirement that the body shall be buried and the men
purified is made into a precondition of the journey to Hades, along with the acquisi-
tion of the golden bough. On their return, Aeneas and Achates do indeed find the
corpse: that serves not only as concrete proof of the validity of the Sibyl's power to
predict (189), but also leads directly to the discovery of the golden bough; while
Aeneas is taking this into the temple, his companions build the funeral pyre, and the
funeral has been completed before the summoning of Hecate and, with it, the
beginning of the journey to the Underworld: in this way the Misenus story is given
the strongest connections with the preparations for it.
The description of the shield did not belong to any one place in the action; a poet
who was composing episodes would perhaps have been content to have Venus bring
the weapons at the end of Book 8, or during the voyage in Book 10; Virgil prepares
for it with the prophetic sign from heaven and makes this into an essential part of the
action: Aeneas is disappointed and discouraged by Evander's reply, but the sign
assures him of divine help and he immediately starts organizing the new enterprise,
450 the Etruscan expedition.
The Nisus story comes in the middle of Book 9; it is itself an episode like the
Doloneia, related to the latter not only in its content but also by the fact that its result
seems to have no consequences for the development of the main action. Yet Virgil
did strive after – and achieve – a better integration than the Homeric poet. First, the
episode serves to connect the first and last parts of Book 9, which would otherwise
fall apart: it fills the night between the two days and creates continuity of action.
Secondly, the expedition of the pair has a better and much simpler motivation than
the ancient epic poet achieved. The latter had great trouble making his heroes set
out. First Agamemnon calls an assembly, to find a means of rescuing the Achaeans
and the ships ( Iliad 10.19, 44); then he holds a council to choose between fleeing
and continuing the fight; finally, after everyone has helped check that the guards are
at their posts, it occurs to Nestor that a spy ought to be sent to find out whether the
Trojans plan to stay on the open plain or to return to the city – information which
cannot help much in the rescue of the Achaeans. Odysseus and Diomedes do not
even ask Dolon about it (or at least do not insist on an answer), and when they return
with the looted horses, no more is said about their mission or about the rescue of the
Achaeans. Aeneas has left the camp before the enemy has been sighted; but now the
camp is surrounded, and the coming day will bring a heavy attack: nothing is more
natural than that the Trojan generals should feel an urgent desire to inform the
absent king about the situation, so that he can take measures, hasten his return, etc.;
they are also anxious to know whether his request for support has been successful.
Nisus knows that everyone wants this; in the silent night, when he looks out from
the wall and sees that in one place the enemy's watchfire has gone out, the idea
comes like a lightning-flash that he could be the messenger. He goes with Euryalus
to the generals, who are discussing this very plan; his offer is immediately accepted
and they leave at once. The feat of Diomedes and Odysseus passes and leaves no
trace: neither friend nor foe hears anything more of it. It is true that we are told how
the Trojans lamented over the slain men (523) after Apollo had wakened Hippo-
451 coon, unfortunately too late: but once the two heroes have returned to the camp,
have washed and fed, everything is past and gone, and Eos rises from her couch by
the splendid Tithonus as if nothing remarkable had happened in the night. Virgil
depicts the Rutulians bringing the fallen Volcens and the looted spoils into the
camp; there is general consternation as the bloodbath which has been inflicted on
the sleeping men is discovered. But the perpetrators have been punished, and when
the triumphant column marches out against the camp at daybreak it carried the heads
of Nisus and Euryalus, stuck on spears and lifted high. The defenders, who were
already disconsolate as they prepare to ward them off, are pierced to the heart by the
sight; the mother of Euryalus fills the camp with heart-rending laments which
undermine the men's morale; to prevent worse happening, Iulus has the unhappy
woman carried into the tent. We see that not only is the outward continuity
preserved, but also the tragic outcome of the adventure helps to convey the mood in
which attackers and defenders begin the new day's battle.
In each book, unity of action is often connected with unity of person; the person
is not always Aeneas. Book 4 starts with Dido and finishes by her corpse; Book 9
starts with Turnus, and ends with him; similarly, Turnus opens Book 12, and it ends
with his death. In Book 5, Virgil has made Anchises the centre of interest; Aeneas
thinks of him as soon as the tempest forces them to enter the Sicilian harbour (5.31),
it is in his honour that Aeneas makes his memorial speech and the sacrifice for the
dead; the Funeral Games are also in his honour (cf. also 550); it is when they think of
him that the Trojan women lament (614, cf. 652); finally, it is his appearance which
introduces the last phase of the sojourn in Sicily, the foundation of Segesta and of the
sanctuary of Anchises.
In the same way as Books 4, 9 and 12 have beginnings and endings which
correspond because the same person dominates both, Virgil has also emphasized the
unity of other books by giving them opening and closing scenes which are contrast-
ing or parallel. At both the beginning and end of Book 5 we find Aeneas at sea –
storm and tempest at the beginning, at the end a most favourable wind and the
calmest of seas; at the beginning, the conversation between Aeneas and Palinurus, at
452 the end, Palinurus falls overboard and Aeneas laments.[15] Book 8 is opened (after the
introduction), and brought to a close by Aeneas in contrasting ways: at the begin-
ning he is full of cares and doubts, at the end he is wrapped in enthusiastic
contemplation of the divine shield, assured of support and victory. In Book 4, after
the exposition, there immediately follows the scene of Anna advising her sister to
agree to the new marriage; immediately before the end we see the counsellor in
despair at the tragic result of her advice. This helps us to understand the composition
of Book 1, where unity is not easy to perceive: it begins with the deadly danger of
the storm, it ends with the banquet where those who were in peril on the sea are
453 gathered safe from cares: a concrete expression of their escape from danger. This
banquet, which also provides the opportunity for Aeneas to tell his tale, must of
course follow directly upon the arrival of Aeneas, and not be separated from it by
other events, as it is in the Odyssey : it would then cease to be the necessary
expression of reaching safety, and would also no longer serve as the keystone which
crowns the unified structure of Book 1.
That leaves only Book 11, the one book without an obvious unity. Continuity of
action is maintained, but the sections do not hang together: it starts with the conse-
quences of the first day's fighting – scenes in the camp of Aeneas, Pallas' funeral
procession, Evander's lament – then, after the armistice, comes the second day of
fighting, introduced by the council meeting in Laurentum. The real heroine of this
second day, Camilla, does not appear until after the middle of the book (498). How
could Virgil have avoided this? He could either have devoted the whole book to
Camilla, putting the consequences of the first battle at the end of Book 10; that book
might have been able to maintain its unity even so, but it would have lost the final
climax of the death of Mezentius. Or he could have done without Camilla, and made
the suggestion of a duel in Book 12 arise directly from the council meeting; Book 11
would then have been much poorer in emotional content, becoming a mere stopgap.
Finally, he could have considered cutting all of the first part; in that case he would
have lost important details in the portrayal of Aeneas and Turnus, and also the whole
[preparation] of the duel. The poet chose the least of these evils and,
in this one case, broke his own rules of composition, finding that it forced him to
lesser concessions in other directions; the principle itself is not obscured by this one
exception.