Preferred Citation: Gibbons, Mary Weitzel. Giambologna: Narrator of the Catholic Reformation. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  c1995 1995. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft9n39p3vz/


 
Notes

Chapter 3— Faith, Good Works, and the Catholic Reformation

1. O'Reilly contains a mine of information on virtues and vices in the Middle Ages.

2. See Seidel, ed., Giovanni Pisano a Genova; John Pope-Hennessy, Italian Gothic Sculpture (New York, 1972), 185-86, pls. 34, 35, for early fourteenth-century royal tombs by Tino di Camaino in Naples.

3. For a good summary of the situation, see Steven Ozment, The Age of Reform, 1250-1550 (New Haven, 1980), especially 374-80 and 398-409.

4. La scultura a Genova, 334-36.

5. For the Anjou family tombs in Naples, see Pope-Hennessy, Italian Gothic Sculpture, 17, 185-86, pl. 35, fig. 28. The tombs were made for members of the family of Charles the Wise. In general, the specific Virtues vary from monument to monument; in the case of the Anjou family, the tombs of the male members of the family include all seven Virtues, both theological and cardinal, and the tombs of the female members include only the three theological Virtues. (Were females thought not to need the cardinal Virtues because their lives were not concerned with secular power?) The monument to Margaret of Brabant, queen of Luxembourg, originally in San Francesco di Castelletto in Genoa, however, included all four cardinal Virtues. This tomb was significant for two reasons: it commemorated a queen, and it was created by a famous artist, Giovanni Pisano. Thus the monument was undoubtedly the most distinguished in the Church of San Francesco and might well have stimulated Luca Grimaldi to think of Virtues for his chapel.

6. Pope-Hennessy, Italian Gothic Sculpture, 12-13, 181; Stefano Bottari, L'arca di S. Domenico in Bologna (Bologna, 1964), fig. 2. Beside the Saint Dominic tomb (1267), another well-known example is the tomb of Saint Peter Martyr (1338) in San Eustorgio in Milan. In both monuments, freestanding Virtues act as caryatids supporting the sarcophagus above. Saint Peter Martyr's tomb includes Obedience along with the customary seven Virtues, bringing the total to eight, four on the front of the tomb and four on the back.

7. Donatello and Michelozzo's tomb for the antipope John XXIII has three Virtues standing in shell niches below the sarcophagus--a position different from that of Virtues on the late medieval tombs of royal personages and saints, where Virtues serve as caryatids.

The number of Virtues found on tombs varies greatly, depending presumably on the requirements of program and design. Only three appear on the tomb of John XXIII, for example, whereas seven are included in Pollaiuolo's tombs for Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII. Sansovino's Basso and Sforza tombs both have four Virtues standing in niches.

The elaborate Venetian monuments of doges commonly have Virtues. The Tron tomb and Vendramin tomb are significant examples of the tradition. See continue

Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture (New York, 1971), fig. 154; and Debra Pincus, "The Tomb of Doge Nicolo Tron and Venetian Renaissance Ruler Imagery," in Art the Ape of Nature: Studies in Honor of H. W. Janson, ed. Mosche Barasch and Lucy Freeman Sandler (New York, 1981), 127-50, for discussion of Antonio Rizzo's Tron tomb in Santa Maria dei Frari, begun in 1476. And see Pope-Hennessy, ibid. fig. 162, for a discussion of Tullio Lombardo's Vendramin tomb in Santi Giovanni e Paolo, early 1490s. Several sets of freestanding Virtues decorate four of the five stages of the Tron tomb. In a departure from tradition, the seven theological and cardinal Virtues stand in niches above the sarcophagus, rather than beside or below it. Tullio Lombardo's Vendramin tomb is more conventional in that it has only the traditional seven Virtues, arranged on the same level as the sarcophagus, five in niches actually on the sarcophagus and two flanking the monument.

8. See Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, 74-76. The Giustis' tomb in Saint-Denis includes a Virtue seated on each of the four corners of the freestanding monument. Jean Mone, a countryman of Giambologna's who did many sepulchral monuments for royal personages and rich burghers, is the subject of a long essay in Paul Clemen, Belgische Kunstdenkmäler (Munich, 1923), vol. 2. The continuation of this tradition can be illustrated by several examples: Francesco Primaticcio and Germain Pilon's tomb of Henry II and Catherine de' Medici in Saint-Denis, 1563-70 (Anthony Blunt, Art and Architecture in France, 1500-1700 [Harmondsworth, 1973], 147-52, fig. 68); Guglielmo della Porta's tomb of Paul III in Saint Peter's, 1550s (Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, 390-91, fig. 145); Nicola Cordier's Aldobrandini tomb in the family chapel in Santa Maria Sopra Minerva, commissioned from Giacomo della Porta in 1600 (Pope-Hennessy, ibid., 422, fig. 147); Bernini's tomb of Urban VIII, Saint Peter's, 1624-47 (Pope-Hennessy, ibid., 430, pl. 146).

9. Some distinguished Catholic churchmen and reformers, such as Gasparo Contarini and Girolamo Seripando, came perilously close to advocating Luther's Augustinian brand of justification.

10. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34.

11. Ibid., 36.

12. Ibid., 40-42.

10. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34.

11. Ibid., 36.

12. Ibid., 40-42.

10. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34.

11. Ibid., 36.

12. Ibid., 40-42.

13. O'Reilly, 83-107.

14. Gabriele Paleotti, Discorso intorno alle imagini sacre e profane diviso in cinque libri, book 2, chaps. 43-44, in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 2, 452-61.

15. Catechismus, Ex Decreto Concilii Tridentini, Ad Parochos. Pii Quinti Pont. Max. Iussu Editus Romae, In aedibus Populi Romani apud Paulum Manutium, 1566, 48-49:

Ut in hac una passione omnium virtutum clarissima exempla habeamus; nam et patientiam, et humilitatem, et eximiam caritatem, et mansuetudinem, et obedi- soft

entiam, et summam animi constantiam, non solum in perferendis propter iustitiam doloribus, sed etiem in morte oppetenda, ita ostendit, ut vere dicere possimus, Salvatorem nostrum, quaecunque vitae praecepta toto praedicationis suae tempore verbis nos docuit, ea omnia uno passionis die in se ipso expressisse.

16. O'Reilly, 200. For an explanation of the two virtue traditions and their relationship in the later Middle Ages, see idem, 163-205.

17. Ibid., 131-32.

16. O'Reilly, 200. For an explanation of the two virtue traditions and their relationship in the later Middle Ages, see idem, 163-205.

17. Ibid., 131-32.

18. Levati, 296. The medal, given in recognition of Grimaldi's successful completion of long years of study, has, unfortunately, not turned up, nor have any archives of this branch of the family been located.

19. John W. O'Malley, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome (Durham, N.C., 1979); Frederick J. McGuiness, "Rhetoric and Counter-Reformation Rome: Sacred Oratory and the Construction of the Catholic World View, 1563-1621," Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1982; John M. McManamon, Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1989).

20. Boggiano, Oratione, 7-9.

21. Ibid., 10-21.

20. Boggiano, Oratione, 7-9.

21. Ibid., 10-21.

22. Negrone, Ragionamento, 42-46.

23. La scultura a Genova, figs. 230, 298. The Chapel of Saint John the Baptist is treated by Hanno-Walter Kruft, "La cappella di San Giovanni Battista nel duomo di Genova," Antichità viva 9, no. 4 (1970): 33-50, and "La decorazione interna della cappella di San Giovanni Battista nel duomo di Genova," Antichità viva 10, no. 1 (1971): 20-27.

24. Negrone, Ragionamento, 57.

25. Federico Federici, "Scrutinio della nobiltà Ligustica composta da me," seventeenth century, ASG 798, fol. 50r; Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 291; Giscardi, "Notizia," Ms C. 54, 43; Francesco Maria Accinelli, "Cronologia dei Pontefici Genovesi, delli Dogi, Vescovi, ed arcivescovi di Genova," CBBG, Ms 493 (1777), 177; Carlo Giuseppe Ratti, Descrizione de Genova e del Genovesato (Genoa, 1780), 111; Ratti, Instruzione di quanto, 249; Gaetano Avignone, "Medaglie dei Liguri e della Liguria," ASLSP, vol. 8 (1872), 527; Antonio Roccatagliata, Annali della Repubblica di Genova dall'anno 1581 all'anno 1607 (Genoa, 1873), 324; Federico Alizeri, Guida illustrativa del cittadino e del forastiero per la città di Genova (Genoa, 1875), 429; Santo Varni, Ricordi di alcuni fonditori in bronzo (Genoa, 1879), 24; Achille Neri, "Giovanni Bologna a Genova," Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia, e Letteratura, anno 13 (Genoa, 1886), 229-32; Levati, 304-5.

26. Dhanens, 144-45 and fig. 47.

27. Jacques Du Broeucq, 33; 37-39. break

28. The sources for Giambologna's figural sculpture would constitute another major study.

29. O'Reilly, especially 74-75, 114, 122-24, 129.

30. Lynette M. F. Bosch, "Time, Truth, and Destiny: Some Iconographical Themes in Bronzino's Primavera and Giusticia, " MKIF 28 (1983): 73-82.

31. Negrone speaks of the importance of justice at length, specifying its various components (68-82). Several times he says that the judge/ruler must exercise justice with strength ( fortezza, 82-83), and at one point he personifies justice as an armed knight (95).

32. For the detailed argument see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 112-14. Grimaldi himself may well have had a personal library including emblem books. Not only was he well educated, but he also had access to such books in his elite circle.

33. Boggiano, Oratione, 26 (by means of a light [Luca] one could make oneself shining and luminous, and in this way . . . could become like crystal).

34. Shroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34.


Notes
 

Preferred Citation: Gibbons, Mary Weitzel. Giambologna: Narrator of the Catholic Reformation. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  c1995 1995. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft9n39p3vz/