1. Bossio, "Visita pastorale," ASG, Ms 547, fol. 109. [BACK]

2. A fictionalized re-creation of the political situation in the Holy Land during Jesus' life by the biblical scholar Hugh J. Schonfield ( The Passover Plot [New York, 1965]) presents a plausible and fascinating account of the necessity for the Crucifixion. [BACK]

3. See Appendix 3 for a survey of locations and contexts of Passion cycles. [BACK]

4. F. Piel, La Cappella Colleoni e il Luogo Pio della Pietà in Bergamo (Bergamo, 1975); Meli; Malaguzzi-Valeri. In 1969 Colleoni's remains were found in the lower sarcophagus, under a layer of mortar. Apparently the upper sarcophagus was not opened at that time; it is thought by some that Colleoni's wife's remains are there. The four Virtues along the front of the Colleoni sarcophagus are Justice, Charity, Temperance, and Faith. I thank JoAnne Bernstein for sharing her knowledge about the Colleoni monument with me. She informs me that there is no real basis for believing that Colleoni's wife is interred in the upper sarcophagus. [BACK]

5. Pieces of the monument are found in the Villa Borromeo at Isola Bella, the Ambrosiana and Castello Sforzesco in Milan, the Villa Taccioli Modigliani in Varese, and the Certosa at Pavia. The extant Passion scenes are The Agony in the Garden, Christ before Caiaphas, Christ before Pilate, Christ Tied to the Column, The Flagellation, Christ Despoiled, Christ Crowned with Thorns, Ecce Homo, Pilate Washing His Hands, Christ and the Pious Women, The Way to Calvary, and The Crucifixion . For further information, see Diego Sant'Ambrogio, I sarcofagi Bor- soft

romeo ed il monumento del Birago all'Isola Bella (Milan, 1897); Gustave Clausse, Les Tombeaux de Gaston de Foix et de la famille Birago par Agostino Busti (Paris, 1912); and Giorgio Nicodemi, Il Bambaia (Milan, 1945), 29-39. Janice Shell, who is engaged in a study of this monument, reports that a reliable reconstruction is not possible because too many pieces are missing and there is too little information.

Vasari reports that in 1556 he saw six Virtues on the monument, but none has been securely matched with extant statues. [BACK]

6. Hedicke, Jacques Du Broeucq de Mons, gives a complete history of the Mons screen, including documents, and a reconstruction based on extant drawings of the project and the sculptures that survive. For further discussion of rood screens, see Jean-Baptiste Thiers, Dissertations ecclésiastiques sur les principaux autels des églises: Les Jubés des églises La Clôture du Choeur des églises (Paris, 1688); Marcia Hall, Renovation and Counter-Reformation (Oxford, 1979), 84-85; and "The Tramezzo in Santa Croce, Florence, Reconstructed," AB 56 (1974): 325-41. [BACK]

7. For Borromeo's reforming zeal as well as other aspects of his life, see John Headley, ed., San Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century (Washington, D.C., 1987); Giuseppe Alberigo et al., Il grande Borromeo tra storia e fede (Milan, 1984); Pallavicino's synod is published in Synodi Diocesanae, 56ff. [BACK]

9. Bossio, "Visita pastorale," ASG, Ms 547, fols. 2-3. [BACK]

10. Domenico Piaggio, "Monumenta Genuensia," CBBG, Mr.V.3.3, fol. 237, early nineteenth century. [BACK]

11. Promis, 420. [BACK]

12. Karl Young, Drama of the Medieval Church (Oxford, 1933), vol. 1, 102, 112-20, discusses this ceremony; see also his "Dramatic Associations of the Easter Sepulchre," University of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature 10 (1920): 5-130; and Pamela Sheingorn, The Easter Sepulchre in England (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1987), 6-32. [BACK]

13. John Wilkinson, Egeria's Travels (London, 1971). [BACK]

14. Domenico Cambiaso, "L'anno ecclesiastico e le feste dei Santi in Genova nel loro svolgimento storico," ASLSP, vol. 48 (1917), 45-46. He also reports that in 1588 Good Friday was declared an official feast day in Genoa. [BACK]

15. The description of this ceremony is taken from Young, Drama of the Medieval Church, vol. 1, especially 118-20, and his "Dramatic Associations of the Easter Sepulchre," 19-29, where the Latin text of the Saint Athelwold ceremonial is reproduced in addition to several texts from Roman ordines . [BACK]

16. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 144-46. break [BACK]

17. James Broderick, Robert Bellarmine (London, 1961), 83; Robert W. Richgels, "The Pattern of Controversy in a Counter-Reformation Classic: The Controversies of Robert Bellarmine," Sixteenth Century Journal 11 (1980): 3-15. [BACK]

18. Wilfred Francis Dewan, "Eucharist (Biblical Data)," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5 (1967), 604. [BACK]

19. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 73. [BACK]

20. Joseph Andreas Jungemann, The Mass of the Roman Rite: Its Origin and Development (Missarum Sollemnia), trans. from the German by Francis A. Brauner, vol. 1 (New York, 1951), 132-33. [BACK]

21. Catechismus, 40; Catechism of the Council of Trent, 1852, 150. [BACK]

22. Catechism of the Council of Trent, 50. [BACK]

23. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 147: "The holy council wishes indeed that at each mass the faithful who are present should communicate, not only in spiritual desire but also by the sacramental partaking of the Eucharist." [BACK]

24. Saint Ambrose, Theological and Dogmatic Works, trans. Roy J. Deferrari, vol. 44 (Washington, D.C., 1963), 317. For Borromeo see Cesare Orsenigo, Life of St. Charles Borromeo (London, 1943), 291; Carlo Borromeo's intense devotion to the Eucharist manifested itself in a number of actions, such as his direction to pastors and preachers at the First Provincial Council to exhort the faithful to receive the Holy Eucharist frequently. He was instrumental, moreover, in starting a Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament in his diocese, and he promoted the spread of the Guilds of the Corpus Domini; Pius XI (Ambrogio Damiano Achille Ratti), Essays in History, trans. E. Bullough (Freeport, N.Y., 1967), 212-13. [BACK]

25. Wilfred Francis Dewan, "Eucharist (as Sacrament)," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5 (1967), 608. [BACK]

26. Edoardo Grendi, "Un esempio di arcaismo politico: Le conventicole nobiliari a Genova e la riforma del 1528," Rivista Storica Italiana 78 (1966), 962-64. Grendi's work is based on extensive archival research. [BACK]

27. For Francesco Grimaldi's will, see ASG, "Atti del Notaro Chiavari Leonardo (Lomellino)," N.Ord. 9-Ord. Gen. 2496; for the relevant document in the records of the Banco di San Giorgio, see ASG, Pandetta no. 17, Sala no. 20, Cartulario delle Colonne, no. 1459 "C," anno 1611. [BACK]

28. ASG, Pandetta no. 17, Sala no. 20, Cartulario delle Colonne, no. 1465 "PN," anno 1611. [BACK]

29. Carlo Borromeo, "Instructiones fabricae et supellectilis ecclesiasticae," chap. 13, "De Tabernaculio Sanctissimae Eucharistiae," in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 3, 22. Borromeo, in his zeal, also commissioned a treatise on the Passion, Francesco Panigarola, Cento Ragionamenti sopra la Passione di Nostro Signore (Genoa, 1585). Jacopo del Duca's ciborium (1570) for Santa Maria degli Angeli appears to be a response to Borromeo's directive. More generally, the continue

Passion cycles in the naves of the cathedral of Orvieto and in the Church of Santa Croce in Florence reflect renewed emphasis on the Passion. A brief discussion of the Orvieto cycle may be found in Rosamond E. Mack, "Girolamo Muziano and Cesare Nebbia at Orvieto," AB 56 (1974): 410-13; there is an extensive discussion of the renovation of Santa Croce and its relationship to the religious climate in Hall, Renovation and Counter-Reformation, 13-15. The Orvieto cycle, executed between 1556 and 1575, includes The Betrayal, Christ before Pilate, The Flagellation, The Crowning with Thorns, Ecce Homo, The Way to Calvary, The Crucifixion, The Raising of Lazarus, and The Marriage at Cana . The cycle at Santa Croce (executed in the 1560s and 1570s) includes The Entry into Jerusalem, Ecce Homo, The Flagellation, The Way to Calvary, The Crucifixion, The Deposition, The Resurrection, Christ in Limbo, The Supper at Emmaus, Pentecost, The Doubting Thomas, and The Ascension . The timing of these and two other cycles (the paintings in the Oratorio del Gonfalone in Rome [1569-75] and the reliefs for the Corpus Domini silver casket made for the cathedral in Genoa [1560s], discussed in Chapter 5) may relate to Tridentine concerns as well. [BACK]

30. Documents in ASCG concerning the silver casket are as follows: 50 (cartulario 1565), n.p. (26 June 1565); (22 December 1565); 651 (Padri del Comune, Decreti, 1562-72, 23 April 1571); 652 (Padri del Comune, Decreti, 1572-75, 8 August 1574); 653 (Padri del Comune, Decreti, 1575-76, 6 June 1575); (28 May 1576). See also Cornelio Desimoni and Luigi Tomaso Belgrano, "Documenti ed estratti inediti o poco noti riguardanti la storia del commercio e delle marina ligure, Brabante, Fiandra e Borgogne," ASLSP, vol. 5 (1867), 492-93, 546; Santo Varni, Della Cassa per la processione del Corpus Domini (Genoa, 1867); Orlando Grosso, "Il Tesoro del duomo di Genova," Dedalo 1, anno 5 (1924-25): 550-73; Carlo Ceschi, Chiese di Genova (Genoa, 1966); Caterina Marcenaro, Il museo del tesoro della cattedrale a Genova (Milan, 1969). Varni and Marcenaro mention documents that fix the commissioning of sixteen scenes from the Old and New Testament for the casket in 1553. Varni says that these were changed to the twelve present scenes representing the Passion of Christ. I have not been able to verify the document of the 1553 commission to the Milanese jeweler Francesco de Rochi but have found records of payments to Cambiaso in 1565 for designs and subsequent references to Flemish executants of the work. Francesco apparently did not carry out the commission, and the execution of the casket reliefs was ultimately left to the Flemish silversmiths Tomaso Opluten, Raniero Fochs, Baldassare Martines, and Davide Scaglia. [BACK]

31. For Borromeo's connections to Genoa, see Galassi, "Genova alla fine del cinquecento," in Ciardi, Galassi, and Carofano, Aurelio Lomi, 74-80. See also O. A. Biandrà, "Lettere tra il doge di Genova e il cardinale Carlo Borromeo," in La Storia dei Genovesi, atti del convegno di studi sui ceti dirigenti nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova, vol. 5 (1984), 115-37. break [BACK]

32. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 30-31.

33. Ibid., 33. [BACK]

32. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 30-31.

33. Ibid., 33. [BACK]

34. Henk Van Os, "Saint Francis of Assisi as a Second Christ in Early Italian Painting," Simiolus 7 (1974): 115-32. [BACK]

35. Bonaventure Anthony Brown, "Way of the Cross," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 14 (1967), 832-34. [BACK]

36. The problem of the authorship of the Meditationes is presented by Jaime R. Vidal, "The Infancy Narrative in Pseudo-Bonaventure's 'Meditationes Vitae Christi': A Study in Medieval Franciscan Piety," Ph.D. dissertation, Fordham University, 1984, 19-26; Vidal does not, however, definitively attribute the manuscript to John of Caulibus, a Franciscan from San Gimignano.

But C. Mary Taney, in her paper "Developing a Critical Text of the Meditationes Vitae Christi, and Its Implications for Scholarship and Spirituality," delivered at the 1990 meeting of the Medieval Institute in Kalamazoo, explained that a consensus now exists attributing the Meditationes to John of Caulibus. [BACK]

37. Bonaventura (pseud.), Meditations on the Life of Christ, ed. Isa Ragusa and Rosalie Green (Princeton, 1961), 317-64, and especially 317-18.

38. Ibid., 329. [BACK]

37. Bonaventura (pseud.), Meditations on the Life of Christ, ed. Isa Ragusa and Rosalie Green (Princeton, 1961), 317-64, and especially 317-18.

38. Ibid., 329. [BACK]

39. A history of the stations of the cross can be found in Herbert Thurston, The Stations of the Cross (London, 1914). [BACK]

40. Among modern scholars, Rudolf Wittkower, "Montagnes sacrées," L'Oeil 59 (November 1959): 54-61, 92, drew attention to the phenomenon of sacri monti, Varallo being the earliest among many in northern Italy. More recently, William Hood has written a provocative essay on Varallo and its connection to Franciscan devotions: "The Sacro Monte of Varallo: Renaissance Art and Popular Religion," in Monasticism and the Arts, ed. Timothy Verdon (Syracuse, N.Y., 1984), 291-311. The bibliography continues to increase with such works as A. Bossi, C. Deliaggi, S. Pinetta, and S. Stefani Perrone, eds., Monumenti di fede e di arte in Varallo (Varallo, 1984); Atti del I convegno internazionale sui sacri monti (Varallo, 1980); and Sergio Gensini, ed., La "Gerusalemme" di San Vivaldo e i sacri monti in Europa (Ospedaletto, 1989). My own research on the sacri monti is focusing on the Tuscan site of San Vivaldo. [BACK]

41. Alessi was heavily involved in designs for the Sacro Monte at Varallo, and even though his schema for the whole was never realized, his plans for several of the chapels were used. See F. Fontana and P. Sorrenti, Sacri monti, itinerari di devozione fra archittetura, figurativa e paesaggio (Varallo, 1980). Pellegrino Tibaldi, Borromeo's favorite architect, was also involved in several of the individual chapels. [BACK]

42. Confusion and ambiguity have arisen in the literature concerning the subject of the first relief of the cycle, designated Christ before Pilate in the contract. In 1768 Ratti, in his edition of Soprani's Le Vite de' Pittori, vol. 1, 423, called this scene Christ "presentato al sommo Sacerdote," that is, Caiaphas. continue

Then Varni, Ricordi, 29, called the relief "Gesù dinanzi Caifa." In more recent literature Dhanens, 241-43, follows the contract, calling the relief Christ before Pilate . Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, 384-86, is inconsistent. He refers to the bronze as Christ before Pilate but to the wax study for the same relief as Christ before Caiaphas . Avery and Radcliffe, Giambologna, no. 122, 155, perpetuate this misidentification, as does Avery in Giambologna, 271.

The reason for the confusion appears to lie in the different hats the judge wears in the first relief (Plate 7) and in Pilate Washing His Hands (Plate 11), about which there can be no dispute. Since Caiaphas is almost always shown rending his robe, as in Matthew 26:65, it is unlikely that this scene represents him. The other possibility is that it represents Annas, a figure in a minor encounter in the Passion who is not usually represented in short cycles but is more likely to be found in longer ones. Dürer included an Annas scene in his Small Passion woodcut cycle of thirty-seven scenes, and Giovanni Stradano (see Günter Thiem, "Studien zu Jan Van Der Straet, genannt Stradanus," MKIF 8 [1958]: 88-111, 155-66, especially 103-6), a Flemish contemporary of Giambologna's working in Florence, also included an Annas scene in his pen and ink Passion cycle of thirty-eight scenes, dated around 1585.

The problem of hats is puzzling, however. In Dürer's small woodcut cycle, Pilate wears a tall turbanlike hat, while in his small engraved cycle Pilate wears a soft hat with a rolled brim. Within each cycle the style of Pilate's hat is consistent. The inconsistency in the Grimaldi cycle, therefore, is a problem. But the Ecce Homo scene offers a solution, for here, when Pilate shows Christ to the people, his hat is like that the judge wears in the first scene of the cycle.

There are two possible explanations for the unusual tall pointed hat Pilate wears in the hand-washing scene. In John 19:13, Pilate goes to sit in the seat of judgment when he realizes that the time has come for Jesus to be condemned; the different hat and seat would then make this change explicit. Or Giambologna may not have taken iconographical consistency into account and, liking Pilate's tall turban in Dürer's woodcut scene of the hand washing, he simply adapted it. This would not be surprising, since the rest of Dürer's composition seems to have been a source for Giambologna's relief. For a different argument, see Macchioni, 365, who likens Pilate's hat in the hand-washing scene to a miter and his cape to a tallith, or prayer shawl, items associated with Jewish priestly attire. Since there can be no doubt that it is Pilate in this scene, Macchioni attributes the anomaly to the intention to put the blame for Christ's condemnation prominently on the shoulders of the Jews by dressing Pilate as one. This still does not account for the similarity of hats in the first relief, Christ before Pilate in my opinion, and Ecce Homo . In any case, what emerges from this excursus is that the subject as specified in the contract by the patron, Christ before Pilate, is the scene intended. break [BACK]

43. Panigarola, Cento Ragionamenti . This treatise, intended to be several volumes but never completed beyond the first, summarizes views on the events in the last days of Christ's life that constitute the Passion proper. [BACK]

44. Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, 41, discusses these parallels, as does Réau, vol. 2, 160-61. [BACK]

45. See Barbara Wollesen-Wisch, "The Archiconfraternita del Gonfalone and Its Oratory in Rome: Art and Counter-Reformation Spiritual Values," Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1985. [BACK]

46. Cesare Baronius, Annales ecclesiastici . Una cum critica Historico-Chronologica. D. Antonii Pagii (Lucca, 1738), 137b; Maura Judge, "Passion of Christ, I," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 10 (1967), 1053-57. [BACK]

47. Baronius, 134b.

48. Ibid., 136. [BACK]

47. Baronius, 134b.

48. Ibid., 136. [BACK]

49. Baronius's ancient sources included Josephus, Philo, Eusebius, Tacitus, Acts of Pilate, Ambrose, Strabo, Tertullian, Gregory of Tours, Plutarch, Pliny, Suetonius, Dio Cassius, Lucian, and Hegesippus. Although Baronius meticulously cites them to validate his historical account, he casts doubt on the reliability of some when they disagree with Tridentine church doctrine. In particular, he relies heavily on Josephus to corroborate the events of Christ's Passion but declares him unreliable for failing to realize that the devastating defeat of the Jews by Titus was punishment for the death of Christ. [BACK]

50. Catechism of the Council of Trent, 53; Catechismus, 39-40. [BACK]

51. The literature on Pilate is extensive. Good accounts of attitudes toward him throughout history are found in Renata von Stoephasius, Die Gestalt des Pilatus in den mittelalterlichen Passionspielen (Würzburg, 1938); Arnold Williams, The Characterization of Pilate in the Towneley Plays (East Lansing, Mich., 1950) (with an extensive bibliography); J. Blinzler, Der Prozess Jesu (Stuttgart, 1951), published in English as The Trial of Jesus, trans. I. McHugh and F. McHugh (Westminster, Md., 1959); Irving Lavin, "The Sources of Donatello's Pulpits in San Lorenzo: Revival and Freedom of Choice in the Early Renaissance," AB 41 (1959): 19-38; Selma Pfeiffenberger, "Notes on the Iconology of Donatello's Judgment of Pilate at San Lorenzo," Renaissance Quarterly 20 (1967): 437-54; Schonfield, 143-57, 265-67. Even in Luke's terse account of Christ's trial before Pilate it is obvious that the blame for Christ's Crucifixion lies with the crowd and not with Pilate. [BACK]

52. For some of these early accounts, see The Works Now Extant of S. Justin the Martyr, trans. Rev. G. J. Davie, Library of the Fathers of the Church (Oxford, 1861), 27-29, 36-38; Eusebius, The Ecclesiastical History, trans. K. Lake, vol. 1, Loeb Classical Library, 1959, 73-79, 111, 121-27; Tacitus, The Annals, trans. J. Jackson, vol. 16, Loeb Classical Library, 1951, 44; Saint Ambrose, "Opera," in Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, vol. 32, pt. 3, Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam, edited by Carolus Schenkl (Vienna, 1902), 493-94. break [BACK]

53. Edgar Hennecke, New Testament Apocrypha, ed. W. Schneemelcher, trans. R. McL. Wilson, vol. 1 (Philadelphia, 1963), 444-70. [BACK]

54. Among the infrequent historical instances in which Pilate is portrayed as evil, in addition to Josephus and Philo, are a group of late fifteenth-century English cycle plays from Towneley that treat Pilate as a manipulator of the law and a symbol of the maladministration of justice. According to Williams (75) this attitude toward Pilate results from the social orientation of the author, for whom Pilate is a vehicle to expose the oppression of the poor by the upper classes. [BACK]

55. Saint Ambrose, "Opera," 493-94. I am grateful to Joseph Salemi for help in translating this passage. [BACK]

56. Baronius, 134b, 136b. For help with this translation I am grateful to Michael Sollenberger.

57. Ibid., 136b. [BACK]

56. Baronius, 134b, 136b. For help with this translation I am grateful to Michael Sollenberger.

57. Ibid., 136b. [BACK]

58. Paleotti, Discorso, in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 2, 364-70; Paolo Prodi, "Ricerche sulla teorica delle arti figurative nella riforma cattolica," Archivio Italiano per la storia della Pietà 4 (Rome, 1962), especially 132-37 and 146-58. Prodi comprehensively surveys and analyzes the major writers on this subject, including Carlo Borromeo and, especially, Gabriele Paleotti. Prodi (137 n. 1) quotes the following important passage from Borromeo, Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis, vol. 2 (Milan, 1565), cols. 1442-44:

Praeterea sacris imaginibus pingendis sculpendisve, sicut nihil falsum, nihil incertum apocryphumque, nihil superstitiosum, nihil insolitum adhiberi debet: ita quidquid profanum, turpe vel obscoenum inhonestum, procacitatemve ostentans omnino caveatur: et quidquid item curiosum, quodque non ad pietatem homines informet, aut quo fidelium mentes oculique offendi possint, prorsus vitetur item.

(Furthermore, in the painting and sculpting of sacred images, just as nothing false, uncertain, apocryphal, superstitious, or unusual ought to be displayed, so let there be a thorough caution against showing anything profane, foul, obscene, or disreputable or any depiction of shamelessness. In addition, whatever is curious, or does not dispose men to piety, or might offend the minds and eyes of the faithful is to be wholly avoided.)

59. For Pallavicino's synod, see Synodi Diocesanae, 58ff. [BACK]

60. Bossio, Decreta Generalia . [BACK]

61. Bossio, "Visita pastorale," ASG, Ms 547, fols. 108-10. [BACK]

62. Young, Drama of the Medieval Church, is still the basic invaluable survey of the subject; see especially the chapter on the Passion play in volume 1 and the conclusion in volume 2, as well as notes, 492-539. Sandro Sticca, The Latin Passion Play: Its Origins and Development (Albany, N. Y., 1970), although more limited than Young, is helpful for its more recent bibliography. See also Carl continue

J. Stratman, Bibliography of Medieval Drama, 2 vols. (New York, 1972). For Italian sacred drama, Alessandro D'Ancona, Origini del teatro italiano, 2d. ed., rev., 2 vols. (Turin, 1891), remains the basic work, but in the past twenty years many regional studies have appeared. See Kathleen C. Falvey, "Italian Vernacular Religious Drama of the Fourteenth through the Sixteenth Centuries: A Selected Bibliography on the Lauda drammatica and the Sacra rappresentazione, " Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 26 (1983): 125-44. [BACK]

63. For the Montecassino play, see Sticca, 51; and for Perugia, Kathleen C. Falvey, "Scriptural Plays from Perugia," Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New York, Stony Brook, 1974. In addition, see Alessandro D'Ancona, ed., Sacra rappresentazione dei secoli XIV, XV, e XVI, 3 vols. (Florence, 1872); and Falvey, "Italian Vernacular Religious Drama." Much research is now under way, especially in the area of confraternities and their connection to sacred drama. The newsletter of the Society for Confraternity Studies, Confraternitas, edited by William R. Bowen and Konrad Eisenbichler, University of Toronto, is a good source for current research. [BACK]

64. Emile Mâle, "Une influence des mystères sur l'art italien du XVe siècle," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 35 (1906): 89-94; Alois M. Nagler, The Medieval Religious Stage (New Haven, 1976), 89-105. Nagler reviews scholarly opinion on whether the plays influenced the visual arts or vice versa; he cites the Viennese Passion Play of 1505-12 and Wilhelm Rollinger as an example of the precedence of the visual arts over the dramatic. Settling the issue, however, seems less important than continuing to investigate the details of the relationship. In connection with the proliferation of Passion cycles in drama and on painted crosses it is apposite to recall that confraternities devoted to the Eucharist began to appear in the twelfth century and that Innocent III declared Transubstantiation official dogma in 1215 at the Fourth Lateran Council. See Ozment, The Age of Reform, 90. [BACK]

65. Falvey, "Scriptural Plays from Perugia." According to Falvey, the play, P 63, "Signore scribe," was probably a Good Friday play based on the Gospel of John, with some deviations. Of the 462 verses that make up the play, 189 take place either in Pilate's court or moving toward or away from it. The play has only six locations but twelve scenes, of which five are concerned with Christ and Pilate, so that Pilate's confrontation with Christ dominates this play as it does the much shorter Grimaldi cycle. The six locations used for the play were the courts of Caiaphas, Annas, Pilate, and Herod; the place where women are gathered; and the Mount of Olives. [BACK]

66. Cambiaso, "L'anno ecclesiastico," 49; Luigi Tommaso Belgrano, "Dei giuochi e delle feste dei genovesi," Archivio Storico Italiano, ser. 3 (1872): 417; D'Ancona, Origini, vol. 1, 184-207. [BACK]

67. Cambiaso, "L'anno ecclesiastico," 49. [BACK]

68. A parallel instance in sixteenth-century England is treated by Williams, as discussed in note 54. break [BACK]

69. Boggiano, Oratione, 11. Levati records the major offices and duties Grimaldi filled, information gleaned from the Genoese State Archives. [BACK]

70. J. B. G. Galiffe, Le Refuge italien de Genève aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Geneva, 1881); M. Rosi, "La riforma religiosa in Liguria e l'eretico umbro Bartolomeo Bartoccio," ASLSP, vol. 24, fas. 2 (1892), 557-663; M. Rosi, "Storia delle relazioni fra la Repubblica di Genova e la Chiesa Romana specialmente considerate in rapporto alla riforma religiosa," in Memorie della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 6, ser. 5 (1899), Rome, Scienze, morali, storiche e filologiche: 169-231. Rosi's articles, a mine of information, are based on documents he examined, many of which he published in the two works just cited. Additional material from the archives is analyzed by G. Bertora, "Il tribunale inquisitorio di Genova e l'inquisizione romana nel '500," La Civiltà Cattolica 2 (1953): 173-87. The tension between Genoa and the papacy comes through clearly in these documents. [BACK]

71. Ludwig Pastor, History of the Popes (London, 1929), vol. 17, 315-20. [BACK]

72. Rosi, "La riforma religiosa," especially 619-32. Perhaps a look at Inquisitional records and notarial documents would uncover another intriguing character like Menocchio, the miller protagonist of The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, by Carlo Ginzburg, trans. John Tedeschi and Anne Tedeschi (New York, 1982), originally published as Il formaggio e i vermi: Il cosmo di un mugnaio del '500 (Milan, 1976). [BACK]

73. William Bouswsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968). [BACK]

74. Bertora, "Il tribunale," explains how the Inquisition worked in Genoa. [BACK]