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Chapter 1— Preview

1. Giambologna's Flemish name, Jehan Boullongne, or Jean Boulogne, was italianized to Giovanni Bologna, though the artist was more commonly called Giambologna by his Italian contemporaries. The misnomer Giovanni da Bologna, which lives on sporadically to this day, was occasionally used by contemporaries, and was perpetuated by Burckhardt, who, as James Holderbaum points out in The Sculptor Giovanni Bologna (New York, 1983), 5, erred in translating von , denoting Giambologna's knighthood, into da , meaning "from."

For assessments of Giambologna's art, see, for example, Charles Avery, Giambologna (Mt. Kisko, N.Y., 1987), 9-10; John Shearman, Mannerism (Baltimore, 1967), 30-31, 86-91, 162-63. Studies like Richard Tuttle's (not yet published), of Giambologna's Neptune Fountain in Bologna will help correct this skewed evaluation. See Irving Lavin, Past-Present: Essays on Historicism in Art from Donatello to Picasso (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), 63-83, for a revaluation of this monument that incorporates Tuttle's discoveries. [BACK]

2. Avery, Giambologna , 97. On the interpretation of Renaissance pictures, Creighton Gilbert, "On Subject and Not-Subject in Italian Renaissance Pic- soft

tures," AB 34 (1952): 202-16, argues for a broader, more inclusive, approach than either a strictly stylistic or an iconological analysis allows. His view is equally applicable to sculpture and accords with my assessment of meaning in Giambologna's work. [BACK]

3. Raffaello Borghini, Il riposo (Florence, 1584), 72-73. The setting of this dialogue on art was the villa Il Riposo of Bernardo Vecchietti, Giambologna's first Florentine patron. According to Borghini, who obviously knew Giambologna, the sculptor himself suggested that the group, complementing as well as rivaling Cellini's Perseus (1553), represented another incident in the Perseus story. No doubt Giambologna intended his work to compete with and surpass Cellini's as well as to join the other civic monuments in the Piazza della Signoria. Margaret D. Carroll's provocative analysis of Giambologna's statue in her article "The Erotics of Absolutism: Rubens and the Mystification of Sexual Violence," Representations 25 (1989): 7-11, argues that multiple meanings are subsumed in the work. Pointing out that Francesco de' Medici thought of it as an emblem of dynastic achievement, Carroll also shows that it could have served as "an empathetic bond between ruler and ruled that spans divisions of class and wealth by affirming their commonly held values in the domain of gender." For further thoughts on this subject from a feminist perspective, see Yael Ewen, "The Loggia dei Lanzi: A Showcase of Female Subjugation," Woman's Art Journal 12 (1991): 10-14. [BACK]

4. I have profited from discussing with Leatrice Mendelsohn the figura serpentinata and the paragone . On their relationship, see John David Summers, " Maniera and Movement: the Figura Serpentinata," Art Quarterly 35 (1972): 269-301. [BACK]

5. For a comprehensive treatment of the paragone debate, see Leatrice Mendelsohn, Paragoni: Benedetto Varchi's "Due Lezzioni" and Cinquecento Art Theory (Ann Arbor, 1982). For Varchi's Lezzioni , including Cellini's reply, see Due Lezzioni di M. Benedetto Varchi (Florence, 1549), in Paola Barocchi, ed., Trattati d'arte del cinquecento fra manierismo e controriforma (Bari, 1961), vol. 1, 3-82; and John Pope-Hennessy, Cellini (New York, 1985), 170. [BACK]

6. John Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture (New York, 1970), 52. [BACK]

7. Two studies on specific aspects of the chapel have appeared recently: Silvana Macchioni, "Le sculture del Giambologna," in Il Palazzo dell'Università di Genova. Il Collegio dei Gesuiti nella strada dei Balbi (Genoa, 1987), 359-84; Michael Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel of Giambologna in San Francesco di Castelletto, Genoa," MKIF 26 (1982): 85-127. [BACK]

8. I am grateful to Stephen Zwirn for sharing with me his thoughts on narrative. Without attempting to produce a comprehensive bibliography on recent narrative studies, I mention a few that I have found helpful: Roland Barthes, "Introduction to the Structural Analysis of Narrative," New Literary continue

History 6 (1975): 237-72; Hans Belting, "The New Role of Narrative in Public Painting of the Trecento: Historia and Allegory," in Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson, Studies in the History of Art, 16 (Washington, D.C., 1985), 151-68; Richard Brilliant, Visual Narratives (Ithaca, N.Y., 1984); Vidya Dehejia, "On Modes of Visual Narration in Early Buddhist Art," AB 72 (1990): 374-92; Paul Ricoeur, "Narrative Time," in On Narrative, ed. W.J. Thomas Mitchell (Chicago, 1981), 165-86; Hayden White, "The Value of Narrativity in the Representation of Reality," in On Narrative, ed. W.J. Thomas Mitchell (Chicago, 1981), 1-23; Irene J. Winter, "After the Battle Is Over: The Stele of the Vultures and the Beginning of Historical Narrative in the Art of the Ancient Near East," in Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson, Studies in the History of Art, 16 (Washington, D.C., 1985), 11-32. [BACK]

9. I discuss the preparatory studies and two other versions of these reliefs in Appendix 4. Two of the six angels were stolen in 1982 and have not yet turned up (Macchioni, 394 n. 121). [BACK]

10. For indulgences, the practice of granting remission of sin in return for acts of penance that included contributions to church buildings, see P.F. Palmer, "Indulgences," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 7 (1967), 482-84. Ennio Poleggi, Strada Nuova (Genoa, 1972), fig. 8, shows the location of San Francesco at the end of the fifteenth century; fig. 10 gives its ground plan in relation to the plans of other churches in the area. [BACK]

11. For a complete history of the church, see the unpublished eighteenth-century manuscript of Niccolò Perasso, "Chiese di Genova," ASG, Ms 836. See also Domenico Cambiaso, S. Francesco e il Terz' Ordine in Genova e Liguria (Genoa, 1916); and Alfonso Casini, Cento conventi (Genoa, 1950), 319-31. More recently, there is a good summary by Giorgio Rossini, "San Francesco di Castelletto: Dagli inizi alle demolizioni ottocentesche," in the exhibition catalogue edited by Max Seidel, Giovanni Pisano a Genova (Genoa, 1987), 229-61. [BACK]

12. Cambiaso, S. Francesco, 68; Vincenzo Promis, "Libro degli Anniversarii del Convento di San Francesco di Castelletto in Genova," ASLSP, vol. 10 (1874), 404. [BACK]

13. This monument was the subject of a major exhibition held in Genoa in 1987; see Seidel, ed. Giovanni Pisano a Genova . [BACK]

14. La scultura a Genova e in Liguria dalle origini alle cinquecento, vol. 1 (Genoa, 1987), 197-98. [BACK]

15. Perasso, "Chiese di Genova," fol. 2; and Rossini, "San Francesco di Castelletto," 229-61, especially 235-43 and 258 n. 62. [BACK]

16. See Poleggi, Strada Nuova, for the history of this street, including full documentation. break [BACK]

17. I am grateful to George Gorse for his illuminating comments about the complex problem of Alessi's part in the design of the Strada Nuova and for sending me his essay "A Classical Stage for the Old Nobility: The Strada Nuova and Sixteenth Century Genoa," to appear in Absolutism and Urban Space in Early Modern Italy, ed. R. Litchfield and John Marino (forthcoming). See E. De Negri, "Considerazioni sull'Alessi a Genova," in Galeazzo Alessi e l'architettura del cinquecento . Atti del Convegno internazionale di Studi (Genoa, 1974), 289-97, especially 294-95. Poleggi ( Strada Nuova ) does not believe that Alessi was involved in planning the Strada Nuova, but both the consensus and circumstantial evidence for Alessi's contribution, whether as consultant or mastermind, seems overwhelmingly against that view. See also E. De Negri, Galeazzo Alessi architetto a Genova (Genoa, 1957). [BACK]

18. Records of the family's stock may be found in ASG, Banco di San Giorgio, Pandetta no. 17, Sala no. 20, Cartulario delle Colonne, no. 1459 "P," anno 1611; idem, no. 1459 "C," anno 1611; idem, no. 1464 "B," anno 1611; no. 1465 "PN," anno 1611. [BACK]

19. See Poleggi, Strada Nuova, 301-26, for the history of Nicolò Grimaldi's palace, now Il Municipio. The lot Nicolò bought from Luca Grimaldi (son of Gerolamo) was more than three times the size of any of the other lots designated for palaces on the Strada Nuova. [BACK]

20. In a notary document of 29 July 1568 (Poleggi, Strada Nuova, 323) the chapel in San Francesco is referred to as the chapel of Francesco Grimaldi, Luca's father. [BACK]

21. Several Grimaldis maintained ties to San Luca, their parish church, as well as to the mendicant Church of San Francesco di Castelletto, as we learn from an anonymous manuscript in the state archives, ASG, Ms 446, "Le chiese di Genova," n.d., fol. 63v. On the death of the parish priests of San Luca in 1563 and 1581, cousins of Luca Grimaldi presented the newly selected replacement for investiture. And in 1605 Luca, who was referred to as one of the "governatori e procuratori delli Grimaldi," was one of the presenters (fol. 63v). [BACK]

22. Poleggi, Strada Nuova, 81-90, 90 n. 11, discusses the history of the palace and distinguishes between the two Lucas. Luigi Levati, Dogi biennali di Genova dal 1528 al 1699, pt. 1 (Genoa, 1930) 304-5, summarizes what can be gleaned from the archives about "our" Luca Grimaldi. The rebuilding of San Pietro di Banchi, begun in 1581 although projected earlier, was undoubtedly motivated by the plague of 1577. See La scultura a Genova, 326-27 (figs. 345-47), 344-45 (figs. 384-87); and Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 88, 118 n. 27. [BACK]

23. Promis, "Libro degli Anniversarii," 420.

24. Ibid., 406-7. [BACK]

23. Promis, "Libro degli Anniversarii," 420.

24. Ibid., 406-7. [BACK]

25. Licia Collodi Ragghianti, "Luca Cambiaso disegnatore," Critica d'Arte, no. 3 (1954): 239-62, believes that Uffizi 1749 may be a preparatory study for the lost painting for San Francesco. break [BACK]

26. After the conclusion of the Council of Trent in 1563, apostolic visitations were gradually instituted for all of Italy. These inspections included a minute examination of the physical condition of the churches and their decoration. In Genoa, for example, the visitation in 1582 by Monsignore Francesco Bossio, which is well documented, seems to have omitted nothing. Among the many instructions he left for San Francesco di Castelletto were the following: that the roof of the church be repaired as soon as possible, that all altars be enlarged or reduced according to fixed measures, and that each have an altarpiece and a marble balustrade ("Visita pastorale delle chiese della diocesi di Genova, fatta da Monsignore Francesco Bossio, 1582," ASG Ms 547, fol. 109); see also Synodi Dioecesanae et Provinciales, editae atque ineditae S. Genuensis Ecclesiae, accedunt Acta et Decreta Visitationis Francisci Bossii, Ann. MDLXXXII (Genoa, 1833); Francesco Bossio, Decreta Generalia ad exequendae Visitationis Genuensis usum (Milan, 1584). [BACK]

27. The progressive denuding and demolition are recounted in Rossini, "San Francesco di Castelletto," 254-55. [BACK]

28. Raffaelo Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, scultori, et Architetti genovesi e de' Forastieri che in Genova operarono con alcuni ritratti di gli stessi (Genoa, 1674), 291, is the earliest published reference to the Grimaldi Chapel. Soprani says of it: "Quali opere sono di cosi fina maestria, che non solo cagionano stupore in coloro, che s'imbattono a considerarle: ma quando Giovanni non havesse dato al mondo altro saggio del suo valore, meritarebbe ad ogni modo di esser honorato col titolo d'ottimo, e di eccellente maestro." See also Carlo Giuseppe Ratti, Instruzione di quanto può vedersi di più bello in Genova in pittura, scultura, ed architettura (Genoa, 1780), 248-50, which lavishly praises the Grimaldi Chapel in listing many of the contents of San Francesco:

Le tavole che l'adornano meritano qualche osservazione, e per vederle con alcun ordine, la prima a destra di S. Girolamo è di Bernardo Castello; l'altra che segue con la Beata Vergine e vari Santi si può dire che fosse, ma non già che sia di Perin del Vaga, perché molto rovinata dal tempo, e quella di S. Caterina tra le ruote è d' Andrea Semino . La cappella degli Spinoli ben architettata in marmo ha una tavola col Presepe dello stesso Semino ed un deposito di marmo d'Andrea Spinola, colla sua figura giacente su di un'urna, ed una Vergine al di sopra col Putto, scultura del Cambiaso ovvero del Castello Bergamasco. Sono in essa alcuni ritratti in marmo di nobili Spinoli, tra i quali quello d'Andrea Doge e quello di Clelia sua consorte, di Carlo e di altri, tutti di buona maniera. Nella capella che dopo questa s'incontra, la tavola del transito della Madonna è del Sarzana, e in quella che viene appresso, la tavola con S. Francesco è di mano di Camillo Procaccino, fratello di Giulio Cesare. Troverete ora la cappella Grimaldi nobile per architettura, marmi e bronzi, celebratissimo lavoro di Giovanni Bologna, che di tal materia gittò sei belle statue di Virtù, sette bassirilievi con misteri della Passione, e sei graziosi putti, ed anche l'effigie del Crocifisso all'altare. Le due tavoline però, una colla vendita di Giu- soft

seppe, e l'altra col sagrificio d'Isacco, sono del Lomi . All'altar maggiore potrete ammirare un Crocifisso in legno di Giovannandrea Torre .

(The panels that decorate it deserve some comment. To see them in some order, the first to the right of Saint Jerome is by Bernardo Castello; of the next, with the Blessed Virgin and various saints, one could speculate but not say with certainty that it was by Perino del Vaga, because it has been so ravaged by time; and that of Saint Catherine on the wheel is by Andrea Semino. The chapel of the Spinola, well constructed in marble, has a panel of the Nativity by the same Semino, a monument of marble by Andrea Spinola with his recumbent figure on an urn, and a Virgin above with an angel, a sculpture by Cambiaso or by Giovanni Battista Castello, Il Bergamasco. There are in this chapel some marble portraits of noble Spinoli, among them Doge Andrea and his wife, Clelia, [as well as] Carlo and others, all in a good style. In the chapel after this one, the panel of the Dormition of the Virgin is by Sarzana, and in the next, the panel with Saint Francis is by Camillo Procaccini, brother of Giulio Cesare. Next is the Grimaldi Chapel, with noble architecture, marbles, and bronzes, a most celebrated work of Giovanni Bologna, who in that material [i.e., bronze] cast six beautiful statues of Virtues, seven bas-reliefs with mysteries of the Passion, six charming putti as well as the image of the crucifix on the altar. The two panels, however, one with the Selling of Joseph, the other with the Sacrifice of Isaac, are by Lomi. On the high altar one can admire a wooden crucifix by Giovannandrea Torre.)

Elisabeth Dhanens, Jean Boulogne (Brussels, 1956), 241-53, includes the Grimaldi bronzes in her catalogue of Giambologna's oeuvre. Holderbaum, The Sculptor Giovanni Bologna, 210-14, 261-76, gives a perceptive, if brief, formal analysis of the Grimaldi bronzes. Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," deals only with the chapel's reconstruction. Avery, Giambologna, briefly considers the reliefs and Virtues in the context of relief sculpture and religious works. Macchioni gives the most comprehensive account to date. [BACK]

29. Filippo Baldinucci, Notizie dei professori del disegno da Cimabue in qua, book 3 (Florence, 1681-88), 120-36. [BACK]

30. For a study of the sculpture in Sainte-Waudru, see R. Hedicke, Jacques Dubroeucq von Mons: Ein niederländischer Meister aus der Frühzeit des italienischen Einflusses (Strasbourg, 1904), published in French as Jacques Dubroeucq de Mons, trans. Emile Dony (Brussels, 1911). See also the essay in the catalogue Jacques Du Broeucq (Mons, 1985), published in connection with the exhibition in Sainte-Waudru, 1 October to 24 November 1985. Werner Gramberg, Giovanni Bologna: Eine Untersuchung über die Werke seiner Wanderjahre (Berlin, 1936), discusses Giambologna's early years to 1567. [BACK]

31. Ignace Vandevivere and C. Perier-d'Ieteren, Belgique Renaissance (Brussels, 1973); Jacques Debergh, "Echos de l'antiquité romaine dans l'oeuvre de Du Broeucq," in Jacques Du Broeucq, 125-44. [BACK]

32. This and the other figures and reliefs from the rood screen are illustrated in Jacques Du Broeucq, 56-84. break [BACK]

33. Debergh, "Echos de l'antiquité romaine," 125-44. [BACK]

34. Baldinucci, Notizie, book 3, 7, 89. [BACK]

35. The relation between Giambologna and Gugliemo della Porta is discussed in Chapter 5. Della Porta's shop was the center of bronze casting in Rome when Giambologna was there, and it was also a gathering place for Flemish artists. [BACK]

36. Michael Bury, "Bernardo Vecchietti, Patron of Giambologna," I Tatti Studies 1 (1985): 13-56. [BACK]

37. Baldinucci, Notizie, book 3, 88: "Di questa sorte per certo non potè dolersi Gio. Bologna celebre Scultore Fiammingo, mercè l'avere nel suo primo arrivó a Firenze dato alle mani d'un Principe de' più magnanimi, che contasse allora quella sua età, e fu questi la Gl. Mem. del Granduca Francesco, sotto i cui auspici ritrovò egli non pure perfezione nell'arte sua, e buone ricchezze, ma eziandio qualla fama, che per sempre lo renderà immortale, siccome ora so io per raccontare." [BACK]

38. See the exhibition catalogue edited by C. Avery and A. Radcliffe, Giambologna, 1529-1608: Sculptor to the Medici (London, 1978). [BACK]

39. See Malcolm Campbell and Gino Corti, "A Comment on Prince Francesco de' Medici's Refusal to Loan Giovanni Bologna to the Queen of France," Burlington Magazine 115 (1973): 507-12. [BACK]

40. Dhanens, 56-63, 355. [BACK]

41. I am using the term "Catholic Reformation" in this study instead of the more traditional term "Counter-Reformation" in recognition of the modern historical view, which interprets the Catholic reform of the sixteenth century as much more than a reaction to the Protestant Reformation. See John O'Malley, "Catholic Reform," in Reformation Europe, ed. Steven Ozment (St. Louis, Mo., 1982); Henry Outram Evenett, The Spirit of the Counter Reformation (Cambridge, 1968); Hubert Jedin, Katholische Reformation oder Gegenreformation? Ein Versuch zur Klärung der Begriffe (Lucerne, 1946). [BACK]

42. Both treatises are in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 2, 1-509. The Council of Trent had reaffirmed the value of images in aiding worship in its twenty-fifth session, held in 1563; see H.J. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent (London, 1941), 215-17. [BACK]

Chapter 2— The Setting

1. My intention here is not to undertake an exhaustive reconstruction of the Grimaldi Chapel. For previous reconstructions, see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel"; and Macchioni. [BACK]

2. The contract, found in ASG, Notaio Giacomo Ligalupo, 1579 2°, filza 14 (24 July 1579), was published by Dhanens, 243 n. 2; for a new transcription by Gino Corti, with an English translation prepared by Michael Sollenberger, continue

see Appendix 1A. For information on the extant studies and other versions of the reliefs, see Appendix 4. For the problem of The Entombment and my attribution, see also Chapter 5.

The first to mention the seventh relief is Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 291. The subject of the relief was first identified by Carlo Giuseppe Ratti, ed., Le Vite de' Pittori, Scultori, e Architetti Genovesi di Raffaello Soprani con note e continuazione in questa seconda edizione rivedute accresciute ed arricchite di note da Carlo Ratti, vol. 1 (Genoa, 1768), 423. [BACK]

3. Ratti ( Le Vite de' Pittori, vol. 1, 423) is the first to mention the crucifix. Apparently it was taken to the University of Genoa along with the other bronzes from the chapel and has since disappeared; see Luigi Tommaso Belgrano, "Rendiconto dei lavori fatti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria negli anni accademici MDCCCLXIV," ASLSP, vol. 3 (1864), cxxv. Macchioni (368, 373) envisions the lost crucifix as similar in size, date, and type ( Cristo vivo ) to the one for Giambologna's own burial chapel in Santissima Annunziata, Florence.

Paintings by Aurelio Lomi in the Grimaldi Chapel are first mentioned by Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 318. Ratti ( Instruzione di quanto, 250) identifies the paintings as The Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph Sold into Egypt . Vittorio Belloni, Pittura genovese del seicento, vol. 1 (Genoa, 1969), 108-9, discovered the two Lomi paintings in the Convent of Sant-Antonio, Gaggiola, La Spezia. Maria Clelia Galassi, "Aurelio Lomi a Genova," in Roberto Paolo Ciardi, Maria Clelia Galassi, and Pierluigi Carofano, Aurelio Lomi (Ospedaletto, 1989), especially 88-89, dates them about 1597. Although the painting in La Spezia shows Joseph standing by the well, Ratti gave its title as Joseph Sold into Egypt; Bury ("The Grimaldi Chapel," 123 n. 74) attributes the discrepancy to a mistake by Ratti. In fact, Ratti may have been using the title Joseph Sold into Egypt as a general one to designate the entire episode related in Genesis 37. See also Louis Réau, Iconographie de l'art chrétien, vol. 2 (Paris, 1955) 156-62; and Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. Englebert Kirschbaum (Rome, 1970), vol. 2, 424-34. [BACK]

4. Giulio Negrone, Ragionamento fatto nella Chiesa Catedrale di S. Lorenzo, dopo la Coronatione del Signor Luca Grimaldo (Genoa, 1605), 44. [BACK]

5. That this was a public invitation from the Genoese government is certain from the letters it exchanged with Duke Francesco, now in ASF, whose transcriptions, by Gino Corti, can be found in Appendix 1B. They show that the doge and governors of Genoa, not Luca Grimaldi, were the correspondents. Previous errors, published by Dhanens, 342-44, and followed by Bury ("The Grimaldi Chapel"), have clouded this issue somewhat. [BACK]

6. La scultura a Genova, 215-393; Elena Parma Armani, Perin del Vaga, l'anello mancante (Genoa, 1986), especially 73-152. break [BACK]

7. See De Negri, "Considerazioni sull'Alessi a Genova," in Galeazzo Alessi e l'architettura del cinquecento, 289-97, and De Negri, Galeazzo Alessi architetto a Genova . [BACK]

8. La scultura a Genova, 290-303; Pietro Boccardo, Andrea Doria e le arti: Commitenza e mecenatismo a Genova nel rinascimento (Rome, 1989), 89-104; Paolo Montano, "La piazza, la chiesa e il chiostro di San Matteo," Quaderno, Università degli Studi di Genova, Facoltà di Architettura. Istituto di Elementi di Architettura e Rilieva dei Elementi, no. 4 (September 1970), 167-99; Jacopo D'Oria, La chiesa di San Matteo in Genova (Genoa, 1860). [BACK]

9. Levati (297) mentions this mission. In the correspondence (ASG, Instructiones et relationes, 2707 D, 80 and 81; Litterarum, 1969, 12) the Lunigiana problem is not mentioned, only the birth of the grand duke's son. Both assignments may have been carried out at the same time. [BACK]

10. Grimaldi named Fornari in the contract as the person to oversee payments from Genoa for the chapel bronzes as they were cast and completed in Florence. [BACK]

11. Negrone, Ragionamento, 43-44:

Quella bellissima Cappella fabricata in S. Francesco, ricca di finissimi marmi sopara & sotto; ornata di statue di bronzo: per li stucchi, per l'oro, per le pitture vaga a maraviglia, & ragguardevole: piena di divotione per le molte, & grandi Indulgenze. Questa per essere stata fra le più belle, & ricche se non erro, la prima che fabricata si sia nella città nostra, valso ha d'esempio a molti di Pietà, & risvegliata la divotione nel petto de gli altri nostri cittadini, i quali poscia con una santa gara hanno abbellite, & tuttavia vanna adornando le Chiese di Genova.

(This very beautiful chapel in San Francesco, richly built with fine marbles above and below, decorated with bronze statues: because of its stuccos, its gold, and its wondrously graceful and remarkable paintings, full of devotion for many grand indulgences. This chapel, having been among the most beautiful, rich, and, if I am not mistaken, the first to have been built in our city, was valued as an example of piety to many and has reawakened devotion in the breast of many other citizens, who, as if waging a holy war, adorned, and are still adorning, the churches of Genoa.)

12. If, as is highly probable, Grimaldi visited Giambologna's workshop while in Florence to congratulate the grand duke and duchess on the birth of their son, he could have seen several statuettes in preparation-- Mercury, Nessus and Deianira, and Labors of Hercules --as well as larger works: the Bacchus of Lattanzio Cortesi, the Fiorenza made for the Tribolo Fountain at Villa Castello (now at the Villa Petraia), the Apollo (Fig. 43) for the Studiolo (all reproduced in Avery, Giambologna ), and perhaps the Rape of the Sabine statuette (see Fig. 19) ordered by Ottavio Farnese, duke of Parma. break [BACK]

13. See Dhanens, 343-44, for Giambologna's letter to Ottavio Farnese of 13 June 1579. In it he writes that during his work in Genoa he is going to personally deliver the bronze statuette to the duke in Parma, or if that is not possible, he will send someone from Genoa to deliver it. Macchioni (379) points out that the golden color of the bronzes is due not to gilding but to the composition of the metal itself; she made this observation after examining the interior cavities of the angels and places on the Virtues and reliefs where the opaque patina, probably added in the nineteenth century, has worn off. [BACK]

14. The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of Art, trans. K. Jex-Blake (Chicago, 1976); Pomponius Gauricus, De Sculptura (1504), ed. and trans. André Chastel and Robert Klein (Geneva, 1969). [BACK]

15. In 1598 Paggi painted a Nativity for Giambologna's burial chapel in Santissima Annunziata. See Ciardi, Galassi, and Carofano, Aurelio Lomi, 80, 86 n. 52; and Franco Renzo Pesenti, La pittura in Liguria, artisti del primo seicento (Genoa, 1986), chap. 1. [BACK]

16. In his letter to Ottavio Farnese, 13 June 1579, Giambologna's reference to his prospective work in Genoa--"et opera mia in edificare, et ornare di Statue, certa chiesa che hanno deliberato di fare" (and my work in building and decorating with statues a certain church they have decided to build)--indicates that he expected to design architecture for a church. Because Giambologna's written Italian is far from correct, we cannot be sure whether he meant a church or a chapel. Both the letter from the Genoese to Grand Duke Francesco de' Medici requesting the services of Giambologna and the duke's reply call Giambologna "scultore et architetto" (ASF, Mediceo, 2836 [Lettere della Repubblica di Genova, 1541-1621, n.p.], 8 May 1579, and ASF, 250 [Registro di lettere del Granduca, 1578-79], fol. 142r, 26 May 1579). Another letter, dated 28 July 1579 from Genoa to Florence that reports on Giambologna's stay there refers to him as "Giovanni Bologna scultore" and mentions "il bisogno dell'industria et giudicio suo sopra certe capelle che si fabricano" (the need of his work and judgment concerning certain chapels being built). Whether his advice was sought only in his capacity as sculptor or extended also to architectural matters is not clear. Macchioni (371-72) suggests that the "certe capelle" may refer to the Doria chapels (under reconstruction at this time) to the left and right of the main altar in San Matteo. Giambologna's reputation as court artist to the Medici and his work for the Salviati Chapel, already begun at this time (see n. 17), make his responsibility for the architectural design of the Grimaldi Chapel likely. [BACK]

17. In Disegni di architetti fiorentini, 1540-1640, Andrew Morrogh suggests that the architecture of the Salviati Chapel (San Marco, Florence) may be Giambologna's adaptation of a design by Palladio ([Florence, 1985], especially fig. 59). If it was, the architectural design for the Grimaldi Chapel, which resembles continue

the Salviati in so many ways, was probably also based on Palladio's ideas. Giambologna stayed in Genoa for a little more than two weeks when he went there to present plans and conclude the contract for the Grimaldi Chapel. Even if he brought with him ideas for the architectural decoration, he needed someone to supervise the execution. Undoubtedly this task was undertaken by Pietro Francavilla, who accompanied him to Genoa (Baldinucci, Notizie, book 3, 128) and stayed several years (Ratti, Le Vite, vol. 1, 423-24), independently acquiring Grimaldi and Senarega as patrons; see Michael Bury, "The Senarega Chapel in San Lorenzo, Genoa; New Documents about Barocci and Francavilla," MKIF 31 (1987): 327-56. [BACK]

18. Pisa, Salviati Archives, "Libro della fabrica della cappella di Santo Antonino in San Marco, Segnato A, 1579-1592," fol. IV:

Maestro Iacopo di Zanobi Piccardi, scarpellino da Rovezano, per conto di andare a Carrara a cavare marmi per servizio della fabrica della nostra cappella di S. to Antonino, de' dare addì 13 di giugnio scudi 100 d'oro, per noi da Averardo [e] Antonio Salviati e C. di bancho.

19. Bury's assumption that the Grimaldi Chapel was the earlier one and that therefore two later Genoese chapels, the Serra and Pinelli in San Siro, are primary evidence for the appearance of the Grimaldi Chapel reverses the chronology, missing the crucial place of the Salviati Chapel in putting the pieces of the puzzle together. For casting records of the Grimaldi bronzes, which stretched from about 1582 to 1590, see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," appendix 2, 115-16, and 97-99, 120 nn. 56-60, 121 nn. 61-62. The execution of the Salviati bronzes, as recorded in the Salviati archives in Pisa, covered the period from 1580 to 1588. [BACK]

20. The associative and symbolic aspects of marble are discussed by Steven Ostrow, "Marble Revetment in Late Sixteenth-Century Roman Chapels," in IL60: Essays Honoring Irving Lavin on His Sixtieth Birthday (New York, 1990), 253-66. Andrew Morrogh, "Vasari and Coloured Stones," in Giorgio Vasari tra decorazione ambientale e storiografia artistica, ed. Gian Carlo Garfagnini (Florence, 1985), 309-20, points out Grand Duke Cosimo's passion for "coloured stones," which Vasari shared. [BACK]

21. Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, 376-77, fig. 69. The Chigi Chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo, designed by Raphael but still not finished at the time of Giambologna's first visit to Rome, is an even earlier precedent, although the program has nothing to do with the Grimaldi. Among studies of various aspects of the Chigi are those by John Shearman, "The Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo," JWCI 24 (1961): 129- hard

60 (on the sculptures), and by Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt, "Cosmological Patterns in Raphael's Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo," in Raffaello a Roma: Il convegno del 1983 (Rome, 1986), 127-60. [BACK]

22. John David Summers, "The Sculptural Program of the Cappella di San Luca in Santissima Annunziata," MKIF 14 (1969): 67-90. [BACK]

23. G. B. Castello, Il Bergamasco (c. 1510-c. 1569), was commissioned to decorate this chapel in 1565. He also worked for a Grimaldi relative in San Francesco di Castelletto; see Colette Dufour et al., La pittura a Genova e in Liguria dagli inizi al cinquecento (Genoa, 1970), 256, 310-11. The Prudence is generally given to Cambiaso. Franco Lercari, a member of the old nobility and the patron of the Lercari Chapel, also had one of the grand palaces on the Strada Nuova (Poleggi, 349-58). [BACK]

24. See Bury, "The Senarega Chapel"; for the Immacolata and San Giovanni Battista chapels in San Pietro, see La scultura a Genova, 341-45; for the Pinelli and Serra chapels see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 92-94, figs. 5, 6. Francavilla, who had assisted Giambologna in both the Salviati and Grimaldi chapels, worked in the Senarega, whose altar was radically changed in the early nineteenth century. But the Senarega's side walls, which retain their original appearance, show a greater subordination of parts to whole, further projection of the pediments, and a greater vertical emphasis than those in the Salviati Chapel. The same is true of the Chapel of the Immacolata in San Pietro. As for the Pinelli Chapel, the altar wall has an aedicula with engaged columns and a broken pediment much more bold in profile and ornament than the corresponding aedicula in the Salviati Chapel, whereas the lateral walls of the chapel have an aedicula with only a molding to frame the painting and a broken segmental pediment. Presumably, columns were omitted on the lateral walls to make space for the sculptural niches, which do not exist on the altar wall. The angels holding instruments of the Passion on the pediment of the altar wall sit very upright, unlike those for the Grimaldi Chapel, whose corkscrew postures seem to require a curved surface. The design for Giovanni Domenico Cappellino's painting The Flagellation, as well as that for Giambologna's Flagellation relief in the Grimaldi Chapel, reflects Luca Cambiaso's treatment of the subject. This argument is pursued in Chapter 5. [BACK]

25. Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 291. Soprani (1612-1672) took orders after his wife died in 1670; he himself was buried in San Francesco di Castelletto. Referring to Giambologna's work in the Grimaldi Chapel, he says:

Vene egli in Genova circa l'anno 1580 chiamatovi dal Signor Luca Grimaldi, acciochè adornar dovesse con l'Arte sua una sontuosa Capella, che in honore della Croce Santissima haveva edificata nella Chiesa di San Francesco; per lo che volendo Giovanni far pompa del suo talento, & acquistarsi honor, rappresentò in sei figure di tondo rilievo grandi quanto il naturale la Fortezza, la Giustitia, la Temperanza, & altre virtù simili, che si vedono collocate ne suoi nicchi di marmo, continue

a quali aggionse sei putti sedenti sopra alcune cornici; e sette historiette di basso rilievo, nelle quali espresse i più principali misteri della Santissima Passione di Nostro Signore.

(He came to Genoa about the year 1580, called there by Signor Luca Grimaldi, so that he could adorn with his art a sumptuous chapel, built in honor of the most holy cross in the Church of San Francesco. For this reason, Giovanni, wishing to make a great show of his talent and to acquire much honor for himself, represented six life-size figures in the round—Fortitude, Justice, Temperance, and other, similar, virtues—which are seen all together in their marble niches, to which he added six putti sitting on cornices; seven small stories in relief, in which are represented the principal mysteries of the most Holy Passion of Our Savior.)

Regarding Lomi he says (ibid., 318): "Quindi è che in gran numero si vedono per le Chiese di Genova l'opere di quest'aventuroso artefice; com'il Sant' Antonio di Padova posto nella Chiesa di San Francesco, nella quale sono anche di sua mano le pitture ad oglio nella Capella del Signor Luca Grimaldi" (Therefore one sees in great number in the churches of Genoa works of this bold craftsman, as in [the painting of] Saint Anthony of Padua located in the Church of San Francesco, where the paintings in oil in the chapel of Signor Luca Grimaldi are also by him). [BACK]

26. Ratti, Le Vite , vol. 1, 423, and 450 for mention of the paintings. [BACK]

27. For other discussions of the change from Prudence to Temperance, see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 112-13, 126 nn. 115 and 121, and 127. Dhanens (249) and Holderbaum ( The Sculptor Giovanni Bologna, 213) believe that the statue represents both virtues because she holds a compass and ruler in addition to the reins of Temperance. Erwin Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture (New York, 1964), 75-76, figs. 326, 327, refers to examples of Prudence with a compass in a group of French Renaissance monuments. Lynn White, Jr., "The Iconography of Temperantia and the Virtuousness of Technology," in Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe, ed. Theodore K. Rabb and Jerrold E. Seigel (Princeton, 1969), 207, points out that Andrea Orcagna's Assumption tabernacle of 1359 at Orsanmichele has the rare image of Temperance with a compass. The subject of the first relief in the chapel is discussed in Chapter 4, n. 42. [BACK]

28. Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory (Cambridge, 1990), especially 64-71; Jennifer O'Reilly, Studies in the Iconography of the Virtues and Vices in the Middle Ages (New York, 1988), 113-55; Lynn White, "The Iconography of Temperantia "; Frances Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago, 1966), 57-75. [BACK]

29. Giovanni Giorgio Boggiano, Oratione, Recitata nel Senato il Primo di Luglio (Genoa, 1605); Negrone, Ragionamento . [BACK]

30. Réau, vol. 2, 156-62. The Joseph scene is not nearly so common as the Isaac. An extensive examination of the eucharistic meaning of the chapel and its connection to Tridentine thought can be found in Chapter 4. break [BACK]

31. For the Soccorso contract, see Appendix 2. I can find no information in any of the literature regarding the purpose for which Grand Duke Ferdinando had originally ordered this set, which was cast for him in about 1585-87. See Avery, Giambologna, 271; Dhanens, 295-97. [BACK]

32. ASF, Conventi Soppressi. 119 (S. ma Annunziata di Firenze), 66 (Contratti, 1550-99). See Appendix 2.

Et insuper, attenta bona voluntate dicti domini Ioannis Bononie erga dictam eorum Ecclesiam et conventum, libere eidem concesserunt ad eius beneplacitum et voluntatem faciendi, construendi et hedificandi ad pedes Altaris et Cappellanie prefate vel ibi circum circa, dummodo non deturbetur Cappella contra formam Sacri Concilii Tridentini, unum sepulcrum pro se ipso et suis successoribus et ad eorum usum, eo modo et forma prout sibi placuerit . . .

(Moreover, having retained the goodwill of said Lord Giovanni Bologna toward their church and convent, they have freely conceded to the same to construct and build as he pleases and decides at the foot of the high altar and aforementioned little chapel or thereabouts, so long as the chapel will not be pulled down contrary to the rules of the Sacred Tridentine Council, one tomb for himself and his successors, and for their use, in a way and fashion that will be pleasing to him . . .)

Giambologna's chapel occupied the most honored site in the church.

A further measure of Giambologna's high prestige may be found in Settimanni's report (Diario Fiorentino, ASF, 6, 1596-1608, fols. 89, 128) that on 6 May 1598 Grand Duke Ferdinando and Grand Duchess Cristina took part in a large and devout procession at the Annunziata for the installation, in the choir of the church, of the statue representing the Madonna del Soccorso, whose chapel the celebrated sculptor Giambologna made as a sign of his piety. The chapel itself was unveiled on 24 December of the same year. [BACK]

33. Federico Federici, "Scrutinio della nobiltà Ligustica composta da me," seventeenth century, ASG 798, fol. 50r; Giulio Pasqua, Memorie e Sepolcri che sono nelle chiese e ne'suburbj di Genova raccolte dal Signor Giulio Pasqua l'anno 1610 (abstract by Jacopo Doria, 1870), vol. 49, CBBG, Mr.XV.5.5. The date 1544 next to this entry must be a mistake because the genealogy of Carolo de Venasque, Genealogica et Historica (Paris, 1647), fol. 110, records this same Francesco Grimaldi as ambassador to the emperor in 1547, and Giacomo Giscardi, "Notizia di pitture, statue et altro in diverse chiese e palazzi della città e contorni di Genova, con la relazione dell'origine delle medesime chiese," Biblioteca Franzoniana, Genoa, Ms C. 54, 43, seventeenth century, lists a Last Supper painted by Luca Cambiaso in 1574 for Francesco Grimaldi. [BACK]

34. The inscription originally in the crypt, surviving only from a rubbing (Domenico Piaggio, "Monumenta Genuensia," CBBG, Mr.V.3.3., fol. 237, early nineteenth century), states that there were relics there. It is reproduced and translated in Appendix 1E. break [BACK]

35. D'Oria, La chiesa di San Matteo in Genova, 75-80, 83-86. [BACK]

36. In view of the reforms concerning burial instituted at the Council of Trent (Carlo Borromeo, "De sepulcis et coemiteriis," in Trattati, ed. Barocchi, vol. 3, 74-77), the presence of sarcophagi in the Grimaldi Chapel may be questioned, but the practice apparently continued. Giovanni Antonio Senarega, the patron of the Senarega Chapel in the cathedral of Genoa, was granted permission to build tombs in his chapel when he acquired it on 23 April 1579 (Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 118 n. 32). If Luca Grimaldi had desired tombs in his chapel, he too could undoubtedly have obtained permission.

During his apostolic visit to Genoa in 1582, Monsignore Bossio instructed that wall tombs not be too close to altars; he was specific about tombs in the floor (ASG, Ms 547, fol. 11r,v):

Ea sepulchra quae in ecclesiae pavimento concamerato opere condita sunt, queque sepulcrale os habentnimis altaribus adiunctum, si palmis quinque ad altarium scabellis non distent, sepelliendi usu interdicuntur et humo oppleantur adaequato solo.

Et item opercula, quae imagines habent vel familiarium insignia vel litteras aut aliud omnino quicquam, quod extet atque emineat, accommodentur sex mensium spatio, cum et pavimentum deturpent et convenientium ad ecclesiam pedes offendant, atque ipsa opercula e polito lapide sint atque ita comprese adhereant ut nullo unquam tempore foveant, et si quis effigiendum sit (quod prius Rev. mi Ordinarii iudicio probetur) tesselato opere fiat, nihilque omnino superemineat. Quae peracto sex mensium spatio ad eam rationem accommodata non fuerint, amoveantur obstruanturve omnino.

Sepultura parieti inclusa prope portam maiorem eminens ad octavum diem tollatur, quod si praestitum non fuerit, ecclesia sit tamdiu interdicta donec prestitum fuerit.

(Tombs in the pavement and in the wall of the church, if their openings are too close to the altars and not at least 5 palms from the altar stools, may not be used for burial and must be filled with enough soil to make them flush with the ground.

In addition, tomb covers with family coats of arms and inscriptions that project are to be adjusted within six months' time because they disfigure the pavement and create an impediment to people walking in the church; they are to be made with flat marble so that there are no hollows. If something has to be represented on them (with the prior approval of the Most Reverend Archbishop), it has to be done in mosaic, without any projection. Those [tombs] not adjusted in this way within six months' time are to be removed or completely walled up.

The tomb standing out in the wall near the main door must be removed within eight days, and if this order is not complied with, the church will be put under interdict until such time as the order is executed.)

37. Dhanens also favors an island altar for the Grimaldi Chapel, an arrangement used for both the Salviati and Annunziata chapels. Bury, however, believes that the altar in the Grimaldi Chapel was attached to the wall, implying continue

that it did not have a sarcophagus. He cites the preservation of relics of the cross and crown of thorns in the chapel crypt as the reason for changes between the signing of the contract and the final execution, including the substitution of a wall altar for an island altar. More discussion of sarcophagi locations can be found in Macchioni, 372-73. [BACK]

38. Pilate washes his hands only in the Gospel of Matthew, where the episode occurs before the Flagellation. For the Canonical Office see Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church (Oxford, 1933) vol. 1, 44-75. [BACK]

39. For the medieval tradition, see O'Reilly, 269; and Rosemond Tuve, "Notes on Virtues and Vices," JWCI 26 (1963): 264-303. Later in the seventeenth century, in the Protestant Netherlands, visual links between a specific virtue and a Passion scene emerge sporadically. Rembrandt's etching Ecce Homo, in which the figure of Justice Bound stands in the tribune behind Christ, is discussed by E. Winternitz, "Rembrandt's Christ Presented to the People, 1655: A Meditation on Justice and Collective Guilt," Oud Holland 84 (1969): 177-90; see also Margaret D. Carroll, "Rembrandt as Devotional Printmaker," AB 63 (1981): 585-610. Pilate Washing His Hands, a painting attributed to Cornelis Bisschop (1630-1674), shows a statue of Justice dramatically silhouetted against the sky in the center middle ground of the painting. The linking of Justice to two different Passion scenes indicates that no conformity existed here either. The Bisschop, attributed also to Barend Fabricius by H. De Groot, is illustrated in Oud Holland 65 (1950): 139 (fig. 5), 148. [BACK]

40. The Catechism of the Council of Trent, trans. T. A. Buckley (London, 1852), 54. Although these virtues do not correspond exactly to the traditional seven, they are all aspects of them. Humility was considered an aspect of temperance, for example, and obedience, an aspect of justice (Tuve, "Notes on Virtues and Vices," 277). [BACK]

41. The Mons rood screen is discussed in Chapter 4. [BACK]

42. Angelo Meli, Bartolomeo Colleoni nel suo mausoleo (Bergamo, 1966); Francesco Malaguzzi-Valeri, Giovanni Antonio Amadeo (Bergamo, 1904), 57, 64-75. [BACK]

43. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 32-34. [BACK]

44. See Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, 74. [BACK]

45. For Bury's proposal, see "The Grimaldi Chapel," 106-9. Macchioni (361-66) agrees with Bury in the placement of the Virtues except that she places Charity on the inside of the right wall of the chapel instead of at the entrance, but she radically reorders the sequence in the Passion cycle, according to what in my opinion is a mistaken argument. [BACK]

46. In the Salviati Chapel the two statues on the altar wall have their weight on the inside legs, although it does not necessarily follow that the same must have been true for the Grimaldi. break [BACK]

Chapter 3— Faith, Good Works, and the Catholic Reformation

1. O'Reilly contains a mine of information on virtues and vices in the Middle Ages. [BACK]

2. See Seidel, ed., Giovanni Pisano a Genova; John Pope-Hennessy, Italian Gothic Sculpture (New York, 1972), 185-86, pls. 34, 35, for early fourteenth-century royal tombs by Tino di Camaino in Naples. [BACK]

3. For a good summary of the situation, see Steven Ozment, The Age of Reform, 1250-1550 (New Haven, 1980), especially 374-80 and 398-409. [BACK]

4. La scultura a Genova, 334-36. [BACK]

5. For the Anjou family tombs in Naples, see Pope-Hennessy, Italian Gothic Sculpture, 17, 185-86, pl. 35, fig. 28. The tombs were made for members of the family of Charles the Wise. In general, the specific Virtues vary from monument to monument; in the case of the Anjou family, the tombs of the male members of the family include all seven Virtues, both theological and cardinal, and the tombs of the female members include only the three theological Virtues. (Were females thought not to need the cardinal Virtues because their lives were not concerned with secular power?) The monument to Margaret of Brabant, queen of Luxembourg, originally in San Francesco di Castelletto in Genoa, however, included all four cardinal Virtues. This tomb was significant for two reasons: it commemorated a queen, and it was created by a famous artist, Giovanni Pisano. Thus the monument was undoubtedly the most distinguished in the Church of San Francesco and might well have stimulated Luca Grimaldi to think of Virtues for his chapel. [BACK]

6. Pope-Hennessy, Italian Gothic Sculpture, 12-13, 181; Stefano Bottari, L'arca di S. Domenico in Bologna (Bologna, 1964), fig. 2. Beside the Saint Dominic tomb (1267), another well-known example is the tomb of Saint Peter Martyr (1338) in San Eustorgio in Milan. In both monuments, freestanding Virtues act as caryatids supporting the sarcophagus above. Saint Peter Martyr's tomb includes Obedience along with the customary seven Virtues, bringing the total to eight, four on the front of the tomb and four on the back. [BACK]

7. Donatello and Michelozzo's tomb for the antipope John XXIII has three Virtues standing in shell niches below the sarcophagus--a position different from that of Virtues on the late medieval tombs of royal personages and saints, where Virtues serve as caryatids.

The number of Virtues found on tombs varies greatly, depending presumably on the requirements of program and design. Only three appear on the tomb of John XXIII, for example, whereas seven are included in Pollaiuolo's tombs for Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII. Sansovino's Basso and Sforza tombs both have four Virtues standing in niches.

The elaborate Venetian monuments of doges commonly have Virtues. The Tron tomb and Vendramin tomb are significant examples of the tradition. See continue

Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture (New York, 1971), fig. 154; and Debra Pincus, "The Tomb of Doge Nicolo Tron and Venetian Renaissance Ruler Imagery," in Art the Ape of Nature: Studies in Honor of H. W. Janson, ed. Mosche Barasch and Lucy Freeman Sandler (New York, 1981), 127-50, for discussion of Antonio Rizzo's Tron tomb in Santa Maria dei Frari, begun in 1476. And see Pope-Hennessy, ibid. fig. 162, for a discussion of Tullio Lombardo's Vendramin tomb in Santi Giovanni e Paolo, early 1490s. Several sets of freestanding Virtues decorate four of the five stages of the Tron tomb. In a departure from tradition, the seven theological and cardinal Virtues stand in niches above the sarcophagus, rather than beside or below it. Tullio Lombardo's Vendramin tomb is more conventional in that it has only the traditional seven Virtues, arranged on the same level as the sarcophagus, five in niches actually on the sarcophagus and two flanking the monument. [BACK]

8. See Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, 74-76. The Giustis' tomb in Saint-Denis includes a Virtue seated on each of the four corners of the freestanding monument. Jean Mone, a countryman of Giambologna's who did many sepulchral monuments for royal personages and rich burghers, is the subject of a long essay in Paul Clemen, Belgische Kunstdenkmäler (Munich, 1923), vol. 2. The continuation of this tradition can be illustrated by several examples: Francesco Primaticcio and Germain Pilon's tomb of Henry II and Catherine de' Medici in Saint-Denis, 1563-70 (Anthony Blunt, Art and Architecture in France, 1500-1700 [Harmondsworth, 1973], 147-52, fig. 68); Guglielmo della Porta's tomb of Paul III in Saint Peter's, 1550s (Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, 390-91, fig. 145); Nicola Cordier's Aldobrandini tomb in the family chapel in Santa Maria Sopra Minerva, commissioned from Giacomo della Porta in 1600 (Pope-Hennessy, ibid., 422, fig. 147); Bernini's tomb of Urban VIII, Saint Peter's, 1624-47 (Pope-Hennessy, ibid., 430, pl. 146). [BACK]

9. Some distinguished Catholic churchmen and reformers, such as Gasparo Contarini and Girolamo Seripando, came perilously close to advocating Luther's Augustinian brand of justification. [BACK]

10. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34.

11. Ibid., 36.

12. Ibid., 40-42. [BACK]

10. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34.

11. Ibid., 36.

12. Ibid., 40-42. [BACK]

10. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34.

11. Ibid., 36.

12. Ibid., 40-42. [BACK]

13. O'Reilly, 83-107. [BACK]

14. Gabriele Paleotti, Discorso intorno alle imagini sacre e profane diviso in cinque libri, book 2, chaps. 43-44, in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 2, 452-61. [BACK]

15. Catechismus, Ex Decreto Concilii Tridentini, Ad Parochos. Pii Quinti Pont. Max. Iussu Editus Romae, In aedibus Populi Romani apud Paulum Manutium, 1566, 48-49:

Ut in hac una passione omnium virtutum clarissima exempla habeamus; nam et patientiam, et humilitatem, et eximiam caritatem, et mansuetudinem, et obedi- soft

entiam, et summam animi constantiam, non solum in perferendis propter iustitiam doloribus, sed etiem in morte oppetenda, ita ostendit, ut vere dicere possimus, Salvatorem nostrum, quaecunque vitae praecepta toto praedicationis suae tempore verbis nos docuit, ea omnia uno passionis die in se ipso expressisse.

16. O'Reilly, 200. For an explanation of the two virtue traditions and their relationship in the later Middle Ages, see idem, 163-205.

17. Ibid., 131-32. [BACK]

16. O'Reilly, 200. For an explanation of the two virtue traditions and their relationship in the later Middle Ages, see idem, 163-205.

17. Ibid., 131-32. [BACK]

18. Levati, 296. The medal, given in recognition of Grimaldi's successful completion of long years of study, has, unfortunately, not turned up, nor have any archives of this branch of the family been located. [BACK]

19. John W. O'Malley, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome (Durham, N.C., 1979); Frederick J. McGuiness, "Rhetoric and Counter-Reformation Rome: Sacred Oratory and the Construction of the Catholic World View, 1563-1621," Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1982; John M. McManamon, Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1989). [BACK]

20. Boggiano, Oratione, 7-9.

21. Ibid., 10-21. [BACK]

20. Boggiano, Oratione, 7-9.

21. Ibid., 10-21. [BACK]

22. Negrone, Ragionamento, 42-46. [BACK]

23. La scultura a Genova, figs. 230, 298. The Chapel of Saint John the Baptist is treated by Hanno-Walter Kruft, "La cappella di San Giovanni Battista nel duomo di Genova," Antichità viva 9, no. 4 (1970): 33-50, and "La decorazione interna della cappella di San Giovanni Battista nel duomo di Genova," Antichità viva 10, no. 1 (1971): 20-27. [BACK]

24. Negrone, Ragionamento, 57. [BACK]

25. Federico Federici, "Scrutinio della nobiltà Ligustica composta da me," seventeenth century, ASG 798, fol. 50r; Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 291; Giscardi, "Notizia," Ms C. 54, 43; Francesco Maria Accinelli, "Cronologia dei Pontefici Genovesi, delli Dogi, Vescovi, ed arcivescovi di Genova," CBBG, Ms 493 (1777), 177; Carlo Giuseppe Ratti, Descrizione de Genova e del Genovesato (Genoa, 1780), 111; Ratti, Instruzione di quanto, 249; Gaetano Avignone, "Medaglie dei Liguri e della Liguria," ASLSP, vol. 8 (1872), 527; Antonio Roccatagliata, Annali della Repubblica di Genova dall'anno 1581 all'anno 1607 (Genoa, 1873), 324; Federico Alizeri, Guida illustrativa del cittadino e del forastiero per la città di Genova (Genoa, 1875), 429; Santo Varni, Ricordi di alcuni fonditori in bronzo (Genoa, 1879), 24; Achille Neri, "Giovanni Bologna a Genova," Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia, e Letteratura, anno 13 (Genoa, 1886), 229-32; Levati, 304-5. [BACK]

26. Dhanens, 144-45 and fig. 47. [BACK]

27. Jacques Du Broeucq, 33; 37-39. break [BACK]

28. The sources for Giambologna's figural sculpture would constitute another major study. [BACK]

29. O'Reilly, especially 74-75, 114, 122-24, 129. [BACK]

30. Lynette M. F. Bosch, "Time, Truth, and Destiny: Some Iconographical Themes in Bronzino's Primavera and Giusticia, " MKIF 28 (1983): 73-82. [BACK]

31. Negrone speaks of the importance of justice at length, specifying its various components (68-82). Several times he says that the judge/ruler must exercise justice with strength ( fortezza, 82-83), and at one point he personifies justice as an armed knight (95). [BACK]

32. For the detailed argument see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 112-14. Grimaldi himself may well have had a personal library including emblem books. Not only was he well educated, but he also had access to such books in his elite circle. [BACK]

33. Boggiano, Oratione, 26 (by means of a light [Luca] one could make oneself shining and luminous, and in this way . . . could become like crystal). [BACK]

34. Shroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 34. [BACK]

Chapter 4— Salvation and the Council of Trent

1. Bossio, "Visita pastorale," ASG, Ms 547, fol. 109. [BACK]

2. A fictionalized re-creation of the political situation in the Holy Land during Jesus' life by the biblical scholar Hugh J. Schonfield ( The Passover Plot [New York, 1965]) presents a plausible and fascinating account of the necessity for the Crucifixion. [BACK]

3. See Appendix 3 for a survey of locations and contexts of Passion cycles. [BACK]

4. F. Piel, La Cappella Colleoni e il Luogo Pio della Pietà in Bergamo (Bergamo, 1975); Meli; Malaguzzi-Valeri. In 1969 Colleoni's remains were found in the lower sarcophagus, under a layer of mortar. Apparently the upper sarcophagus was not opened at that time; it is thought by some that Colleoni's wife's remains are there. The four Virtues along the front of the Colleoni sarcophagus are Justice, Charity, Temperance, and Faith. I thank JoAnne Bernstein for sharing her knowledge about the Colleoni monument with me. She informs me that there is no real basis for believing that Colleoni's wife is interred in the upper sarcophagus. [BACK]

5. Pieces of the monument are found in the Villa Borromeo at Isola Bella, the Ambrosiana and Castello Sforzesco in Milan, the Villa Taccioli Modigliani in Varese, and the Certosa at Pavia. The extant Passion scenes are The Agony in the Garden, Christ before Caiaphas, Christ before Pilate, Christ Tied to the Column, The Flagellation, Christ Despoiled, Christ Crowned with Thorns, Ecce Homo, Pilate Washing His Hands, Christ and the Pious Women, The Way to Calvary, and The Crucifixion . For further information, see Diego Sant'Ambrogio, I sarcofagi Bor- soft

romeo ed il monumento del Birago all'Isola Bella (Milan, 1897); Gustave Clausse, Les Tombeaux de Gaston de Foix et de la famille Birago par Agostino Busti (Paris, 1912); and Giorgio Nicodemi, Il Bambaia (Milan, 1945), 29-39. Janice Shell, who is engaged in a study of this monument, reports that a reliable reconstruction is not possible because too many pieces are missing and there is too little information.

Vasari reports that in 1556 he saw six Virtues on the monument, but none has been securely matched with extant statues. [BACK]

6. Hedicke, Jacques Du Broeucq de Mons, gives a complete history of the Mons screen, including documents, and a reconstruction based on extant drawings of the project and the sculptures that survive. For further discussion of rood screens, see Jean-Baptiste Thiers, Dissertations ecclésiastiques sur les principaux autels des églises: Les Jubés des églises La Clôture du Choeur des églises (Paris, 1688); Marcia Hall, Renovation and Counter-Reformation (Oxford, 1979), 84-85; and "The Tramezzo in Santa Croce, Florence, Reconstructed," AB 56 (1974): 325-41. [BACK]

7. For Borromeo's reforming zeal as well as other aspects of his life, see John Headley, ed., San Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century (Washington, D.C., 1987); Giuseppe Alberigo et al., Il grande Borromeo tra storia e fede (Milan, 1984); Pallavicino's synod is published in Synodi Diocesanae, 56ff. [BACK]

8. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 215-17. Although the veneration of relics was strongly upheld, close supervision by bishops and clergy was mandated. [BACK]

9. Bossio, "Visita pastorale," ASG, Ms 547, fols. 2-3. [BACK]

10. Domenico Piaggio, "Monumenta Genuensia," CBBG, Mr.V.3.3, fol. 237, early nineteenth century. [BACK]

11. Promis, 420. [BACK]

12. Karl Young, Drama of the Medieval Church (Oxford, 1933), vol. 1, 102, 112-20, discusses this ceremony; see also his "Dramatic Associations of the Easter Sepulchre," University of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature 10 (1920): 5-130; and Pamela Sheingorn, The Easter Sepulchre in England (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1987), 6-32. [BACK]

13. John Wilkinson, Egeria's Travels (London, 1971). [BACK]

14. Domenico Cambiaso, "L'anno ecclesiastico e le feste dei Santi in Genova nel loro svolgimento storico," ASLSP, vol. 48 (1917), 45-46. He also reports that in 1588 Good Friday was declared an official feast day in Genoa. [BACK]

15. The description of this ceremony is taken from Young, Drama of the Medieval Church, vol. 1, especially 118-20, and his "Dramatic Associations of the Easter Sepulchre," 19-29, where the Latin text of the Saint Athelwold ceremonial is reproduced in addition to several texts from Roman ordines . [BACK]

16. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 144-46. break [BACK]

17. James Broderick, Robert Bellarmine (London, 1961), 83; Robert W. Richgels, "The Pattern of Controversy in a Counter-Reformation Classic: The Controversies of Robert Bellarmine," Sixteenth Century Journal 11 (1980): 3-15. [BACK]

18. Wilfred Francis Dewan, "Eucharist (Biblical Data)," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5 (1967), 604. [BACK]

19. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 73. [BACK]

20. Joseph Andreas Jungemann, The Mass of the Roman Rite: Its Origin and Development (Missarum Sollemnia), trans. from the German by Francis A. Brauner, vol. 1 (New York, 1951), 132-33. [BACK]

21. Catechismus, 40; Catechism of the Council of Trent, 1852, 150. [BACK]

22. Catechism of the Council of Trent, 50. [BACK]

23. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 147: "The holy council wishes indeed that at each mass the faithful who are present should communicate, not only in spiritual desire but also by the sacramental partaking of the Eucharist." [BACK]

24. Saint Ambrose, Theological and Dogmatic Works, trans. Roy J. Deferrari, vol. 44 (Washington, D.C., 1963), 317. For Borromeo see Cesare Orsenigo, Life of St. Charles Borromeo (London, 1943), 291; Carlo Borromeo's intense devotion to the Eucharist manifested itself in a number of actions, such as his direction to pastors and preachers at the First Provincial Council to exhort the faithful to receive the Holy Eucharist frequently. He was instrumental, moreover, in starting a Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament in his diocese, and he promoted the spread of the Guilds of the Corpus Domini; Pius XI (Ambrogio Damiano Achille Ratti), Essays in History, trans. E. Bullough (Freeport, N.Y., 1967), 212-13. [BACK]

25. Wilfred Francis Dewan, "Eucharist (as Sacrament)," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5 (1967), 608. [BACK]

26. Edoardo Grendi, "Un esempio di arcaismo politico: Le conventicole nobiliari a Genova e la riforma del 1528," Rivista Storica Italiana 78 (1966), 962-64. Grendi's work is based on extensive archival research. [BACK]

27. For Francesco Grimaldi's will, see ASG, "Atti del Notaro Chiavari Leonardo (Lomellino)," N.Ord. 9-Ord. Gen. 2496; for the relevant document in the records of the Banco di San Giorgio, see ASG, Pandetta no. 17, Sala no. 20, Cartulario delle Colonne, no. 1459 "C," anno 1611. [BACK]

28. ASG, Pandetta no. 17, Sala no. 20, Cartulario delle Colonne, no. 1465 "PN," anno 1611. [BACK]

29. Carlo Borromeo, "Instructiones fabricae et supellectilis ecclesiasticae," chap. 13, "De Tabernaculio Sanctissimae Eucharistiae," in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 3, 22. Borromeo, in his zeal, also commissioned a treatise on the Passion, Francesco Panigarola, Cento Ragionamenti sopra la Passione di Nostro Signore (Genoa, 1585). Jacopo del Duca's ciborium (1570) for Santa Maria degli Angeli appears to be a response to Borromeo's directive. More generally, the continue

Passion cycles in the naves of the cathedral of Orvieto and in the Church of Santa Croce in Florence reflect renewed emphasis on the Passion. A brief discussion of the Orvieto cycle may be found in Rosamond E. Mack, "Girolamo Muziano and Cesare Nebbia at Orvieto," AB 56 (1974): 410-13; there is an extensive discussion of the renovation of Santa Croce and its relationship to the religious climate in Hall, Renovation and Counter-Reformation, 13-15. The Orvieto cycle, executed between 1556 and 1575, includes The Betrayal, Christ before Pilate, The Flagellation, The Crowning with Thorns, Ecce Homo, The Way to Calvary, The Crucifixion, The Raising of Lazarus, and The Marriage at Cana . The cycle at Santa Croce (executed in the 1560s and 1570s) includes The Entry into Jerusalem, Ecce Homo, The Flagellation, The Way to Calvary, The Crucifixion, The Deposition, The Resurrection, Christ in Limbo, The Supper at Emmaus, Pentecost, The Doubting Thomas, and The Ascension . The timing of these and two other cycles (the paintings in the Oratorio del Gonfalone in Rome [1569-75] and the reliefs for the Corpus Domini silver casket made for the cathedral in Genoa [1560s], discussed in Chapter 5) may relate to Tridentine concerns as well. [BACK]

30. Documents in ASCG concerning the silver casket are as follows: 50 (cartulario 1565), n.p. (26 June 1565); (22 December 1565); 651 (Padri del Comune, Decreti, 1562-72, 23 April 1571); 652 (Padri del Comune, Decreti, 1572-75, 8 August 1574); 653 (Padri del Comune, Decreti, 1575-76, 6 June 1575); (28 May 1576). See also Cornelio Desimoni and Luigi Tomaso Belgrano, "Documenti ed estratti inediti o poco noti riguardanti la storia del commercio e delle marina ligure, Brabante, Fiandra e Borgogne," ASLSP, vol. 5 (1867), 492-93, 546; Santo Varni, Della Cassa per la processione del Corpus Domini (Genoa, 1867); Orlando Grosso, "Il Tesoro del duomo di Genova," Dedalo 1, anno 5 (1924-25): 550-73; Carlo Ceschi, Chiese di Genova (Genoa, 1966); Caterina Marcenaro, Il museo del tesoro della cattedrale a Genova (Milan, 1969). Varni and Marcenaro mention documents that fix the commissioning of sixteen scenes from the Old and New Testament for the casket in 1553. Varni says that these were changed to the twelve present scenes representing the Passion of Christ. I have not been able to verify the document of the 1553 commission to the Milanese jeweler Francesco de Rochi but have found records of payments to Cambiaso in 1565 for designs and subsequent references to Flemish executants of the work. Francesco apparently did not carry out the commission, and the execution of the casket reliefs was ultimately left to the Flemish silversmiths Tomaso Opluten, Raniero Fochs, Baldassare Martines, and Davide Scaglia. [BACK]

31. For Borromeo's connections to Genoa, see Galassi, "Genova alla fine del cinquecento," in Ciardi, Galassi, and Carofano, Aurelio Lomi, 74-80. See also O. A. Biandrà, "Lettere tra il doge di Genova e il cardinale Carlo Borromeo," in La Storia dei Genovesi, atti del convegno di studi sui ceti dirigenti nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova, vol. 5 (1984), 115-37. break [BACK]

32. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 30-31.

33. Ibid., 33. [BACK]

32. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 30-31.

33. Ibid., 33. [BACK]

34. Henk Van Os, "Saint Francis of Assisi as a Second Christ in Early Italian Painting," Simiolus 7 (1974): 115-32. [BACK]

35. Bonaventure Anthony Brown, "Way of the Cross," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 14 (1967), 832-34. [BACK]

36. The problem of the authorship of the Meditationes is presented by Jaime R. Vidal, "The Infancy Narrative in Pseudo-Bonaventure's 'Meditationes Vitae Christi': A Study in Medieval Franciscan Piety," Ph.D. dissertation, Fordham University, 1984, 19-26; Vidal does not, however, definitively attribute the manuscript to John of Caulibus, a Franciscan from San Gimignano.

But C. Mary Taney, in her paper "Developing a Critical Text of the Meditationes Vitae Christi, and Its Implications for Scholarship and Spirituality," delivered at the 1990 meeting of the Medieval Institute in Kalamazoo, explained that a consensus now exists attributing the Meditationes to John of Caulibus. [BACK]

37. Bonaventura (pseud.), Meditations on the Life of Christ, ed. Isa Ragusa and Rosalie Green (Princeton, 1961), 317-64, and especially 317-18.

38. Ibid., 329. [BACK]

37. Bonaventura (pseud.), Meditations on the Life of Christ, ed. Isa Ragusa and Rosalie Green (Princeton, 1961), 317-64, and especially 317-18.

38. Ibid., 329. [BACK]

39. A history of the stations of the cross can be found in Herbert Thurston, The Stations of the Cross (London, 1914). [BACK]

40. Among modern scholars, Rudolf Wittkower, "Montagnes sacrées," L'Oeil 59 (November 1959): 54-61, 92, drew attention to the phenomenon of sacri monti, Varallo being the earliest among many in northern Italy. More recently, William Hood has written a provocative essay on Varallo and its connection to Franciscan devotions: "The Sacro Monte of Varallo: Renaissance Art and Popular Religion," in Monasticism and the Arts, ed. Timothy Verdon (Syracuse, N.Y., 1984), 291-311. The bibliography continues to increase with such works as A. Bossi, C. Deliaggi, S. Pinetta, and S. Stefani Perrone, eds., Monumenti di fede e di arte in Varallo (Varallo, 1984); Atti del I convegno internazionale sui sacri monti (Varallo, 1980); and Sergio Gensini, ed., La "Gerusalemme" di San Vivaldo e i sacri monti in Europa (Ospedaletto, 1989). My own research on the sacri monti is focusing on the Tuscan site of San Vivaldo. [BACK]

41. Alessi was heavily involved in designs for the Sacro Monte at Varallo, and even though his schema for the whole was never realized, his plans for several of the chapels were used. See F. Fontana and P. Sorrenti, Sacri monti, itinerari di devozione fra archittetura, figurativa e paesaggio (Varallo, 1980). Pellegrino Tibaldi, Borromeo's favorite architect, was also involved in several of the individual chapels. [BACK]

42. Confusion and ambiguity have arisen in the literature concerning the subject of the first relief of the cycle, designated Christ before Pilate in the contract. In 1768 Ratti, in his edition of Soprani's Le Vite de' Pittori, vol. 1, 423, called this scene Christ "presentato al sommo Sacerdote," that is, Caiaphas. continue

Then Varni, Ricordi, 29, called the relief "Gesù dinanzi Caifa." In more recent literature Dhanens, 241-43, follows the contract, calling the relief Christ before Pilate . Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, 384-86, is inconsistent. He refers to the bronze as Christ before Pilate but to the wax study for the same relief as Christ before Caiaphas . Avery and Radcliffe, Giambologna, no. 122, 155, perpetuate this misidentification, as does Avery in Giambologna, 271.

The reason for the confusion appears to lie in the different hats the judge wears in the first relief (Plate 7) and in Pilate Washing His Hands (Plate 11), about which there can be no dispute. Since Caiaphas is almost always shown rending his robe, as in Matthew 26:65, it is unlikely that this scene represents him. The other possibility is that it represents Annas, a figure in a minor encounter in the Passion who is not usually represented in short cycles but is more likely to be found in longer ones. Dürer included an Annas scene in his Small Passion woodcut cycle of thirty-seven scenes, and Giovanni Stradano (see Günter Thiem, "Studien zu Jan Van Der Straet, genannt Stradanus," MKIF 8 [1958]: 88-111, 155-66, especially 103-6), a Flemish contemporary of Giambologna's working in Florence, also included an Annas scene in his pen and ink Passion cycle of thirty-eight scenes, dated around 1585.

The problem of hats is puzzling, however. In Dürer's small woodcut cycle, Pilate wears a tall turbanlike hat, while in his small engraved cycle Pilate wears a soft hat with a rolled brim. Within each cycle the style of Pilate's hat is consistent. The inconsistency in the Grimaldi cycle, therefore, is a problem. But the Ecce Homo scene offers a solution, for here, when Pilate shows Christ to the people, his hat is like that the judge wears in the first scene of the cycle.

There are two possible explanations for the unusual tall pointed hat Pilate wears in the hand-washing scene. In John 19:13, Pilate goes to sit in the seat of judgment when he realizes that the time has come for Jesus to be condemned; the different hat and seat would then make this change explicit. Or Giambologna may not have taken iconographical consistency into account and, liking Pilate's tall turban in Dürer's woodcut scene of the hand washing, he simply adapted it. This would not be surprising, since the rest of Dürer's composition seems to have been a source for Giambologna's relief. For a different argument, see Macchioni, 365, who likens Pilate's hat in the hand-washing scene to a miter and his cape to a tallith, or prayer shawl, items associated with Jewish priestly attire. Since there can be no doubt that it is Pilate in this scene, Macchioni attributes the anomaly to the intention to put the blame for Christ's condemnation prominently on the shoulders of the Jews by dressing Pilate as one. This still does not account for the similarity of hats in the first relief, Christ before Pilate in my opinion, and Ecce Homo . In any case, what emerges from this excursus is that the subject as specified in the contract by the patron, Christ before Pilate, is the scene intended. break [BACK]

43. Panigarola, Cento Ragionamenti . This treatise, intended to be several volumes but never completed beyond the first, summarizes views on the events in the last days of Christ's life that constitute the Passion proper. [BACK]

44. Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, 41, discusses these parallels, as does Réau, vol. 2, 160-61. [BACK]

45. See Barbara Wollesen-Wisch, "The Archiconfraternita del Gonfalone and Its Oratory in Rome: Art and Counter-Reformation Spiritual Values," Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1985. [BACK]

46. Cesare Baronius, Annales ecclesiastici . Una cum critica Historico-Chronologica. D. Antonii Pagii (Lucca, 1738), 137b; Maura Judge, "Passion of Christ, I," New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 10 (1967), 1053-57. [BACK]

47. Baronius, 134b.

48. Ibid., 136. [BACK]

47. Baronius, 134b.

48. Ibid., 136. [BACK]

49. Baronius's ancient sources included Josephus, Philo, Eusebius, Tacitus, Acts of Pilate, Ambrose, Strabo, Tertullian, Gregory of Tours, Plutarch, Pliny, Suetonius, Dio Cassius, Lucian, and Hegesippus. Although Baronius meticulously cites them to validate his historical account, he casts doubt on the reliability of some when they disagree with Tridentine church doctrine. In particular, he relies heavily on Josephus to corroborate the events of Christ's Passion but declares him unreliable for failing to realize that the devastating defeat of the Jews by Titus was punishment for the death of Christ. [BACK]

50. Catechism of the Council of Trent, 53; Catechismus, 39-40. [BACK]

51. The literature on Pilate is extensive. Good accounts of attitudes toward him throughout history are found in Renata von Stoephasius, Die Gestalt des Pilatus in den mittelalterlichen Passionspielen (Würzburg, 1938); Arnold Williams, The Characterization of Pilate in the Towneley Plays (East Lansing, Mich., 1950) (with an extensive bibliography); J. Blinzler, Der Prozess Jesu (Stuttgart, 1951), published in English as The Trial of Jesus, trans. I. McHugh and F. McHugh (Westminster, Md., 1959); Irving Lavin, "The Sources of Donatello's Pulpits in San Lorenzo: Revival and Freedom of Choice in the Early Renaissance," AB 41 (1959): 19-38; Selma Pfeiffenberger, "Notes on the Iconology of Donatello's Judgment of Pilate at San Lorenzo," Renaissance Quarterly 20 (1967): 437-54; Schonfield, 143-57, 265-67. Even in Luke's terse account of Christ's trial before Pilate it is obvious that the blame for Christ's Crucifixion lies with the crowd and not with Pilate. [BACK]

52. For some of these early accounts, see The Works Now Extant of S. Justin the Martyr, trans. Rev. G. J. Davie, Library of the Fathers of the Church (Oxford, 1861), 27-29, 36-38; Eusebius, The Ecclesiastical History, trans. K. Lake, vol. 1, Loeb Classical Library, 1959, 73-79, 111, 121-27; Tacitus, The Annals, trans. J. Jackson, vol. 16, Loeb Classical Library, 1951, 44; Saint Ambrose, "Opera," in Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, vol. 32, pt. 3, Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam, edited by Carolus Schenkl (Vienna, 1902), 493-94. break [BACK]

53. Edgar Hennecke, New Testament Apocrypha, ed. W. Schneemelcher, trans. R. McL. Wilson, vol. 1 (Philadelphia, 1963), 444-70. [BACK]

54. Among the infrequent historical instances in which Pilate is portrayed as evil, in addition to Josephus and Philo, are a group of late fifteenth-century English cycle plays from Towneley that treat Pilate as a manipulator of the law and a symbol of the maladministration of justice. According to Williams (75) this attitude toward Pilate results from the social orientation of the author, for whom Pilate is a vehicle to expose the oppression of the poor by the upper classes. [BACK]

55. Saint Ambrose, "Opera," 493-94. I am grateful to Joseph Salemi for help in translating this passage. [BACK]

56. Baronius, 134b, 136b. For help with this translation I am grateful to Michael Sollenberger.

57. Ibid., 136b. [BACK]

56. Baronius, 134b, 136b. For help with this translation I am grateful to Michael Sollenberger.

57. Ibid., 136b. [BACK]

58. Paleotti, Discorso, in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 2, 364-70; Paolo Prodi, "Ricerche sulla teorica delle arti figurative nella riforma cattolica," Archivio Italiano per la storia della Pietà 4 (Rome, 1962), especially 132-37 and 146-58. Prodi comprehensively surveys and analyzes the major writers on this subject, including Carlo Borromeo and, especially, Gabriele Paleotti. Prodi (137 n. 1) quotes the following important passage from Borromeo, Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis, vol. 2 (Milan, 1565), cols. 1442-44:

Praeterea sacris imaginibus pingendis sculpendisve, sicut nihil falsum, nihil incertum apocryphumque, nihil superstitiosum, nihil insolitum adhiberi debet: ita quidquid profanum, turpe vel obscoenum inhonestum, procacitatemve ostentans omnino caveatur: et quidquid item curiosum, quodque non ad pietatem homines informet, aut quo fidelium mentes oculique offendi possint, prorsus vitetur item.

(Furthermore, in the painting and sculpting of sacred images, just as nothing false, uncertain, apocryphal, superstitious, or unusual ought to be displayed, so let there be a thorough caution against showing anything profane, foul, obscene, or disreputable or any depiction of shamelessness. In addition, whatever is curious, or does not dispose men to piety, or might offend the minds and eyes of the faithful is to be wholly avoided.)

59. For Pallavicino's synod, see Synodi Diocesanae, 58ff. [BACK]

60. Bossio, Decreta Generalia . [BACK]

61. Bossio, "Visita pastorale," ASG, Ms 547, fols. 108-10. [BACK]

62. Young, Drama of the Medieval Church, is still the basic invaluable survey of the subject; see especially the chapter on the Passion play in volume 1 and the conclusion in volume 2, as well as notes, 492-539. Sandro Sticca, The Latin Passion Play: Its Origins and Development (Albany, N. Y., 1970), although more limited than Young, is helpful for its more recent bibliography. See also Carl continue

J. Stratman, Bibliography of Medieval Drama, 2 vols. (New York, 1972). For Italian sacred drama, Alessandro D'Ancona, Origini del teatro italiano, 2d. ed., rev., 2 vols. (Turin, 1891), remains the basic work, but in the past twenty years many regional studies have appeared. See Kathleen C. Falvey, "Italian Vernacular Religious Drama of the Fourteenth through the Sixteenth Centuries: A Selected Bibliography on the Lauda drammatica and the Sacra rappresentazione, " Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 26 (1983): 125-44. [BACK]

63. For the Montecassino play, see Sticca, 51; and for Perugia, Kathleen C. Falvey, "Scriptural Plays from Perugia," Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New York, Stony Brook, 1974. In addition, see Alessandro D'Ancona, ed., Sacra rappresentazione dei secoli XIV, XV, e XVI, 3 vols. (Florence, 1872); and Falvey, "Italian Vernacular Religious Drama." Much research is now under way, especially in the area of confraternities and their connection to sacred drama. The newsletter of the Society for Confraternity Studies, Confraternitas, edited by William R. Bowen and Konrad Eisenbichler, University of Toronto, is a good source for current research. [BACK]

64. Emile Mâle, "Une influence des mystères sur l'art italien du XVe siècle," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 35 (1906): 89-94; Alois M. Nagler, The Medieval Religious Stage (New Haven, 1976), 89-105. Nagler reviews scholarly opinion on whether the plays influenced the visual arts or vice versa; he cites the Viennese Passion Play of 1505-12 and Wilhelm Rollinger as an example of the precedence of the visual arts over the dramatic. Settling the issue, however, seems less important than continuing to investigate the details of the relationship. In connection with the proliferation of Passion cycles in drama and on painted crosses it is apposite to recall that confraternities devoted to the Eucharist began to appear in the twelfth century and that Innocent III declared Transubstantiation official dogma in 1215 at the Fourth Lateran Council. See Ozment, The Age of Reform, 90. [BACK]

65. Falvey, "Scriptural Plays from Perugia." According to Falvey, the play, P 63, "Signore scribe," was probably a Good Friday play based on the Gospel of John, with some deviations. Of the 462 verses that make up the play, 189 take place either in Pilate's court or moving toward or away from it. The play has only six locations but twelve scenes, of which five are concerned with Christ and Pilate, so that Pilate's confrontation with Christ dominates this play as it does the much shorter Grimaldi cycle. The six locations used for the play were the courts of Caiaphas, Annas, Pilate, and Herod; the place where women are gathered; and the Mount of Olives. [BACK]

66. Cambiaso, "L'anno ecclesiastico," 49; Luigi Tommaso Belgrano, "Dei giuochi e delle feste dei genovesi," Archivio Storico Italiano, ser. 3 (1872): 417; D'Ancona, Origini, vol. 1, 184-207. [BACK]

67. Cambiaso, "L'anno ecclesiastico," 49. [BACK]

68. A parallel instance in sixteenth-century England is treated by Williams, as discussed in note 54. break [BACK]

69. Boggiano, Oratione, 11. Levati records the major offices and duties Grimaldi filled, information gleaned from the Genoese State Archives. [BACK]

70. J. B. G. Galiffe, Le Refuge italien de Genève aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Geneva, 1881); M. Rosi, "La riforma religiosa in Liguria e l'eretico umbro Bartolomeo Bartoccio," ASLSP, vol. 24, fas. 2 (1892), 557-663; M. Rosi, "Storia delle relazioni fra la Repubblica di Genova e la Chiesa Romana specialmente considerate in rapporto alla riforma religiosa," in Memorie della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 6, ser. 5 (1899), Rome, Scienze, morali, storiche e filologiche: 169-231. Rosi's articles, a mine of information, are based on documents he examined, many of which he published in the two works just cited. Additional material from the archives is analyzed by G. Bertora, "Il tribunale inquisitorio di Genova e l'inquisizione romana nel '500," La Civiltà Cattolica 2 (1953): 173-87. The tension between Genoa and the papacy comes through clearly in these documents. [BACK]

71. Ludwig Pastor, History of the Popes (London, 1929), vol. 17, 315-20. [BACK]

72. Rosi, "La riforma religiosa," especially 619-32. Perhaps a look at Inquisitional records and notarial documents would uncover another intriguing character like Menocchio, the miller protagonist of The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, by Carlo Ginzburg, trans. John Tedeschi and Anne Tedeschi (New York, 1982), originally published as Il formaggio e i vermi: Il cosmo di un mugnaio del '500 (Milan, 1976). [BACK]

73. William Bouswsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968). [BACK]

74. Bertora, "Il tribunale," explains how the Inquisition worked in Genoa. [BACK]

Chapter 5— Giambologna's Narrative Method

1. Hayden White, 1-23. [BACK]

2. Walter Friedlaender, Mannerism and Anti-Mannerism in Italian Painting, introduction by Donald Posner (New York, 1973), originally published as two separate essays in Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft 46 (1925) and in Vorträge der Bibliotek Warburg 9 (1928-29). [BACK]

4. Brilliant, Visual Narratives, 21-52. [BACK]

5. Dehejia, especially 386-88. [BACK]

6. Jack Greenstein, "Alberti on Historia: A Renaissance View of the Structure of Significance in Narrative Painting," Viator 21 (1990): 273-99. [BACK]

7. For Giambologna's shop, see Katherine Watson, "Giambologna and His Workshop: The Later Years," in Avery and Radcliffe, eds., Giambologna, Sculptor to the Medici, 33-42. [BACK]

8. For Margaret Carroll's analysis of the Sabine statue as political allegory see Chapter 1, n. 3. break [BACK]

9. My thanks to Leatrice Mendelsohn for discussing this concept with me and providing references. See her Paragoni, 47-52, on virtù and the sixteenth-century understanding of it. Federico Zuccaro, in his lectures on disegno to the Roman Academy in 1593-94 (Federico Zuccaro, "Idea de' pittori, scultori et architetti," Turin, 1607, in Paola Barocchi, ed. Scritti d'arte del cinquecento, vol. 8 [Turin, 1979], 2072), connects virtù and art when he says that the artist becomes virtuous through the ability to conceive the idea that produces the work of art. Virtuosity, according to sixteenth-century theorists, resulted from the ability of artists to overcome difficulty, an ability that in turn derived from virtù . Francesco de' Medici, in his letter of 10 June 1579 to the Signoria of Genoa (see Appendix 1B), relates Giambologna's promise that the Genoese will be satisfied with his work and his virtù . Michael Baxandall ( Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy [London, 1972], 141) points out that Lorenzo de' Medici, in praising the sonnet form, stresses its difficulty--the difficulty, according to the ancients, constituting virtù . [BACK]

10. John David Summers, " Maniera and Movement," and "Contrapposto: Style and Meaning in Renaissance Art," AB 59 (1977): 336-61, discusses parallels between Renaissance rhetoric, which was based on ancient rhetoric, and art, especially the sixteenth-century figura serpentinata, of which the Sabine statue is a prime example. [BACK]

11. The general directive from Trent concerning art seems to have stimulated other, more specific, instructions from theologians such as Gabriele Paleotti, Giovanni Andrea Gilio, Carlo Borromeo, and Johannes Molanus. See Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 215; for Paleotti, Discorso, see Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 2, 117-509; for Gilio, "Dialogo nel quale si ragiona degli errori e degli abusi de' pittori circa l'istorie," see Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 2, 1-115; for Borromeo, see Prodi, "Ricerche sulla teorica"; for Molanus, see his De Picturis et Imaginibus Sacris (Louvain, 1570). [BACK]

12. Greenstein, 283.

13. Ibid., 297. [BACK]

12. Greenstein, 283.

13. Ibid., 297. [BACK]

14. Santi di Tito, Supper at Emmaus, Santa Croce, 1574; Jacopo da Empoli, Madonna in Glory with Saint Luke and Saint Ives, Paris, Louvre, 1579. See Sydney Freedberg, Painting in Italy, 1500-1600 (Harmondsworth, 1975), 620-25, 630-31, and fig. 280. [BACK]

15. Pamela Askew first suggested to me a number of years ago the possible parallel between Andrea's Scalzo frescoes and the Grimaldi reliefs. For Andrea del Sarto, see Sydney Freedberg, Andrea del Sarto (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), 28-34; and John Shearman, Andrea del Sarto (Oxford, 1965): 52-77. [BACK]

16. Eva Borsook, The Mural Painters of Tuscany, from Cimabue to Andrea del Sarto (Oxford, 1980), 127-31; Marilyn Aronberg Lavin, The Place of Narrative (Chicago, 1990), 244-49, 365 n. 27. Lavin suggests that the choice of the grisaille technique derives from Pliny, who says that the first painting was monochromatic. Sydney Freedberg ( Painting of the High Renaissance in Rome and Flor- soft

ence [New York, 1972], vol. 1, 443-44), attributes the choice of grisaille to the penitential nature of the Scalzo confraternity. [BACK]

17. See Marco Dezzi Bardeschi, Lo Stanzino del Principe in Palazzo Vecchio (Florence, 1980); Luciano Berti, Il Principe de lo Studiolo (Florence, 1967). [BACK]

18. Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven, 1956), 78. [BACK]

19. On the question of views, see Vita di Benvenuto Cellini: Testo critico con introduzione e note storiche, ed. O. Bacci (Florence, 1901), 408, line 25, and Cellini, Trattati, ed. Gaetano Milanesi (Florence, 1857), 231, 273, 321, etc.; Benedetto Varchi, "Lezzione della maggioranza delle arti," in Barocchi, ed., Trattati, vol. 1, 3-83; Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de' più eccellenti pittori, scultori, ed archittetori, ed. Gaetano Milanesi (Florence, 1906), vol. 1, 101, and vol. 4, 98; Borghini, 25-53; Rudolf Wittkower, "Le Bernin et le baroque romain," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 11 (1934): 327-41; Joy Kenseth, "Bernini's Borghese Sculptures: Another View," AB 63 (1981): 191-210, challenges Wittkower's analysis, presenting a convincing one of her own. The concept of multiple views is really part of the whole paragone debate that surfaced in the 1540s. See also Mendelsohn. [BACK]

20. The documents Holderbaum discovered and his masterful analysis of the multiple-view aspects of this statuette place it firmly in the same years as the Grimaldi Chapel bronzes ("A Bronze by Giovanni Bologna and a Painting by Bronzino," Burlington Magazine 97 [1956]: 439-45). Giambologna's accomplishment in creating statues with multiple views is attested by the statuette Apollo (Fig. 43), made for Prince Francesco's Studiolo in 1573-75. Of the eight made for that place only the Apollo was mounted on a revolving pedestal (Avery and Radcliffe, 88). [BACK]

21. As mentioned in Chapter 1, in freestanding sculpture the issue of multiple viewing is closely related to the figura serpentinata, which in turn relates to contrapposto . See Summers (" Maniera and Movement," 269-91, and Michelangelo and the Language of Art [Princeton, 1981], 77-96), for a discussion of the relationship of contrapposto to figura serpentinata . [BACK]

22. Mendelsohn, 39. [BACK]

23. Leatrice Mendelsohn has communicated to me her disagreement with Holderbaum's contention. She points out that the format of Bronzino's painting suggests the idea of two views of the figure of Morgante but in different "guises," representing different personae. Had Bronzino set out to "supersede" sculpture in this painting, he could have done so in a far more sophisticated way on one side of the canvas, as he did in other works. Bronzino was apparently on good terms with Cellini, and in his Morgante painting may instead be demonstrating the limitations of painting with regard to three-dimensionality. According to Mendelsohn, the work is more of a joke or tour de force--carnival style--than a didactic demonstration piece. [BACK]

24. I thank Leatrice Mendelsohn for pointing this out to me. break [BACK]

25. Two recent studies of narrative, Janetta Rebold Benton, "Perspective and the Spectator's Pattern of Circulation in Assisi and Padua," Artibus et historiae 19 (1989): 37-52; and William E. Wallace, "Narrative and Religious Expression in Michelangelo's Pauline Chapel," Artibus et historiae 19 (1989): 107-21, focus on the spectator's position and point of view in relation to the images. [BACK]

26. Pope-Hennessy ( Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, 70) points to two Flemish sources for Giambologna's Grimaldi narratives: his work with Du Broeuq on the rood screen at Mons in the 1540s and his presumed knowledge of Cornelis Floris's rood screen for the cathedral of Tournai (1570-73). Floris's rood screen (Robert Hedicke, Cornelis Floris und die Florisdekoration, 2 vols. [Berlin, 1913]) juxtaposes reliefs of Old Testament and Passion scenes; these reliefs, like Giambologna's, place figures in elaborate architectural settings. Relationships between figures and architecture and between figures and spatial caesuras, however, are not dramatically integrated in the Floris as they are in the Giambologna. Avery ( Giambologna, 179-81) finds the origins of the Grimaldi relief style in Flemish wooden retables, which Giambologna certainly would have known as a young man. The steeply sloping ground, the figures arranged in compact groups, and the spectator involved as part of the multitude are all signs, for Avery, of this connection. Although Giambologna's early experience undoubtedly laid the foundation for his subsequent development, he found the major sources for his relief style in Italy. [BACK]

27. Reproduced by Margarete Bieber, The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age (New York, 1961), fig. 18. [BACK]

28. I am indebted to Derek Pearsall for observations he made when we discussed the narrative aspects of these reliefs. [BACK]

29. For evidence of Giambologna's trips to Rome in 1553, 1564, 1572, 1579, 1584, and 1588, see Dhanens, 33-40. [BACK]

30. Borghini, Il riposo, 585. Presumably many of these models were copies of ancient as well as modern works. [BACK]

31. Richard Brilliant, Roman Art (London, 1974), 247. Craig Hugh Smyth, Mannerism and Maniera (New York, 1962), presents an illuminating discussion of the influence of antique art, especially relief, on sixteenth-century maniera artists. As he points out, specific quotations are usually impossible to find because sixteenth-century artists transformed antique motifs and sometimes even adopted them secondhand from a contemporary. Thus the pose of the Magdalen figure in Giambologna's Way to Calvary resembles that of Vasari's Magdalen in his Camaldoli Deposition as much as it does that of any antique work. Furthermore, the Greek and Roman worlds in Giambologna's time were not distinct but part of one ancient past. See also the invaluable handbook of ancient sources, Phyllis Pray Bober and Ruth Olitsky Rubinstein, Renaissance Artists and Antique Sculpture (Oxford, 1986). [BACK]

32. See Summers (" Maniera and Movement," and Michelangelo and the Language of Art, 75-96) for a discussion of contrapposto in the sixteenth century. break [BACK]

33. I have profited from discussions with Lewis Andrews about perspective and vanishing areas and from reading his dissertation, "A Space of Time: Continuous Narrative and Perspective in Quattrocento Tuscan Art," Columbia University, 1988. See also John White, The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space (New York, 1972), especially chapters 11 and 13, for an analysis of the manipulation of viewpoints in Donatello and Ghiberti. Samuel Edgerton, The Renaissance Rediscovery of Linear Perspective (New York, 1975), discusses the discovery of the vanishing point and its use in the fifteenth century. Bernini urged stage designers not to create vistas to be seen from only one viewpoint and praised Annibale Carracci for avoiding them in the Farnese Gallery. See Irving Lavin, Bernini and the Unity of the Visual Arts (New York, 1980), vol. 1, 45. [BACK]

34. See Smyth, Maniera and Mannerism; John Shearman, "Maniera as an Aesthetic Ideal," in Studies in Western Art, Acts of the Twentieth International Congress of the History of Art , vol. 2 (Princeton, 1963), and Mannerism . [BACK]

35. John Pope-Hennessy, Cellini , 163-213, discusses the conception and the making of the Perseus . [BACK]

36. Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture , 68, 360-61. [BACK]

37. John David Summers, "The Sculpture of Vincenzo Danti: A Study in the Influence of Michelangelo and the Ideals of the Maniera," Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1969, 68-88, 106-18. [BACK]

38. It is well known that Andrea del Sarto and Pontormo also looked to Dürer and Lucas van Leyden for inspiration: Freedberg, Andrea del Sarto , 33; Shearman, Andrea del Sarto , 66. [BACK]

39. See Chapter 4, n. 30, for references to documents concerning this casket. The excerpt referring to Cambiaso, I reproduce here from ASCG, 50 (cartulario 1565), unnumbered folios:

Die XXVI Junii [1565]
Capsa argentea. Pro Baldasarre Martines, pro manifattura sei mercede faciendi quadrum argenti cum istoria quando Dominus Noster Yesu Christus conductus fuit ad Pilatum, iuxta extinuationem magnifici affiti proces L. VII

Die 22 dicti [= Decembris 1565]
Capsa argentea. Pro Johanne Baptista de Franchis solutis Luce Cambiaxio pictori. pro sua mercede diversarum immaginum factorum pro dicta capsa, statis eius filio et deliberatis per offitium---soldos quadraginta L. II

40. The commission for the Last Supper is recorded by Giscardi, "Notizia," Ms C. 54, 43. [BACK]

41. Lauro Magnani, "Luca Cambiaso tra due 'riforme,'" Arte Lombarda 50 (1978): 87-94. [BACK]

42. Ultimately, this Flagellation design probably goes back to Sebastiano del Piombo's painting in San Pietro Montorio. break [BACK]

43. Those who have ascribed The Entombment to Giambologna include Soprani ( Le vite , 291); Ratti ( Le Vite , 423); Varni ( Ricordi , 32-33); Holderbaum ( The Sculptor Giovanni Bologna , 272-76); Avraham Ronen, "Portigiani's Bronze 'Ornamento' in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem," MKIF 14 (1970): 415-42; and Avery, Giambologna . Federico Alizeri, Notizie dei professori del disegno in Liguria delle origine al secolo XVI , vol. 2, (Genoa, 1873), 113; and Dhanens (247) suggest Adriaen de Vries as the artist; Bury ("The Grimaldi Chapel," 98, 121 n. 64) favors Francavilla. What little is known of Francavilla's work in relief may be deduced from four panels ( The Raising of the Cross, The Crucifixion, The Deposition , and The Resurrection , all c. 1590), generally attributed to him, made for the "Ornamento" of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem and the four he did for the doors of the cathedral of Pisa ( The Visitation, The Baptism of Christ, The Capture of Christ, The Way to Calvary , all c. 1596). Since the Jerusalem panels are closer in date to the Grimaldi Entombment and the Pisa panels rely heavily on the six original Grimaldi reliefs, the former seem more relevant for discussion. A comparison of the Jerusalem Raising of the Cross with the Grimaldi Entombment reveals a stylistic disparity that can be accounted for only by two different artistic hands. The horror vacui, adherence of figures to the picture plane, lack of space, intrusion of detail, and consequent absence of dramatic unity are characteristics of the Jerusalem panel that The Entombment does not display. Holderbaum, basing his attribution to Giambologna on casting records, believes The Entombment was cast either in February 1586 or in July 1587. [BACK]

44. On della Porta's workshop in Genoa and his move to Rome, see A. Roth and Hanno-Walter Kruft, "The della Porta Workshop in Genoa," Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa , vol. 3, pt. 3 (1973), 893-954; Vasari ( Le vite , vol. 7, 225, 545) says that della Porta moved to Rome in 1537. [BACK]

45. Werner Gramberg, Die Düsseldorfer Skizzenbücher des Guglielmo della Porta (Berlin, 1964), vol. 1, 119, is the best source of information about della Porta's activities. A summary of the artist's life (11-19) provides information about the Roman workshop. [BACK]

46. See Chapter 1 for this story. [BACK]

47. In 1574, in a letter to Giovanni Antonio Dosio in Florence, della Porta mentions sending a sketch "fatto per servizio dell'altare principale di S. Pietro in Roma, dove si possono locare li 14 misteri della passione de Jesu Christo" (made to serve the main altar of St. Peter's in Rome, where the fourteen mysteries of the Passion of Jesus Christ can be placed); Gramberg, Die Düsseldorfer Skizzenbücher , 103. Still another sketch--of a "molino" (mill)--he wished to sell to Niccolò Gaddi, Dosio's patron. At the very end of this letter della Porta writes: "Salutate M. Gio: di Bologna et adoperatelo in questo negotio se bisognarà" (Give my greetings to Giovanni Bologna and enlist his help in this negotiation if needed); Gramberg, 104. From this exchange we can assume continue

that Guglielmo della Porta and Giambologna knew each other reasonably well and that, consequently, the younger artist must also have known della Porta's works at first hand. [BACK]

48. See Gramberg, Die Düsseldorfer Skizzenbücher , 54-56, 118-20, for valuable information about this aborted project.

49. Ibid., 119. [BACK]

48. See Gramberg, Die Düsseldorfer Skizzenbücher , 54-56, 118-20, for valuable information about this aborted project.

49. Ibid., 119. [BACK]

50. Egon Verheyen, "A Deposition by Guglielmo della Porta," Museum of Art Bulletin (University of Michigan) 4 (1969): 1-9, discusses the bronze Deposition now in the museum of the University of Michigan. Others include a marble relief in the Museo d'Arte Antica, Milan; a bronze and a cartapesta in Berlin-Dahlem (formerly Figdor Collection, Leo Planiscig, Venezianische Bildhauer der Renaissance [Vienna, 1921], 631-39, figs. 704, 705, 710). [BACK]

51. Jack Spalding, Santi di Tito (New York, 1982). [BACK]

52. Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture , 90, 421-22. Valsoldo was the principal sculptor of these tombs. [BACK]


1. See Michael E. Flack, "The Salviati Chapel of Giambologna," Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1986. [BACK]

2. Enrico Castelnuovo and Carlo Ginzburg, "Centro e periferia," Storia dell'arte italiana , ed. Giovanni Previtali, pt. 1, vol. 1 (1979), 287-352. [BACK]

3. Zygmunt Wazbinski * , "Adriano de Vries e la sua scuola di scultura in Praga," Artibus et historiae 7 (1983): 41-67, especially 57, figs. 1, 2; Lars Olaf Larsson, Adrian de Vries (Vienna and Munich, 1967). De Vries was a prominent artist at the court of Rudolph II in Prague. [BACK]

4. On Soldani see Klaus Lankheit, Florentinische Barockplastik, 1670-1743 (Munich, 1962), 110-60, but especially 89-92 for the Sansedoni Chapel, and figs. 37-43. break [BACK]

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