1. Miller's preference for Titianesque prototypes was well known and can also be studied in relation to the nudes he continued to paint throughout his career. This particular Titian image was illustrated in Oskar Fischel, Tizian, des Meisters Gemälde , 5th ed. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1924 [?]), p. 77.

2. Betsy Fahlman, Guy Pène du Bois, Artist about Town (Washington, D.C.: Corcoran Gallery of Art, 1980). Du Bois (1884-1958) was a student of Miller's only briefly, when Miller taught at William Merritt Chase's New York School for Art during the first decade of the century. Ultimately du Bois was more of a realist. His work and artistic philosophy emerged from his studies with Robert Henri and Henri's art-for-life's-sake philosophy rather than from his brief encounter with Miller's Renaissance prototypes and formalist aesthetic concerns. Isabel Bishop reported to me (interview, December 16, 1982) that Miller had little use for du Bois.

3. Du Bois was cosmopolitan in his outlook, in part from the years he spent living outside Paris (1924-30). His paintings of glamorous well-to-do figures like those in Americans in Paris were typical. He also took the mannequin-like flapper as his subject, portraying her as an aspiring sophisticate.

4. Held, along with his friend F. Scott Fitzgerald, did much to create the popular flapper image. Jack Shuttleworth, "John Held, Jr., and His World," American Heritage: The Twenties , special issue 16 (August 1965), pp. 29-32.

5. Ladies Home Journal , October 22, 1921, as quoted in Lois Banner, Women in Modern America: A Brief History (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), p. 129.

6. William E. Leuchtenberg, The Perils of Prosperity , 1914-1932 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), p. 172; and Alice Almond Shrock, "Feminists, Flappers, and the

Maternal Mystique: Changing Conceptions of Women and Their Roles in the 1920s," Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1974, P. 123.

7. Malcolm Cowley, Exile's Return (New York: Viking Press, 1951), p. 64. My characterization of the flapper is derived from Shrock, "Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," pp. 130-133; and Pamela Neal Warford, "The Social Origins of Female Iconography: Selected Images of Women in American Popular Culture, 1890-1945," Ph.D. diss., Washington University, St. Louis, 1979, P. 43.

8. Frederick Lewis Allen, Only Yesterday: An Informal History of the Nineteen-Twenties , First Perennial Library edition (New York: Harper and Row, 1931; reprint, 1964), pp. 79-81.

9. Miller grew up in and retained close ties with the Oneida community, where the silver was made; in several letters to his mother he mentions shares of Oneida stock. Because images are so closely related, it is tempting to think he might have seen this advertisement.

10. In May 1929, after Miller's show at the Rehn Gallery, Marsh bought Party Dress for his own collection; according to Miller's letter to his mother, May 2, 1929, he paid full price. This Miller work is the closest in iconography to Marsh's paintings of women at leisure. Kenneth Hayes Miller correspondence, Roll N-583, Archives of American Art, Washington, D.C.

11. Shrock, "Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," pp. 150-170; for specific examples, p. 158.

12. Allen, Only Yesterday , pp. 73-85. Allen attributed the revolution largely to the disillusionment of the postwar era, to woman's liberation, prohibition, the automobile, sex, magazines, and the movies. More recently, James R. McGovern has demonstrated that the revolution was under way well before the war, in part because of urbanization and industrialization. "The American Woman's Pre-World War I Freedom in Manners and Morals," Journal of American History 55 (September 1968), pp. 315-333.

13. Allen, Only Yesterday , pp. 74-76. In Current History's symposium on the New Woman, the Catholic rector Hugh L. McMenamin wrote: "We may call [the flapper's] boldness greater self-reliance, brazenness greater self-assertion, license greater freedom and try to pardon immodesty in dress by calling it style and fashion, but the fact remains that deep down in our hearts we feel a sense of shame and pity." "Evils of the Woman's Revolt against the Old Standards," Current History 27 (October 1927), p. 31. Among those also dismayed by flapper behavior were older feminists whose sobriety and hard work for social causes were scorned by younger women. See Lillian Symes, "Still a Man's Game: Reflections of a Slightly Tired Feminist," Harper's Monthly Magazine 158 (May 1929), pp. 678-686.

14. Warford, "The Social Origins of Female Iconography," p. 50, suggests that some saw the flapper's realism and lack of repression as antidotes to Wilsonian idealism.

15. Banner, Women in Modern America , pp. 150-151, argues that the real extent of the sexual revolution of the 1920s is debatable. Surveys from the period, like Katherine P. Davis's sample of two thousand middle-class women, showed that only 7 percent of those who were married and 14 percent of those who were single had engaged in premarital sex. Among the unmarried women, 80 percent said they found little justification for engaging in sex. Birth control was difficult to obtain and remained illegal in all states. Although the number of divorces rose in the 1920s, the number of marriages remained high. In Middletown (Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown: A Study in Contemporary American Culture [New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1929], pp. 114-117), more people were marrying by the end of the decade.

16. Lynd and Lynd, Middletown , p. 144.

17. Allen, Only Yesterday , p. 79.

18. William L. O'Neill, "The End of Feminism," in Twentieths Century America: Recent Interpretations , ed. Barton J. Bernstein and Allen J. Matusow, 2d edition (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1972), p. 191.

19. J. Stanley Lemons, The Woman Citizen: Social Feminism in the 1920s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973), introduction.

20. Shrock, "Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," pp. 147-148.

21. In the introduction to her dissertation on three images of womanhood in the 1920s, Alice Shrock argues that the maternal mystique was a "resolution of a brief fling at Flapperdom" and that it represented a "strong, ever-present set of attitudes rooted in the [nineteenth-century] cult of true womanhood, reaffirming woman's traditional role in nurturing, conserving and protecting the home, husband and offspring." Lois Banner ( Women in Modern America , p. 153) argues that little had been done to change sex-role conditioning in the 1920s and that once freedom had played itself out, women returned to culturally expected roles. She quoted the well-known psychologist Floyd Allport, who wrote in 1929 that a woman "not through nature but by early training . . . becomes a reflection of a feminine image which men carry around in their heads."

22. A number of recent historians have discussed the back-to-the-home movement: Banner, Women in Modern America ; Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, For Her Own Good: One Hundred Fifty Years of the Experts' Advice to Women (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press, 1978); and Gaye Tuchman, Hearth and Home: Images of Women in the Mass Media (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978). Particularly useful is Stuart Ewen, Captains of Consciousness: Advertising and the Social Roots of the Consumer Culture (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978), chapter 6, "Consumption and the Ideal of the New Woman."

23. William F. Ogburn, "The Family and Its Functions," in Recent Social Trends in the United States: Report of the President's Research Committee on Social Trends (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1934), p. 661. Ogburn observed that such changes, continuous for one hundred years, had had a singular impact in the postwar decades.

24. The electric washing machine, invented in 1905, and the mechanical refrigerator, invented in 1917, were but two of numerous aids to household work. William F. Ogburn, "The Influence of Invention and Discovery," in Recent Social Trends , p. 148.

25. Lawrence K. Frank, "Social Change and the Family," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 160 (March 1932), p. 98. For statistics on the decrease in the number of children, see Frank, "Childhood and Youth," Recent Social Trends , pp. 754-755.

26. Frank, "Social Change and the Family," pp. 96-97.

27. Shrock, "Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," pp. 194-195. In 1922 the Better Homes Movement was inaugurated, with Herbert Hoover and Calvin Coolidge as its officers. Efforts focused on home building and furnishing, for the home environment was equated with a strong family. The back-to-the-home movement was also proclaimed in women's magazines. In "Nineteen-Twenty: An Editorial" in the Ladies Home Journal , January 1, 1920, p. 3, published on the heels of the franchise, M. D. Davis wrote:

Since the beginning of time the housekeeper's job has been looked down upon; she has been considered a drudge; even the Federal census calls her a woman of "no occupation." Let us elevate the homemaker's task to the dignity of a profession. For her job is as important as that of her husband, whatever he may do. . .. she is the most important woman in the world.

28. Shrock, in "Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," p. 196, uses the term hearthbound to describe the woman desired by those who covertly reprogrammed the move-

ment, making consumption a major occupation.

29. Shrock, p. 196.

30. Ehrenreich and English, For Her Own Good , pp. 131, 135. A number of home economics institutions flourished in the 1920s to encourage women to acquire home management skills, among them the Pratt Institute in New York and the Garland and Fanny Farmer schools in Boston. General Electric in 1932 and Westinghouse in 1934 opened cooking institutes for women. See also Stuart Ewen, Captains of Consciousness , p. 172; and Glenna Matthews, " Just a Housewife": The Rise and Fall of Domesticity in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 145-171.

31. Amey E. Watson, "The Reorganization of Household Work," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 160 (March 1932), p. 168.

32. Allen, Only Yesterday , pp. 79-80; and Lillian G. Germ, "The Bachelor Girl: Is She a Menace?" Independent Woman 7 (December 1928), p. 538.

33. Ehrenreich and English, For Her Own Good , pp. 145-148, have demonstrated that all the new inventions made more work since women had to clean more frequently.

34. On the heterosexual revolution and feminism, see Rayna Rapp and Ellen Ross, "The Twenties' Backlash: Compulsory Heterosexuality, the Consumer Family, and the Waning of Feminism," in Class, Race, and Sex' The Dynamics of Control , ed. Amy Swerdlow and Hanna Lessinger (New York: Barnard College Women's Center; Boston: G. K. Hall, 1983), pp. 100-101. Clifford Kirkpatrick, a sociology professor, defined the pros and cons of three marital roles in "Techniques of Marital Adjustment," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 160 (March 1932), pp. 178-183. As a "wife-mother," the woman assumed domestic and child-rearing responsibilities, subordinating herself economically to her husband in exchange for the "security, respect, domestic authority, economic support and loyalty of her husband." In the role of ''companion," she shared pleasures, enjoyed "a more ardent emotional response" as an "object" of admiration, and received funds for dress and recreation but had to preserve her beauty to maintain her marital security, provide her husband with "ego satisfaction," cultivate advantageous social contacts, and be responsible for alleviating her husband's domestic responsibility. In the role of "partner," created by the new "cultural situation," the woman would accept certain obligations—to contribute economically to the household, to undertake equal responsibility for child support, "to dispense with any appeal to chivalry," to bear an equal responsibility for the family status through her own career success, and to renounce alimony (except for dependent children)—in exchange for certain privileges: economic independence, equal authority in family finances, and acceptance as an equal. Kirkpatrick advocated a balance of privileges and obligations to achieve domestic accord. The spokespersons for the professionalized homemaker found ways to make her wife-mother role seem more economically and socially advantageous, equal in privilege rather than overbalanced toward obligation.

35. Amey Watson, "The Reorganization of Household Work."

36. Watson, all quotations p. 171.

37. Watson, p. 172.

38. Watson, p. 171.

39. Since the complex issues of child rearing in the 1920s apply indirectly to a discussion of the matronly shopper as consumer, I will only mention them. Like "professionalized" homemaking, child rearing became both important and difficult. In his influential book The Psychological Care of Infant and Child , published in 1928, the behavioral psychologist John B. Watson argued that environment and psychological nurturing were as important as physiological care. Watson also worked for advertisers, and many 1920s advertisements played on women's escalating guilt about being unable to devote all the necessary care to child

rearing. Food products would mold children into particular kinds of adults, and women needed to educate children in correct consumption habits to ensure them a healthy, happy adulthood. Psychologists and advertisers created tension between a "continued ideal of motherhood and the inadequacies of that role" by unifying the tasks of motherhood and consumption. Shrock, "Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," pp. 203-204; and Stuart Ewen, Captains of Consciousness , pp. 173-175.

40. Phyllis Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt: Housewives and Domestic Servants in the United States, 1920-1945 , Women in the Political Economy Series (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990).

41. For full statistics on the time devoted to rural and urban household work, see Ogburn, "The Family and Its Functions," pp. 669-672.

42. Abraham Myerson, The Nervous Housewife (Boston: Little, Brown, 1920), p. 77, as quoted in Matthews, " Just a Housewife": The Rise and Fall of Domesticity in America , p. 194.

43. Shrock, "Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," p. 201; Amey Watson, "The Reorganization of Household Work," pp. 170-171. Together, wife and husband would form family policy on income, standard of living, choice of home, planning of budget, division of responsibility, number and spacing of children, vacation planning, etc.

44. Benjamin R. Andrews, Economics of the Household, Its Administration and Finance (New York: Macmillan, 1927), p. 3, as cited in Watson, "The Reorganization of Household Work," p. 170.

45. Andrews as quoted in Watson, p. 169.

46. William Baldwin, The Shopping Book (New York: Macmillan, 1929), pp. 1-2. As Stuart Ewen suggests, women's "power" was actually "circumscribed ... by the ideology of the consumer market"—the real repository of power—and the industrial culture necessarily required a separation of the world of women (consumption) from that of men (production). Captains of Consciousness , pp. 169-173.

47. Kenneth Hayes Miller to Rhoda Dunn, January 19, 1920; July 20, 1920; and November 16, 1920. Kenneth Hayes Miller Papers, Roll 583, Archives of American Art.

48. "Of all the great streets in the world, there is none which possesses such splendid variety of interest, none that so consistently proclaims throughout its whole length the joys of material life in their most alluring forms, as Fifth Avenue." International Commercial Service, "Fifth Avenue: The World's Golden Highway of Wealth, Fashion, and Beauty," Gazette des Dames , Album of Fashion with Shopping Guide (London and New York, 1921).

49. For a good general overview of artists' activities and themes, see Patricia Hills, Social Concern and Urban Realism: American Painting of the 1930s (Boston: Boston University Art Gallery, 1983). See also Chapter 3.

50. Jean McPherson Kitchen, "Surging Fourteenth Street," New York Times , June 9, 1929, sec. 5, p. 23. Though the description does not correspond to one specific Miller image, it captures the general qualities of several Fourteenth Street works. "Middle-aged women of the district may be seen shopping, garbed for the street in knitted caps of gray hues, pulled well down over the ears, and with tweed topcoats of somewhat masculine design that suggest wear by husband or son. A frequent accessory is a bulging brown paper shopping bag."

51. Like Fitting Room , which conflates practices from bargain and finer department stores, other works of the early 1930s still resemble images of the early 1920s. In Woman with an Umbrella (Fig. 4.8) and The Little Coat and Fur Shop (Fig. 4.33) the women are both more attractive physically and more fashionably dressed than those of Afternoon on the Avenue and The Bargain Counter (Figs. 3.10 and 3.13).

52. This is a major theme of the essay by T. J. Jackson Lears, "From Salvation to Self-

Realization: Advertising and the Therapeutic Roots of the Consumer Culture, 1880-1920," in The Culture of Consumption , ed. Richard Wightman Fox and T. J. Jackson Lears (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983), pp. 3-38.

53. My interpretation of Laning's and Bishop's mural-like paintings of the early 1930s here and in Chapter x is supported by Karal Ann Marling, "A Note on New Deal Iconography: Futurology and the Historical Myth," Prospects 4 (1979), pp. 421-440.

54. The policeman's relaxed posture in this image was not that typical of the works of artists engaged in social protest. Social realists regularly saw the police as brutal perpetrators of an unfair system of justice, as cartoons and drawings in the New Masses demonstrate (see, for example, William Gropper's "Free Speech" [Fig. 3.38]).

55. See Matthews, "Just a Housewife," p. 19 3 . Matthews argues that the devaluation of domesticity by the 1920s—thanks to mass-produced consumer goods—meant that women could no longer use "women's sphere" as a rationale for political activism.

56. Thorstein Veblen, as quoted in John Wilmerding, Linda Ayres, and Earl A. Powell, An American Perspective: Nineteenth-Century Art from the Collection of Jo Ann and Julian Ganz, Jr . (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1981), p. 70 n. 82.

57. I am grateful to Kathy Peiss for suggesting this reading of "middle-classness" in relation to Miller's shoppers.

58. John Kwiat, "John Reed Club Art Exhibition," New Masses 8 (February 1933), p. 2.3.

59. This painting was one of several New York City images Orozco did for a show at the Art Students League and the Downtown Gallery in 1929.

60. Lloyd Goodrich, "Exhibitions in New York," The Arts 15 (May 1929), pp. 328-329.

61. Hearn's also contributed to the Fireman's Honor Emergency Fund and the Police Relief Fund, and to unemployed actors through Stage Relief Day. New York Times , August 6, 1932, p. 23; January 8, 1933, p. 31; January 11, 1933, p. 6; February 2, 1933, p. 6; March 1, 1933, p. 14; and March 21, 1933, p.15.

62. New York Times , January 22, 1933, sec. 2, p. 1.

63. New York Times , January 22, 1933, sec. 2, p. 1. Klein made his appeal to the professionalized homemaker through Mrs. Grace Morrison Poole, president of a middle-class women's organization, the General Federation of Women's Clubs.

64. Kitchen, "Surging Fourteenth Street," p. 23.

65. "Kenneth Hayes Miller," Art News 30 (November 28, 1931), p. 10.

66. Photographers like Dorothea Lange in her pictures of migrant farm workers, painters working on mural commissions for the government, and novelists like John Steinbeck in The Grapes of Wrath took this theme as their project.

67. Lloyd Goodrich, Kenneth Hayes Miller (New York: Arts Publishing Corporation, 1930), pp. 1-2, 12.

68. Walter K. Gutman, "Kenneth Hayes Miller," Art in America 18 (February 1930), p. 92.

69. Paul Rosenfeld, Port of New York: Essays on Fourteen American Moderns (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1924; reprint, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1961), p. 143.

70. Art News 28 (December 27, 1929), p. 13.

71. Lois W. Banner, American Beauty (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1983), pp. 27 5 -276. Barbara Melosh, in Engendering Culture: Manhood and Womanhood in New Deal Public Art and Theater , discusses local criticism of monumental female figures in Section murals as part of the response to the new cult of slimness (Washington, D.C. : Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991), p. 211.

72. Quoted in Harry Salpeter, "Kenneth Hayes Miller, Intellectual," Esquire , October 1937, p. 197.

73. Undated correspondence between Louis Lozowick and Kenneth Hayes Miller (I assign it a date of 1932 because that was the year intellectuals endorsed the presidential candidate William Foster). Kenneth Hayes Miller Papers, Roll 583, Archives of American Art.

74. In a letter to his mother dated March 1, 1912, Miller reported that he and Nell (his wife Helen) were reading Key. Kenneth Hayes Miller Papers, Roll 583.

75. Key wrote in Love and Ethics (New York: Hubbsch, 1911), p. 69: "Either we believe that the sensual instincts are pitfalls and obstacles or we regard them as guides in the upward movement of life on a par with reason and conscience." Ellen Key, Love and Marriage , trans. Arthur G. Chater (New York: Putnam, 1911).

76. Key was not alone in her arguments. In his 1915 book The Marriage Revolt William Carsons reprinted an earlier New York Times article by the psychologist Carl Jung, who stated that Americans were more "tragic" and "neurotic" than any of the world's peoples, largely from trying to control themselves too rigidly; if American prudery were eliminated, America would become "the greatest country the world had ever known.'' Nathan G. Hale, Jr., Freud and the Americans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 268-269.

77. "Ellen Key's Startling Views on Love and Marriage," Current Literature 50 (April 1911), pp. 403-405; and "Ellen Key's Revaluation of Woman's Chastity," Current Literature 52 (February 1912), pp. 200-201.

78. "The New Erotic Ethics," The Nation 94 (March 14, 1912), p. 261.

79. "The New Erotic Ethics." Sigmund Freud, in works like Totem and Taboo (translated and published in the United States in 1918) similarly argued that "repression should exist for social rather than individual goals." Hale, Freud and the Americans , p. 347.

80. Ellen Key, "Motherliness," Atlantic 110 (October 1912), pp. 562-570.

81. Key, Love and Marriage , p. 175.

82. Key, "Motherliness," pp. 567-568.

83. Key, "Motherliness," p. 566.

84. "Ellen Key's Startling Views on Love and Marriage," p. 405.

85. Lincoln Rothschild, To Keep Art Alive: The Effort of Kenneth Hayes Miller, American Painter (1876-1952 ) (Philadelphia: Art Alliance Press, 1974), p. 32.

86. The major debate occurred in Current Opinion : "Ellen Key's Attack on 'Amaternal' Feminism," 54 (February 1913), pp. 138-139; "Charlotte Gilman's Reply to Ellen Key," 54 (March 1913), pp. 220-221; and "The Conflict between 'Human' and 'Female' Feminism," 56 (April 1914), pp. 291-292.

87. "The Conflict between 'Human' and 'Female' Feminism," p. 291.

88. Key, "Motherliness," p. 566.

89. William H. Chafe, The American Woman: Her Changing Social, Economic, and Political Roles, 1920-2970 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), pp. 12-14.

90. Gilman, as quoted in Warford, "The Social Origins of Female Iconography," p. 41. In its focus, if not its substance, Gilman's statement represents a change from her Progressive Era vision as outlined in her arguments with Ellen Key.

91. Letter from Miller to Rhoda Dunn, dated September 21, 1909. Kenneth Hayes Miller Papers, Roll 583, Archives of American Art. In this letter Miller alluded both to his feelings for Helen and to opening a discussion with Irma about separation. He concluded by asking Rhoda to destroy the letter.

92. Miller's fascination with Freud can be traced in his letters to Rhoda, beginning in about 1915. In the teens, Miller met frequently with psychiatrists, trying to discover ties

between Freud's theories of the unconscious and the creative process. He was also interested, at a somewhat irksome level if his onetime student Rockwell Kent is to be believed, in trying to "ferret out what he alleged to be erotic symbolism in the work of the greater masters of the past," symbolism to which he attached great significance.

93. Letter from Edward Laning to Isabel Bishop, dated August 9, 1974. Edward Laning Papers, Archives of American Art, Washington, D.C.

94. Miller was reading Twilight of the Gods in October 1915 and expressed "fascination" with Nietzsche's ideas in letters to Rhoda Dunn, dated October 19 and December 13, 1915. Kenneth Hayes Miller Papers, Roll 583, Archives of American Art.

95. For a fuller discussion of sexuality and sex roles in the Oneida Community, see Chapter z and John D'Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988); Lawrence Foster, Religion and Sexuality: Three American Communal Experiments of the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 72-120; and Louis J. Kern, An Ordered Love: Sex Roles and Sexuality in Victorian Utopias — the Shakers, the Mormons, and the Oneida Community (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), pp. 207-257.

96. In a 1976 letter to Isabel Bishop (Isabel Bishop papers, Archives of American Art, Washington, D.C.), Edward Laning described Miller's philosophy as a "primitive 19th-century form of Darwinism, the Doctrine of the 'survival of the fittest.'" Laning said that Miller and the writer Theodore Dreiser, Miller's close friend, shared this "naive" view as it applied to human behavior.

97. Madison Grant, The Passing of the Great Race (New York: Scribner, 1916; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1970), p. 263.

98. Henry Fairfield Osborn, preface to The Passing of the Great Race , p. ix.

99. Leuchtenberg, The Perils of Prosperity , pp. 204-205. From June 1920 to June 1921 more than 800,000 people entered the country. In February, Congress passed the Emergency Immigration Act. By 1924, the National Origins Act had been passed.

100. Leuchtenberg, The Perils of Prosperity , pp. 66-83 . See also Cynthia Jaffee McCabe and Daniel J. Boorstin, The Golden Door: Artist Immigrants of America, 1876-1976 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press for the Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, 1976), pp. 17-19.

101. In a letter to his cousin Rhoda, dated October 15, 1919, Miller speculated about the effects of various national traits on his close literary friends: "Paul Rosenfeld is a Jew— not Dreiser. That degree of creative force would be extraordinary in a Jew. And when they have intellect it is so subtle, consciously subtle. Dreiser of course is not subtle." Kenneth Hayes Miller Papers, Roll 583, Archives of American Art.

102. Alice Shrock ("Feminists, Flappers, and the Maternal Mystique," p. 171) has observed that the stories celebrating the values of American motherhood appeared in a range of mainstream magazines: Ladies Home Journal, Harper's, Smart Set, Cosmopolitan, Woman's Home Companion , and The Saturday Evening Post .

103. There are a few exceptions to Miller's general exclusion of other racial types. In Women in the Store (1937), for example, Miller depicts a black woman shopper. Besides the obvious precedent for fair women—in paintings by Titian and Rubens, Miller's favorite prototypes—there was that of Renoir's late nudes, who were often red haired. Furthermore, there was in the immediate pre- and postwar period in America a vogue for red hair. Mary Pickford was fair, and Held's flappers were usually redheads or blonds. Clearly Miller's choice of a type was governed by a variety of cultural and art-historical prototypes. Lois Banner, American Beauty , p. 176.

104. Interview with Lloyd Goodrich, December 30, 1982.