1. Interview with Mian Tufayl Muhammad in Takbir (November 16, 1989): 53.

2. General Iskandar Mirza’s unpublished memoirs, 109–10.

3. U. S. Embassy Karachi, disp. #537, 12/20/1957, 790D.00/12–2057; tel. #1470, 12/20/1957, 790D.00/12–2057; and tel. #1471, 12/20/1957, 790D.00/12–2057, NA; and U. K. High Commissioner, Karachi, disp. #21, 4/14/1958, DO35/8936, 5–7, PRO.

4. General Mirza’s unpublished memoirs, 110.

5. As early as 1953 General Mirza had hinted at changing the regime because of “a growing possibility that unprogressive and anti-Western Moslem religious elements might become dominant in Pakistan”; U. S. Embassy, Karachi, tel. #278, 11/2/1953, 790D.00/11–253, NA.

6. In December 1957 he accused the Jama‘at of making Islam into an “elastic cloak for political power.” Cited in U. S. Embassy Karachi, tel. #1549, 12/31/1957, 790D.00/12–3157, NA.

7. TQ (June 1962): 322.

8. Syed Ahmad Nur, From Martial Law to Martial Law: Politics in the Punjab, 1919–1958 (Boulder, 1985), 405; also see U. K. High Commission, Karachi, preliminary report, 10/25/1958, 4–5, DO134/26; U. K. High Commissioner, Karachi, fortnightly summary, 10/29/1958, DO134/26; and U. K. High Commission, Dacca, report, 11/7/1958, DO134/26, PRO.

9. Altaf Gauhar, himself a high-ranking Pakistani civil servant during the Ayub Khan era, writes that since 1947 the civil bureaucracy, given its British traditions, had been the repository of the greatest animosity toward Mawdudi in Pakistan; Altaf Gauhar, “Pakistan, Ayub Khan, Awr Mawlana Mawdudi, Tafhimu’l-Qur’an Awr Main,” HRZ, 41–42. The fact that following the coup the military did away with the ministerial position and appointed eleven civil servants to oversee various government operations, forming a quasi-cabinet under Ayub Khan, further strained relations between the Jama‘at and the government.

10. U. K. High Commissioner, Karachi, disp. #INT.83/6/2, 3/10/1959, DO35/8949, PRO.

11. Noteworthy in this regard are the editorials of Z. A. Suleri in Pakistan Times, which articulated the government’s position to a large number of Pakistanis. On Suleri’s views, see Anwar Hussain Syed, Pakistan: Islam, Politics, and National Solidarity (New York, 1982), 109–11.

12. Quraishi claims that the left eagerly pushed Ayub Khan to clamp down on the Islamic groups, and especially the Jama‘at. Leftist propaganda soon created a climate wherein any talk of religion was derided as “Jama‘ati” and hence deemed as insidious; see Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, Education in Pakistan: An Inquiry into Objectives and Achievements (Karachi, 1975), 268–69.

13. Mawdudi, in fact, disapproved of the brotherhood’s increasing radicalization; TQ (April 1956): 220–28.

14. Sayyid Asad Gilani, Maududi: Thought and Movement (Lahore, 1984), 135.

15. The text of the speech is enclosed with U. K. High Commission, Karachi, disp. #INT.48/47/1, 5/25/1959, DO35/8962, PRO.

16. SAAM, vol. 2, 121.

17. The Commission on Marriage and Family Law was first set up in 1955 with a view to enhancing the legal status of women. The Family Law Ordinance began with the report of that earlier committee, which had been presented in 1956.

18. On March 14, 1961, ulama led by the Jama‘at issued a statement in Lahore denouncing the ordinance; SAAM, vol. 2, 65, and Khurshid Ahmad, Studies in the Family Law of Islam (Karachi, 1961).

19. SAAM, vol. 2, 65–66. Also see Mian Tufayl Muhammad, ed. and trans., Statement of 209 Ulema of Pakistan on the Muslim Family Law Ordinance (Lahore, 1962).

20. SAAM, vol. 2, 58.

21. Kawthar Niyazi, Jama‘at-i Islami ‘Awami ‘Adalat Main (Lahore, 1973), 19.

22. SAAM, vol. 2, 128–34.

23. Interview with S. M. Zafar.

24. Interview with Hakim Muhammad Sa‘id, and personal correspondence with Allahbakhsh K. Brohi, 1985–86.

25. Cited in Muhammad Saeed, Lahore: A Memoir (Lahore, 1989), 224–25.

26. SAAM, vol. 2, 156–57. Ayub was particularly riled by Mawdudi’s attacks on his person and decided to retaliate; interviews with Hakim Muhammad Sa‘id and S. M. Zafar.

27. SAAM, vol. 2, 187.

28. Sarwat Saulat, Maulana Maududi (Karachi, 1979), 59.

29. In Mecca, Mawdudi had delivered a lecture about the duties of Muslim youth in contemporary times. Khumayni, who had attended the lecture, was impressed with Mawdudi, and stood up and praised him for his views. Later that evening, along with a companion, Khumayni went to Mawdudi’s hotel, where the two men met and talked for half an hour, aided by Khalil Ahmadu’l-Hamidi, Mawdudi’s Arabic translator. Khumayni described the outlines of his campaign against the Shah to Mawdudi during that meeting; interview with Khalil Ahmadu’l-Hamidi; and Bidar Bakht, “Jama‘at-i Islami ka Paygham Puri Duniya Main Pahila Raha Hey,” Awaz-i Jahan (November 1989): 33–34.

30. Khalil Ahmadu’l Hamidi, “Iran Main Din Awr La-Dini Main Kashmakash,” TQ (October 1963): 49–62.

31. SAAM, vol. 2, 169–70; and ISIT(1), 6–7.

32. On the reasons for the Combined Opposition Parties’ choice of Miss Jinnah, see Rounaq Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration (New York, 1972), 150–51.

33. Nawwabzadah Nasru’llah Khan, “Ham Unke, Vuh Hemarah Sath Rahe,” HRZ, 39.

34. Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, the senior statesman and governor of Punjab in 1953–1954 who later became a close friend of Mawdudi, had related to the Jama‘at’s leaders that Kawthar Niyazi had, since the 1950s, maintained close contacts with the Punjab government and was put up to challenging Mawdudi by the authorities; interviews.

35. MMKT, vol. 6, 63–67.

36. Gauhar, “Pakistan,” 43.

37. MMKT, vol. 6, 85–94.

38. ISIT(1), 8–9.

39. MMKT, vol. 6, 78–79.

40. Ibid., 97–102, and 138–43.

41. Salim Mansur Khalid, “Talabah Awr I‘lan-i Tashqand,” TT, vol. 1, 216–23.

42. For instance, in 1967 the Jama‘at journal Chiragh-i Rah dedicated an entire issue to the study of socialism.

43. SAAM, vol. 2, 209.

44. Chaudhri ‘Abdu’l-Rahman ‘Abd, Mufakkir-i Islam: Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi (Lahore, 1971), 361.

45. Interview with Na‘im Siddiqi in Takbir (September 26, 1991): 28.

46. Mir’s articles were later published as Muhammad Safdar Mir, Mawdudiyat Awr Mawjudah Siyasi Kashmakash (Lahore, 1970).

47. MMKT, vol. 6, 279–82.

48. ‘Abd, Mufakkir-i Islam, 361–64.

49. Fazlur Rahman meanwhile declared that the government’s position on the citation of the moon was binding on the religious divines, a position which only incensed the Jama‘at and the ulama further; see Pakistan Times (January 16, 1967): 1.

50. The resignation followed wide-scale opposition, mounted by the Jama‘at against Fazlur Rahman’s book Islam (Chicago, 1966); see Israr Ahmad, Islam Awr Pakistan: Tarikhi, Siyasi, ‘Ilmi Awr Thiqafati Pasmanzar (Lahore, 1983), 55–60.

51. Zia Shahid, “Amiriyat, Talabah, Awr Garmi Guftar,” TT, vol. 1, 180–82.

52. Interviews with Shaikh Mahbub ‘Ali and Muti‘u’l-Rahman Nizami in JVNAT, vol. 2, 16–17 and 223–25, respectively.

53. MMKT, vol. 8, 188–92; and S. M. Zafar, Through the Crisis (Lahore, 1970), 204–5.

54. On demands put before the Yahya Khan regime, see ISIT(1), 15.

55. On the minister’s views on the notion of the “ideology of Pakistan,” see Nawwabzadah Shair ‘Ali Khan, Al-Qisas (Lahore, 1974).

56. Cited by Sayyid As‘ad Gilani in an interview in Nida (April 17, 1990): 14–15.

57. Interview with Muhammad Safdar Mir.

58. SAAM, vol. 2, 328.

59. For instance, in the fall of 1969 the IJT entered into direct negotiations with the martial law administrator of the province, General Nur Khan, who hoped the IJT would be able to repeat its successful drive to control the University of Punjab in East Pakistan; see interview with Muhammad Kamal in JVNAT, vol. 2, 186–87.

60. One observer has even challenged the veracity of the rates of economic growth cited for the Ayub era, arguing that they did not reflect indigenous economic activity but were bolstered by foreign aid. See Rashid Amjad, Pakistan’s Growth Experience: Objectives, Achievement, and Impact on Poverty, 1947–1977 (Lahore, 1978), 6.

61. Khalid B. Sayeed, Politics in Pakistan: The Nature and Direction of Change (New York, 1980), 54–83.

62. See S. M. Naseem, “Mass Poverty in Pakistan: Some Preliminary Findings,” Pakistan Development Review 12, 4 (Winter 1973): 322–25.

63. For a discussion of the impact of economic changes during Ayub Khan’s rule on the distribution of wealth between the provinces, see Jahan, Pakistan, 51–107.

64. Mahbub ul-Haq, The Poverty Curtain: Choices for the Third World (New York, 1976), 7–8.

65. ISIT(1), 18–19.

66. Ibid., 17.

67. On the events of this day see ibid., 18.

68. Pakistan Times (December 7, 1970): 1 and 7.

69. Interviews with Khurshid Ahmad and Sayyid Munawwar Hasan.

70. Sharif al Mujahid, “Pakistan’s First General Elections,” Asian Survey 11, 2 (February 1971): 170.

71. Mashriqi Pakistan Talib-i ‘Ilm Rahnima, “Mashriqi Pakistan Akhri Lamhih,” TT, vol. 1, 316.

72. Kalim Bahadur, The Jama‘at-i Islami of Pakistan (New Delhi, 1977), 133.

73. The four portfolios given to the Jama‘at’s provincial ministers were revenue, education, commerce and industry, and local government; see ISIT(1), 23.

74. Interview with Khurram Jah Murad. The interviewee, an overseer of the Jama‘at-i Islami of East Pakistan at the time, was kept at a prison camp between 1971 and 1974. Also see interview with Tasnim ‘Alam Manzar in JVNAT, vol. 2, 258, and ISIT(1), 24. As in 1947, the Jama‘at decided to divide in accordance with the new political reality. The Jama‘at-i Islami of Bangladesh was formed in 1971 and began to reorganize in 1972 under the leadership of Ghulam A‘zam.

75. Interview with Khurram Jah Murad; a similar view was expressed by Liaqat Baluch (interview).