1. The Jama‘at-i Islami has not been much studied. A number of accounts of its ideology exist, which have, by and large, focused on the place of its program in, and its implications for, contemporary Islamic thought. See, for instance, SAAM, vol. 1; Erwin I. J. Rosenthal, Islam in the Modern Nation State (Cambridge, 1965); Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan, 1857–1964 (London, 1967); Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin, 1982); Charles J. Adams, “Mawdudi and the Islamic State,” in John L. Esposito, ed., Voices of Resurgent Islam (New York, 1983), 99–133; Mumtaz Ahmad, “Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia: The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat,” in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds., Fundamentalisms Observed (Chicago, 1991), 457–530; and Kalim Bahadur, The Jama‘at-i Islami of Pakistan (New Delhi, 1977). Bahadur’s study addresses the political dimensions of the Jama‘at’s history, but remains focused on the ideological orientation of the party. Also of significance in this regard is Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961). However, Binder’s excellent study of the Jama‘at’s role in the constitutional debates following the creation of Pakistan is limited to the years 1947–1956. [BACK]

2. For a more thorough discussion of Mawdudi’s biography, see Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, “The Politics of an Islamic Movement: The Jama‘at-i Islami of Pakistan,” Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1991. [BACK]

3. Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, Watha’iq-i Mawdudi (Lahore, 1986). [BACK]

4. In a eulogy which he wrote for Hyderabad in the TQ of September 1948, Mawdudi equated the collapse of nizam’s state with the fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258, the expulsion of the Moors from Spain in 1492, and the fall of the Mughal Empire in 1858. [BACK]

5. On the significance of the fall of Hyderabad for South Asian Muslims, see Akbar S. Ahmed, Discovering Islam: Making Sense of Muslim History and Society (London, 1988), 143–71. [BACK]

6. See, in this regard, TQ (October 1934). In a telegram to Shaikh Mujibur Rahman in March 1971, Mawdudi warned him against creating a debacle greater than the tragedy of “Islamic Spain”; cited in Sarwat Saulat, Maulana Maududi (Karachi, 1979), 80. Elsewhere, Mawdudi referred to the eclipse of Islam from the centers of power in India as the “tragedy of Andalusia”; see Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, Tahrik-i Islami ka A’indah La’ihah-i ‘Amal (Lahore, 1986), 134. Ahmed, Discovering Islam, 2, has termed this anxiety about a Moorish fate the “Andalus Syndrome.” [BACK]

7. Francis Robinson, Separatism among Indian Muslims: The Politics of United Provinces’ Muslims, 1860–1923 (Cambridge, 1974), 320ff. [BACK]

8. See for example, Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice (Lahore, 1973), 260–326. [BACK]

9. On the Congress party’s Muslim mass contact program, see Mushirul Hasan, “The Muslim Mass Contact Campaign: An Attempt at Political Mobilization,” Economic and Political Weekly 21, 52 (December 27, 1986): 273–82. Mawdudi attacked the mass contact movement of the Congress severely in TQ (December 1937): 243–44, and in the following issue (January 1938), which served as the first installment of Mawdudi’s famous book Musalman awr Mawjudah Siyasi Kashmakash (Lahore, 1938–1940). [BACK]

10. Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolisms and Political Mobilization in India (New York, 1982), 79–84, and Robinson, Separatism among Indian Muslims, 326–41; for the Jami‘at-i Ulama-i Hind’s relations with the Congress party, see Yohanan Friedmann, “The Attitude of the Jam‘iyyat-i ‘Ulama-i Hind to the Indian National Movement and the Establishment of Pakistan,” in Gabriel Baer, ed., The ‘Ulama’ in Modern History (Jerusalem, 1971), 157–83. [BACK]

11. For more on the history and politics of the Muslim League, see Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan (Oxford, 1984). [BACK]

12. Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, Tanqihat (Lahore, 1989), 177ff. [BACK]

13. On Mawdudi’s version of this idea, see TQ (October–December 1938): 85–320, where Mawdudi presented a “two nation” scheme of his own. For more on this issue, see chapter 5. [BACK]

14. See David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988), 2–3 and 169–73, on Jinnah’s advocacy of the Shariat Application Act of 1937; and Wolpert, Jinnah, 230, on the Muslim League’s use of religious divines to undermine the Unionist Party. Similar policies were also followed in Sind; see Sarah F. D. Ansari, Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843–1947 (Cambridge, 1992), 117–28. [BACK]

15. Interview with Mian Tufayl Muhammad. [BACK]

16. Mawdudi’s association with the Khilafat movement had made him particularly suspicious of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, and he came to view Kemalism as a symbol of godless secularism posing danger to Muslim societies. Mas‘ud ‘Alam Nadwi, a leading Jama‘at thinker, openly alluded to Muslim League members, in a derogatory fashion, as “Kemalists”; cited in RJI, vol. 6, 175–77. For similar expressions of abhorrence of Kemalism, see Khurshid Ahmad, ed., Adabiyat-i Mawdudi (Lahore, 1972), 296–302; Mawdudi, Tanqihat, 96–110; Abad Shahpuri, Tarikh-i Jama‘at-i Islami (Lahore, 1989), vol. 1, 297–98. Similar references also exist in the Jama‘at’s literature regarding Pahlavi Iran; see Kawthar (February 21, 1948): 21, where Mawdudi specifies that Pakistan should not be modeled after Iran or Turkey. [BACK]

17. RJI, vol. 6, 180–95; and Kawthar (July 5, 1947): 1. [BACK]

18. The word ‘ibadah, or “worship,” was interpreted by Mawdudi to mean obedience to religious law; ‘ibadah in Arabic comes from ‘abd, which means “slave.” Therefore, to worship in Islam meant to render unswerving obedience to God’s will, an act that stripped Muslims of all volition. Most critics of Mawdudi had taken issue with equating worship with obedience, for it reduces religious spirituality to blind adherence to religious dictums. See, for instance, Sayyid Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi, ‘Asr-i Hazir Main Din Ki Tafhim’u Tashrih (Karachi, n.d.). [BACK]

19. See Nasr, “The Politics of an Islamic Movement,” 272–353. [BACK]

20. Short Proceedings of the 2nd Annual Conference, Jamaat-e-Islami, East Pakistan, March 14–16, 1958, 2; enclosed with U. S. Consulate, Dacca, disp. #247, 4/3/1958, 790D.00/4–358, NA. [BACK]

21. See for instance, JIKUS, 31. [BACK]

22. S. Abul A‘la Maududi, The Process of Islamic Revolution (Lahore, 1980), 17–18. [BACK]

23. JIKUS, 32. [BACK]

24. Shahpuri, Tarikh, vol. 1, 402–4. [BACK]

25. Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi, Islam Today (Beirut, 1985), 12. [BACK]

26. Idem,The Islamic Way of Life (Leicester, 1986), 16. [BACK]

27. See RJI, vol. 5, 195, where the organization’s missionary outlook is discussed. [BACK]

28. Mujibu’l-Rahman Shami, “Karan Se Aftab Tak,” in HRZ, 31. [BACK]

29. Minault, The Khilafat Movement, 153. [BACK]

30. Rahman Siddiqi, “Mawlana Azad Awr Mawlana Mawdudi ki Mabain ik Gumshudah Kari”, Nida (February 7–13, 1990): 21. [BACK]

31. For a thorough account of this movement, see Minault, The Khilafat Movement. [BACK]

32. Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, “Khud Nivisht,” in Muhammad Yusuf Buhtah, Mawlana Mawdudi: Apni Awr Dusrun ki Nazar Main (Lahore, 1984), 34–35. [BACK]

33. Following the creation of Pakistan in 1948, the Khaksar changed its name to the Islam League, and its uniformed wing became the Islam League Razakars (volunteers). [BACK]

34. From a speech delivered by Jinnah to Muslim League members in Lucknow in October 1937; cited in Wolpert, Jinnah, 153–54. [BACK]

35. While each Sufi order has its own set of rules, all follow the same organizational model. See Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Sufi Essays (London, 1972), 45–71. [BACK]

36. On relations between the Sufi master and his disciples, see Mohammad Ajmal Khan, “A Note on Adab in the Murshid-Murid Relationship,” in Barbara D. Metcalf, ed., Moral Conduct and Authority: The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984), 241–51, and Margaret Malamud, “The Development of Organized Sufism in Nishapur and Baghdad from the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Century,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1990. [BACK]

37. The note is dated August 21, 1935, and is reprinted in Mawdudi, Watha’iq, 82. [BACK]

38. Reprinted in ‘Asim Nu‘mani, ed., Makatib-i Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi (Lahore, 1977), vol. 2, 8–10. [BACK]

39. Nu‘mani, Makatib, vol. 2, 14. [BACK]

40. Interviews with Amin Ahsan Islahi and Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi. [BACK]

41. Adams suggests that while Mawdudi was not enamored by the ideas of fascism, he was impressed by the efficacy of its organizational methods; see Charles J. Adams, “The Ideology of Mawlana Mawdudi,” in Donald E. Smith, ed., South Asian Politics and Religion (Princeton, 1966), 375. Others have viewed the Jama‘at as modeled after communism; see Eran Lerman, “Mawdudi’s Concept of Islam,” Middle Eastern Studies 17, 4 (October 1981): 492–509. Evidence from the biography of Mawdudi tends to support the latter view. [BACK]

42. Philip Selznick, in The Organizational Weapon: A Study of Bolshevik Strategy and Tactics (New York, 1952), utilizes this term in reference to Lenin’s conception of “party.” [BACK]

43. Tony Smith, Thinking Like a Communist: State and Legitimacy in the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba (New York, 1987), 72–83. [BACK]

44. Ibid., 83–84. [BACK]

45. Selznick, The Organizational Weapon, 10–11. [BACK]

46. Ibid., 9. [BACK]

47. For a detailed discussion of this theme, see Nasr, “The Politics of an Islamic Movement,” 352–82. [BACK]

48. See JIKUS, 18 and 21–22, and Mahiru’l-Qadri, “Chand Nuqush-i Zindagi,” in Buhtah, Mawlana Mawdudi, 241–42. [BACK]

49. Interview with Mian Tufayl Muhammad; the comment was made during the 1944–1947 period. [BACK]

50. Interview with Na‘im Siddiqi. [BACK]

51. TQ (November 1934): 162. [BACK]

52. Hamid Dabashi, “Symbiosis of Religious and Political Authorities in Islam,” in Thomas Robbins and Ronald Robertson, eds., Church-State Relations: Tensions and Transitions (New Brunswick, 1987), 183–203. [BACK]

53. Ayubi argues that in fact very little is said of the Medinan community in Islamic sources and that Muslims did not develop a clear notion of a “state” until modern times; Nazih Ayubi, Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Arab World (New York, 1991), 6–8. [BACK]

54. Farzana Shaikh, Community and Consensus in Islam: Muslim Representation in Colonial India, 1860–1947 (Cambridge, 1989), 16. [BACK]

55. Cited in SAAM, vol. 1, 215. [BACK]

56. For a discussion of the Daru’l-Islam project, see Nasr, “Politics of an Islamic Movement,” 136–54. [BACK]

57. CRTIN, 85–88, and Mawlana Muhammad Manzur Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi Miri Sath Rifaqat ki Sarguzasht Awr Ab Mira Mauqaf (Lahore, 1980), 30–33. [BACK]

58. These articles were eventually published in the form of the second and third volumes of Musalman Awr Mawjudah Siyasi Kashmakash but began to fully elaborate and espouse his notion of rule of religion (iqamat-i din). [BACK]

59. Shahpuri, Tarikh, vol. 1, 448–49. [BACK]

60. Chaudhri ‘Abdu’l-Rahman ‘Abd, Mufakkir-i Islam: Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi (Lahore, 1971), 152–64. [BACK]

61. See the college’s newspaper, Crescent (December 1939): 11. [BACK]

62. Shahpuri, Tarikh, vol. 1, 356–57. [BACK]

63. See Haftrozah Zindagi (October 14–28, 1989): 38–39. [BACK]

64. The famous ‘alim, Sulaiman Nadwi, was ostensibly impressed with Mawdudi’s Tanqihat (Lahore, 1989), while the famous Khilafat activist, ‘Ubaidu’llah Sindhi, was approving of Mawdudi’s articles in TQ; ‘Abd, Mufakkir-i Islam, 96–97, and 156–57. [BACK]

65. TQ (May 1939): 2–13. Also see Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, “Ihya’-i Nizam-i Islami,” in Al-Furqan, Shah Waliu’llah Number (1940): 18. [BACK]

66. Reprinted in Al-Ma‘arif 18, 2 (April–May 1985): 249–50. Zafaru’l-Hasan was then formulating plans of his own for a Muslim organization, to be called Shabbanu’l-Muslimin (Muslim Youth). Zafaru’l-Hasan’s papers concerning this organization are kept in the archives of the Institute of Islamic Culture. [BACK]

67. Ibid., 249. [BACK]

68. Ibid., 250. [BACK]

69. See TQ (April 1941): 98. [BACK]

70. Maududi, The Process, 18. [BACK]

71. Sayyid Abu’l-Khayr Mawdudi writes that his younger brother viewed himself as a great leader of his community; see Sayyid Abu’l-Khayr Mawdudi, in Nigar (September 1963): 63. Mawdudi’s career in later years further confirmed his ambitions; see, for instance, Amin Ahsan Islahi’s critical letter to Mawdudi, dated January 16, 1958, reprinted in Nida (March 7, 1989): 28. [BACK]

72. With no organization yet in the making, in August 1940, Mawdudi wrote to Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi at the Nadwatu’l-‘Ulama of Lucknow, requesting the services of an Arabist who could translate his writings on Islam into Arabic for the benefit of the Arab world. See Shahpuri, Tarikh, vol. 1, 466. [BACK]

73. Across the board in Pakistan it is believed that Mawdudi was opposed to the Pakistan movement and the partition. This belief is the result of the anti-Jama‘at propaganda campaigns by successive governments that tried to depict the Jama‘at as unpatriotic. This view has also gained currency in academia. See, for instance, Aziz Ahmad, “Mawdudi and Orthodox Fundamentalism of Pakistan,” Middle East Journal 21, 3 (Summer 1967): 369–80; Kalim Bahadur, The Jama‘at-i Islami of Pakistan (New Delhi, 1977); or Freeland Abbott, Islam and Pakistan (Ithaca, 1968). [BACK]

74. Nasr, “The Politics of an Islamic Movement,” ch. 1. [BACK]

75. TQ (December 1938): 304–5. [BACK]

76. Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, “Ham ne Tahrik-i Pakistan ke Sath Nehin Diya Tha,” Nawa’i Waqt (August 15, 1975): 3. [BACK]

77. Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, Tahrik-i Pakistan Awr Jama‘at-i Islami (Multan, n.d.), 6. [BACK]

78. Cited in Ja‘far Qasmi, “Mujhe Yad Hey Sab Se Zara Zara,…” Nida (April 17, 1990): 32. [BACK]

79. Shaikh, Community and Consensus, 209. [BACK]

80. TQ (February 1941): 66. [BACK]

81. Mawdudi, Tahrik-i Pakistan, 7–8. [BACK]

83. Mawdudi, Tahrik-i Pakistan, 7–8. [BACK]

84. It is important to note that Mawdudi was not alone among the self-styled Muslim leaders of the time to put forward such a claim. ‘Allamah Mashriqi, for instance, in 1948 changed the name of Tahrik-i Khaksar to the Islam League—closely paralleling the Muslim League’s appellation, but underscoring the greater religious dedication of the Khaksar. The claim to being the “true League” was implicit in Mashriqi’s maneuver. [BACK]

85. TQ (April 1941): 90–101. [BACK]

86. SAAM, vol. 1, 244. [BACK]

87. JIKUS, 5, and Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi, The Islamic Movement: Dynamics of Values, Power, and Change (Leicester, 1984), 6. [BACK]

88. Interviews with Mian Tufayl Muhammad and Na‘im Siddiqi. [BACK]

89. RJI, vol. 1, 25. [BACK]

90. Ibid., 27–30. [BACK]

91. Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi, 32. [BACK]

92. Ibid., 41–43. [BACK]

93. Islahi was not present at the first meeting of the Jama‘at in Lahore, but later Nu‘mani persuaded him to join. His name was therefore cited among the organization’s founding members; interview with Amin Ahsan Islahi. [BACK]

94. On this debate see NGH, 58. [BACK]

95. Interviews with Nadwi and Malik Ghulam ‘Ali. [BACK]

96. ‘Abd, Mufakkir-i Islam, 175–76. [BACK]

97. Ibid. [BACK]

98. Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi, 40–43. [BACK]

99. Na‘im Siddiqi, Al-Mawdudi (Lahore, 1963), 35. [BACK]

100. Interview with ‘Abdu’l-Rahim Ashraf. [BACK]

101. Shahpuri, Tarikh, vol. 1, 525. [BACK]

102. Sayyid As‘ad Gilani, “Jama‘at-i Islami, 1941–1947,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Punjab, 1989–1990, 360–65. [BACK]

103. Ibid., 365. [BACK]

104. JIKUS, 47, and Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi, 43–46. [BACK]

105. SAAM, vol. 1, 256. [BACK]

106. RJI, vol. 1, 60. [BACK]

107. By 1946 the Jama‘at had grown large enough to hold regional conventions and to organize the Jama‘at’s finances locally; RJI, vol. 4, 115–18 and 124–26. [BACK]

108. RJI, vol. 4, 41. [BACK]

109. Cited in RJI, vol. 5, 43. [BACK]

110. RJI, vols. 4 and 5. [BACK]

111. RJI, vol. 5, 57–58. [BACK]

112. Interview with Amin Ahsan Islahi. [BACK]

113. This book was written in Hyderabad at the behest of the nizam’s government and was used as a textbook in that state’s schools. It is Mawdudi’s first and best known exposition on Islamic revivalism. The first work of Mawdudi to be translated into English (in 1947), by 1974 it had appeared in twenty-six languages. [BACK]

114. See Begum Mahmudah Mawdudi, “Mawlana Mawdudi Apne Ghar Main,” in Buhtah, Mawlana Mawdudi, 263. [BACK]

115. Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi, 46–52. [BACK]

116. SAAM, vol. 1, 256. [BACK]

117. Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi, 46–52. [BACK]

118. In a letter to Nu‘mani at a later time Mawdudi wrote: “If you were attracted to the Jama‘at because of me, then you should never have joined; and if you were attracted to it because of its cause, then how can I prompt you to fall from a path you deemed to be in the interest of Islam?”; cited in Abu’l-Afaq, Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi: Sawanih, Afkar, Tahrik (Lahore, 1971), 266–67. [BACK]

119. SAAM, vol. 1, 256. [BACK]

120. SAAM, vol. 1, 256; and RJI, vol. 1, 71–76. [BACK]

121. Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi, 60–62. [BACK]

122. As quoted in an interview with ‘Abdu’l-Ghaffar Hasan. [BACK]

123. SAAM, vol. 1, 284–85. [BACK]

124. Ibid., 297. [BACK]

125. Ibid. [BACK]

126. RJI, vol. 5, 251ff.; see chapter 5 for more on this issue. [BACK]

127. SAAM, vol. 1, 297. [BACK]

128. RJI, vol. 1, 8ff. [BACK]

129. Cited in Bahadur, The Jama‘at-iIslami, 19. The 50 percent estimate is based on figures for membership for 1942 and 1946. [BACK]

130. RJI, vol. 5, 58–59. [BACK]

131. SAAM, vol. 1, 297, and 318–21. [BACK]

132. Nida (March 7, 1989): 23. [BACK]

133. RJI, vol. 5, 94–106. [BACK]