1. Martine Ségalen, Love and Power in the Peasant Family , trans. Sarah Matthews (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 108; Martine Ségalen, "Le mariage, l'amour et la femme dans les proverbes du sud de la France," Annales du Midi 87 (1975): 284. [BACK]

2. Rivals, Agriculture dans l'Aude , 69. [BACK]

3. Women counted for about one-third of agricultural workers at the end of the nineteenth century; see T. Deldyke, H. Gelders, and J.-M. Limbor, La population active et sa structure (Brussels: Université de Bruxelles, 1968), 174. [BACK]

4. Ségalen, Love and Power , 81, 97-98. [BACK]

5. On women's contribution to rural household economies more generally, see, for example, Heidi Hartmann, "Capitalism, Patriarchy, and Job Segregation by Sex," Signs 1 (Summer 1976): 137-169; Cynthia B. Lloyd, "The Division of Labor Between the Sexes: A Review," in Sex Discrimination and the Division of Labor , ed. Cynthia B. Lloyd (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974); Ségalen, Love and Power and "Mariage"; and Louise A. Tilly, "The Family Wage Economy of a French Textile City: Roubaix, 1872-1906,'' Journal of Family History 4 (Winter 1979): 388; Michele Barrett, Women's Oppression Today (London: Verso, 1980), 172-186, on domestic labor under capitalism; and Christine Delphy, Close to Home , trans. and ed. Diana Leonard (London: Hutchinson, 1984), 78-92. [BACK]

6. On women's migration, see Chatelain, Migrations temporaires 1:58ff., 121, 133; Leslie Page Moch, Paths to the City: Regional Migration in Nineteenth-Century France (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), 147-148, 186-188. [BACK]

7. Yves Rinaudo has found that in the Var, wealthy landowning women lent money to peasants, and interest from these loans provided them with a steady income ("Usure et crédit," 443-444). [BACK]

8. On the division of labor in the vineyards, see Fabre and Lacroix, Vie quotidienne , 178-196; Galtier, Vignoble du Languedoc-méditerranéen 1:253; Coste-Floret, Travaux du vignoble , 30, 76, 375-379; Augé-Laribé, Problème agraire , 260-261, 272; Sagnes, Mouvement ouvrier , 31-32; Hartmann, "Capitalism, Patriarchy, and Job Segregation," 139; Barrett, Women's Oppression , 152-186. [BACK]

10. Coste-Floret, Travaux du vignoble , 328. [BACK]

11. The Félibrige was a movement of writers and poets who promoted the Provençal literary renaissance of the 1850s. [BACK]

12. Alphonse Daudet, Letters from My Windmill , trans. Frederick Davies (1866-1867; Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin Books, 1984), 153. [BACK]

13. Interview with Anastasie Vergnes (née Cheytion), Coursan, Aude, Aug. 20, 1974, conducted with Rémy Pech. [BACK]

14. Fabre and Lacroix, Vie quotidienne , 239-240. On the ambiguity of gender and power, see Ségalen, Love and Power . [BACK]

15. See AD Aude 9M78, "Mercuriales, Etats décadaires des denrées . . . prix pratiqués sur les marchés, 1850-1905, 1912-1921." [BACK]

16. In the period of vineyard expansion, women in Coursan made 50 to 60 centimes more than women in agriculture nationally; France, Ministère de l'agriculture, Résultats généraux de l'enquête décennale de 1882 , 382. [BACK]

17. Coste-Floret, Travaux du vignoble , 376. [BACK]

18. R. Pech, Entreprise viticole , 383, 385-386. [BACK]

19. See, for example, Christine Delphy, "Sharing the Same Table: Consumption in the Family," in Close to Home , 40-56; Laura Oren, "The Welfare of Women in Laboring Families: England, 1860-1950," in Clio's Consciousness Raised , ed. Mary Hartman and Lois Banner (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), 229-230; Lynn Hollen Lees, "Getting and Spending: The Family Budgets of English Industrial Workers in 1890," in Consciousness and Class Experience , ed. John Merriman (London: Holmes & Meier, 1976), 180. Paul Passama calculated food expenses at 293 francs for male workers and 232 francs for female workers ( Condition des ouvriers , 105). [BACK]

20. Mean ages at first marriage have been computed from TGI, Narbonne, "Etat civil de Coursan, Actes de mariage, 1850-1910." See also Wesley D. Camp, Marriage and the Family in France Since the Revolution (New York: Bookman Associates, 1961), 53. Villagers in Coursan also married earlier than villagers in the Stéphanois village of Marlhes studied by James Lehning; see The Peasants of Marlhes (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 70. [BACK]

21. AD Aude 5M8, Prefect reports, esp. of Sept. 16, 1861, and Mar. 1 and 15, 1862. [BACK]

22. AD Aude 9M78-91, "Mercuriales . . . 1850-1885." Pierre Bléton estimated that working-class families spent the majority of their income on food in the 1860s; see La vie sociale sous le Second Empire. Un étonnant témoignage de la comtesse de Ségur (Paris: Editions ouvrières, 1963), 76. In the prosperous expansion years of the vineyard economy, workers in the Narbonnais spent about 20 percent of their food budget on meat, 25 percent on bread, and 20 percent on wine, with rent figuring for between 15 and 18 percent of the budget. Cf. Georges Duveau, La vie ouvrière en France sous le Second Empire (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1946), 329-386; Hanagan, Logic of Solidarity , 72-80. [BACK]

23. In 1870, yearly expenses of carpenters in Carcassonne averaged 985 francs for a family of four, against an income of 780 francs. That summer the Corporation des ouvriers charpentiers of Carcassonne petitioned the prefect of the Aude to demand a wage increase and supplied a family budget to support their case; see AD Aude 15M134, "Dossiers des grèves des communes rurales de l'arrondissement de Carcassonne." [BACK]

24. Louise A. Tilly and Joan W. Scott, Women, Work, and Family (New York: Methuen, 1987), 124. [BACK]

25. This was true in 34 percent of all households in Coursan in 1851; AD Aude 11M78, "Dénombrement de la population. Etats nominatifs des habitants de Coursan, 1851." It is possible that the Coursan census underestimated child labor; see Louise A. Tilly, "Individual Lives and Family Strategies in the French Proletariat," Journal of Family History 4 (Summer 1979): 137-152. [BACK]

26. See AD Aude 11M78, "Dénombrement de la population. Etats nominatifs des habitants de Coursan, 1851." [BACK]

27. Etienne Van de Walle has argued that this census (as well as others between 1872 and 1896), which relied on forms given to household heads to fill out and return, underestimated women's wage-earning activities; see Female Population , 24. [BACK]

28. AD Aude 11M35, "Tableaux récapitulatifs généraux dans le canton de Coursan, 1886." In that year 55.8 percent of women in the labor force were listed as agricultural workers, though perhaps the female agricultural labor force in Coursan was swollen by immigrants from other parts of the south. The absence of a nominative census for 1886 for the village of Coursan prevents a closer analysis of women's work patterns just as the phylloxera began to attack the Audois vineyards. [BACK]

29. Interview with Anastasie Vergnes, Aug. 20, 1974. See also Gay Gullickson, "The Sexual Division of Labor in Cottage Industry and Agriculture in the Pays de Caux: Auffay, 1750-1850," French Historical Studies 12 (Fall 1981): 195-196; and Charles Babbage's classic account of wage differences and the division of labor in a nineteenth-century English pin factory, cited in Harvey Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974), 80. [BACK]

30. AD Aude 11M35, "Tableaux récapitulatifs généraux dans le canton de Coursan, 1886." According to Passama, the wives of Spanish workers did not work the vines but hired themselves out as domestiques de ferme to cook or work as domestic servants on the estate vineyards; see Condition des ouvriers , 91. [BACK]

31. Passama, Condition des ouvriers , 76-77; Augé-Laribé, "Ouvriers de la viticulture languedocienne," 290-291. The number of workdays diminished because replanted vineyards did not become fully productive until 1893-1894 and so temporarily required less intensive cultivation. [BACK]

32. France, Ministère du travail et de la prévoyance sociale, Statistique générale, Salaires et coût de l'existence à diverses époques jusqu'en 1910 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1911), 61; Maurice Halbwachs, "Revenues et dépenses de ménages des travailleurs: Une enquête officielle de l'avant-guerre," Revue d'économie politique 35 (Jan.-Feb. 1921): 57. Expenses for food made up some 75 to 80 percent of working-class budgets (Passama, Condition des ouvriers , 110), a higher percentage than Halbwach found for French working-class households in 1907 ("Budgets des familles ouvrières et paysannes en France en 1907," Bulletin de la statistique générale de la France 4 [Oct. 1914]: 55). [BACK]

33. The following sources have been used to estimate household budgets in the post-phylloxera years: AD Aude 9M91-106, "Mercuriales . . . 1885-1905, 1912-1921; Passama, Condition des ouvriers , 56, 82, 100-115, 209-212; and Augé-Laribé, "Ouvriers de la viticulture languedocienne," 290-291. Comparable budgets for agricultural workers' households elsewhere in France in the prewar years are found in L. Dugé de Bernonville, "Enquête sur les conditions de la vie ouvrière et rurale en France, 1913-1914" (Parts 1 and 2), Bulletin de la statistique générale de la France 6 (Oct. 1916): 85-108; (Jan. 1917): 185-221. [BACK]

34. The standard of living of French workers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has been the subject of some debate, going back to the years before World War I. Albert Aftalion argued in 1912 ("Le salaire réel et sa nouvelle orientation," Revue d'économie politique 26 [1912]: 541-552) that the improvement in workers' real wages in the last twenty years of the nineteenth century slowed markedly in the first decade of the twentieth, but that workers' standard of living nonetheless continued to improve. Halbwachs also noted the improvement in wages and the different distribution of working-class incomes that came with increased earnings ("Budgets des families ouvrières" and "Revenues et dépenses"). More recently, Jean l'Homme has shown that workers' purchasing power, which increased between 1882 and 1905, declined between 1905 and 1913; see "Le pouvoir d'achat de l'ouvrier français au cours d'un siècle: 1840-1940," Mouvement social 63 (Apr.-June 1968): 41-69. Peter Stearns, conversely, has argued that French workers' living standards declined between 1900 and 1910; see Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor: Cause Without Rebels (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1971), app. A. Stearns's argument is supported by Jacques Rougerie, ''Remarques sur l'histoire des salaires à Paris au XIX ^e siècle,'' Mouvement social 63 (Apr.-June 1968): 71-108. Stearns questions the reliability of the government's price series, which, he plausibly argues, underestimated price increases and failed to weight items consumed by workers for their actual importance in the family budget (pp. 111-112). As Michael Hanagan has pointed out, until more is known about unemployment it will be difficult to assess the standard of living of French workers accurately; see Logic of Solidarity , 83-84n31. Stearns's observation that nationally real wages rose slightly after 1911 is not borne out by the data for the Nanbonnais, where continued increases in the cost of living offset wage increases after 1905. [BACK]

35. On Roubaix, see L. Tilly, "Family Wage Economy"; see also L. Tilly, "Individual Lives and Family Strategies"; and L. Tilly and Scott, Women, Work, and Family , chap. 6, esp. 123-136. [BACK]

36. AD Aude 11M157, "Dénombrement de la Population. Etats nominatifs des habitants de Coursan, 1911." [BACK]

37. Interview with Julien Coca, Coursan, Aude, June 26, 1979. [BACK]

38. Interview with Mme. Cendrous, Coursan, Aude, June 26, 1979. [BACK]

39. Interview with Anastasie Vergnes, Aug. 20, 1974. [BACK]

40. Passama, Condition des ouvriers , 114. [BACK]

41. AD Aude 15M125, "Grèves agricoles," Report of commissa ire spécial , Narbonne, to prefect, Jan. 23, 1904. [BACK]