Notes
PREFACE
1. The impetus for the translation of the Latin histories probably came during the reign of Saint Louis, because the translation of the text was completed in the 1270s and the Latin recueil , one source for it, was completed in the first half of the thirteenth century. Further, a reference in the prologue that the translator undertook the work "at the command of a man whom he neither could nor should refuse" . . . (enprist il ceste ouvre à fere par le commandement de tel home que il ne pout ne ne dut refuser) has led some to postulate the direct patronage of Saint Louis. For this, see Gabrielle Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis: A Survey (Brookline, Mass., and Leyden, 1978), 78-87. For further discussion of the text, see text pages 3-6.
2. For studies dealing with vernacular historiography that give priority to Latin historiography, see Bernard Guenée, Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident médiéval (Paris, 1980); Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition ; and Jules Viard, ed., Les Grandes Chroniques de France , (Paris, 1920-53).
3. For examples of the interest in new texts, see Guenée, Histoire et culture historique ; Bernard Guenée, ed., Le métier d'historien au Moyen-Âge: Étude sur l'historiographie médiéval (Paris, 1977); Jacques Krynen, Idéal du prince et pouvoir royal en France á la fin du Moyen-Âge (1380-1440): Étude de la littérature politique du temps (Paris, 1981); and Colette Beaune, Naissance de la nation France (Paris, 1985).
4. Gabrielle Spiegel has studied the origins of vernacular historiography in a series of articles: "Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative," History and Theory 22 (1983): 43-53; idem, " Pseudo-Turpin , the Crisis of the Aristocracy and the Beginnings of Vernacular Historiography in France," Journal of Medieval History 12 (1986): 207-23; and idem, "Social Change and Literary Language: The Textualization of the Past in Thirteenth-Century Old French Historiography," Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 17 (1987): 129-48.
5. See Nicole Pons, "Latin et français au XV e siècle: Le témoignage des traités de propagande," Le moyen français. Actes du V e colloque international sur le moyen français, Milan, 6-8 mai 1985 (Milan, 1986), vol. 2, 67-81; and Serge Lusignan, Parler vulgairement: Les intellectuels et la langue française aux XIII e et XIV e siècles (Montreal, 1987).
6. This discussion of audiences is based upon Bernard Guénee, "Les Grandes Chroniques de France : Le roman aux rois (1274-1518)," in La nation , vol. 1, pt. 2, Les lieux de mémoire , ed. Pierre Nora (Paris, 1986), 189-214; and idem, "Histoire d'un succès," in François Avril, Marie-Thérèse Gousset, and Bernard Guenée, Les Grandes Chroniques de France. Reproduction intégrale en facsimilé des miniatures de Fouquet. Manuscrit 6465 de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris (Paris, 1987), 83-138.
7. Two surviving manuscripts from the abbey of Saint-Denis contain the Latin texts later translated in the Grandes Chroniques de France . These books from the early (Vat. Reg. 550) and mid-thirteenth centuries (B.N. lat. 5925) are illustrated only by initials. For further discussion of them, see the Introduction of this book. break
In a section of his book devoted to "aids to readers," Guenée attempts to describe in general terms the role of pictures in manuscripts. Although his discussion remains broad, he is one of the few historians to suggest that illustrations of historical accounts may contribute to an understanding of their text. See Guenée, Histoire et culture historique , 237-41.
8. In contrast, most other vernacular histories seem to have been illustrated with limited pictorial cycles. Thus the earliest surviving manuscript of the chronicle of the Anonymous of Chantilly (Vat. Reg. 624) is unillustrated; only the late fifteenth-century version (Musée Condé, Ms. 869) has a pictorial cycle. Further, although the Johannes translation of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle was illustrated from the mid-thirteenth century with one to three historiated initials, the most densely illuminated copies of the text are a pair dating from the early fourteenth and mid-fifteenth centuries and illustrated by 15 miniatures. See Ronald Walpole, ed., The Old French Johannes Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle: A Critical Edition (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976); and Rita Lejeune and Jacques Stiennon, La légende de Roland dans l'art du Moyen-Âge (Brussels, 1969), 1:270-75, 2: plates 265-79, XXXVII. The only complete surviving manuscript (B.N. n. a. fr. 6295) of the Anonymous of Béthune is a late thirteenth-century book illustrated by a series of historiated initials.
9. Although Paulin Paris, Jules Viard, and Roland Delachenal note variants in their editions of the Grandes Chroniques , they give priority to royal copies of the manuscript. Viard and Delachenal use as their base manuscripts the first Grandes Chroniques (Ste.-Gen. 782) for text through the life of Saint Louis and Charles V's book (B.N. fr. 2813) for the life of Louis VIII and for the lives of Philip III to the beginning of Charles VI. Because Charles V's manuscript ends abruptly in 1379, the edition was completed by a transcription from B.N. fr. 17270.
Their selection of texts presents a somewhat lopsided view of what constitutes a typical copy of the Grandes Chroniques . For instance, priority is given to the translation of Louis IX's life added in the fourteenth century to the first Grandes Chroniques (Ste.-Gen. 782) although an earlier translation of Guillaume de Nangis's Gesta Ludovici IX existed in John the Good's manuscript (B.L. Royal 16 G VI), and a different translation taken from Guillaume de Nangis's amplified chronicle (of c. 1316-18) appears in a series of manuscripts made by Parisian libraires (B.N. fr. 10132; Castres, B.M.; Grenoble, 407 Rés.). Of these earlier translations, the version in John's manuscript is published in an appendix to Viard's edition in which footnotes describe different readings from B.N. fr. 10132. In addition, the life of Charles V recorded in Delachenal's edition corresponds to that in Charles V's manuscript (B.N. fr. 2813), which differs significantly from that in virtually every other manuscript containing the text (here Delachenal gives variant readings in his footnotes). For editions of the Grandes Chroniques de France , see Paulin Paris, ed., Les Grandes Chroniques de France (Paris, 1836-38); Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques ; and Roland Delachenal, ed., Les Grandes Chroniques de France: Chroniques des règnes de Jean II et de Charles V (Paris, 1910-20). For dates of the versions of Saint Louis's life, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:xvii, vol. 10; and Léopold Delisle, "Mémoire sur les ouvrages de Guillaume de Nangis," in Mémoires de l'Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 27, pt. 2 (1873): 353.
INTRODUCTION— VERNACULAR HISTORY, LATIN HISTORIOGRAPHY, ROYAL PATRONAGE, AND THE GRANDES CHRONIQUES
1. See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques ; Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 72.
2. See Joseph Strayer, "France: The Holy Land, the Chosen People, and the Most Christian King," in Medieval Statecraft and the Perspectives of History: Essays by Joseph R. Strayer , ed. John F. Benton and Thomas N. Bisson (Princeton, 1971), 299-314; John Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power is the Middle Ages (Berkeley continue
and Los Angeles, 1986), 362-93; Andrew Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial Order and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Marc Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France , trans. J. E. Anderson (Montreal, 1973); Frank Barlow, "The King's Evil," English Historical Review 95 (1980): 3-27; Richard A. Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill, 1984); and William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979).
3. See Jordan, Louis IX . Jordan believes that Louis's failure in the crusade of 1248-1254 shaped the rest of his reign. For Jordan, Louis's subsequent actions—his subjugation of the barons, his active role in bringing peace to the Christian West, and his public manifestations of royal charity and devotion—were motivated by a desire to become worthy to succeed in his next crusade. For further discussion and for support of the theory that Louis's actions were intended to demonstrate that the Capetians were legitimate kings because they merited kingship, see Robert J. Schneider, "Vincent of Beauvais on Political Legitimacy and the Capetian Dynasty: The Argument of the De Morali Principis Institutione ," forthcoming. More recent studies of Saint Louis are Jean Richard, Saint Louis, roi d'un France féodale, soutien de la Terre Sainte (Paris, 1983), and Gérard Sivéry, Saint Louis et son siècle (Paris, 1983).
4. For the following, see Jackson, Vive le Roi! , 31-33, 222-23.
5. For its use during Philip of Valois's coronation and probable use for earlier kings' ceremonies, see Jackson, Vive le Roi! , 223, 227 n. 3.
6. Bloch traces the origin of the belief that the French kings were able to cure disease back to the reign of Robert the Pious, the second Capetian king. He suggests that beginning with Robert's grandson, Philip I, the kings specialized in miraculous cures for scrofula. See Bloch, Royal Touch , 12-21, 74. Barlow reads the texts and documents more conservatively, concluding that evidence concerning the practice of touching for scrofula is more substantial from the mid-thirteenth century on. See Barlow, "King's Evil."
7. Barlow, "King's Evil," 21-22.
8. See Marcel Aubert et al., Les vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris , Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi (Paris, 1959), 1, pt. 1: 71-334; for a convenient summary, see Louis Grodecki, Sainte-Chapelle , Short Notes on Great Buildings, 6 (Paris, 1979).
9. See Harvey Stahl, "The Iconographic Sources of the Old Testament Miniatures, Pierpont Morgan Library M. 638" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1974); and idem, "Old Testament Illustration during the Reign of Saint Louis: The Morgan Picture Book and the New Biblical Cycles," in Il Medio Oriente e l'Occidente Nell'arte del XIII Secolo (Atti del XXIV Congresso Internazionale di Storia dell'Arte) (Bologna, 1982), 79-93.
10. For the importance of royal coinage as an assertion of sovereignty over the French barons and as a reference both to Louis's crusader past and to his religious devotion, see Jordan, Louis IX , 206-12. See as well Ernst Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Medieval Ruler Worship , University of California Publications in History, no. 33 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1946), 4-5, 11-12, 222-30.
11. For the tomb program, see Georgia Sommers, "Royal Tombs of Saint-Denis in the Reign of Saint Louis" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1966); Georgia Sommers Wright, "A Royal Tomb Program in the Reign of Saint Louis," Art Bulletin 56 (1974): 224-43; and Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, Le roi est mort: Étude sur les funérailles, les sépultures, et les tombeaux des rois de France jusqu'à la fin du XIII e siècle, Bibliothèque de la Société française d'archéologie, no. 7 (Geneva, 1975).
12. That visitors came to see the tombs is attested to by a guidebook, the Abbreviated Chronicle , written by Guillaume de Nangis in the late thirteenth century. See Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 103-5, and Chapter 1 of this book. break
13. For discussion of early vernacular histories, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 72-76; idem, "Genealogy: Form and Function"; idem, " Pseudo-Turpin "; and idem, "Social Change and Literary Language."
14. For an outline of the audience for historical accounts in the Middle Ages, see Guenée, Histoire et culture historique , 364. For a discussion of the audience for certain vernacular works, see Diane Tyson, "Patronage of French Vernacular History Writers in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries," Romania 100 (1971): 180-222; Bernard Guenée, "La culture historique des nobles: Le succès des Faits des Romains (XIII e -XV e siècles)" in La noblesse au Moyen-Âge XI e -XV e siècles: Éssais à la mémoire de Robert Boutruche, ed. Philippe Contamine (Paris, 1976), 261-88; idem, " Grandes Chroniques "; idem, "Histoire d'un succès"; Spiegel, " Pseudo-Turpin "; and idem, "Social Change and Literary Language."
15. For a discussion of how this works in the Johannes translation of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, one of the earliest translations of a Latin chronicle into French, see Walpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin , 1:94. For a study that considers a broad range of vernacular chronicles, see Spiegel, "Social Change and Literary Language."
16. See Spiegel, "Social Change and Literary Language."
17. Ibid., 148.
16. See Spiegel, "Social Change and Literary Language."
17. Ibid., 148.
18. On Primat's originality, see Guenée, " Grandes Chroniques ." For his Latin sources, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques . Although studies have suggested that Primat drew from epics and earlier vernacular histories, no one has yet undertaken a systematic analysis of Primat's reliance on them. Mandach cites a few examples to show that Primat consulted epics, and Pierre Botineau has shown that Primat used the vernacular chronicle of the Anonymous of Chantilly as a reference when he had difficulty translating his Latin sources. For a limited discussion of French sources, see André Mandach, Chronique dite Saintongeaise , Beiheft zur Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, no. 120 (Tübingen, 1970), 154. Spiegel cites Botineau's unpublished article, "Une source des Grandes Chroniques de France : L'histoire de France en prose française de Charlemagne à Philippe Auguste," in "Social Change and Literary Language," 142 n. 34.
The popularity of the Grandes Chroniques is demonstrated by the large number of surviving manuscripts. The Johannes translation of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle survives in 32 copies, the chronicle of the Anonymous of Chantilly in 2 manuscripts, the Chronique des rois de France of the Anonymous of Béthune in one complete manuscript, and the Abrégé de l'histoire de France of the Ménestrel of Alphonse of Poitiers in 11 manuscripts. In contrast, the Grandes Chroniques survive in at least 130 copies. See Walpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin , 1:xv; Spiegel, "Social Change and Literary Language," 134-35; and the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. For comparable statistics for Latin and other French histories, see Guenée, Histoire et culture historique , 250-52.
19. For an interpretation of the vernacular translations of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle as partisan texts that originated in northern France and Flanders among a group of nobles opposed to Philip Augustus's centralizing policies, see Spiegel, " Pseudo-Turpin ." She examines the motives for sponsoring translations as professed in the prologues of the six independent versions of the French Pseudo-Turpin chronicle and analyzes these motives in relation to the historical circumstances faced by the patrons of the translations in early thirteenth-century France and Flanders. Although the origins of the translations seem to be political on at least one level, the popularity of the French Pseudo-Turpin chronicle may have persisted because of the popularity of legends of Charlemagne. For this view, see Walpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin , 1:xv-xxii.
20. As early as the first quarter of the thirteenth century during the reign of Philip Augustus, the monks of Saint-Denis compiled a Latin volume that assembled texts tracing French history from the fall of Troy through the life of Louis VI. This volume (Vat. Reg. lat. 550) later served as a model for a second compilation (B.N. lat. 5925) made during Louis continue
IX's reign. B.N. lat. 5925 included the life of Philip Augustus as well and was probably the Latin basis for the translation of the Grandes Chroniques . Both these books remained in the abbey's library at least until the fourteenth century. For discussion of these manuscripts, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 72-89, 117-26; Bernd Schneidmüller, "Ein Geschichtskom-pendium des frühen 13. Jahrhunderts aus Saint-Denis (Vat. Reg. lat. 550) als Vorläufer der Grandes Chroniques ," Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 67 (1987): 447-61; and Donatella Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, La bibliothèque de l'abbaye de Saint-Denis en France du IX e au XVIII e siècle (Paris, 1985), 216, no. 111, and 232, no. 165.
21. Little is known about Primat beyond the fact that he was a monk at Saint-Denis and a historian; he wrote at least one other history—a life of Saint Louis, which was continued through the life of Philip the Bold. For a summary of the literature on Primat, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 83-92.
Although Primat's chronicle, the original draft of the Grandes Chroniques , is of primary concern for the moment, it should be noted that the Grandes Chroniques was continued through the reign of Philip of Valois (1328-50), with a life of Louis VIII and translations from the Latin chronicle and continuations of Guillaume de Nangis (for the era to 1340), and an original French text (for 1340 to 1350). In the 1370s authorship of the Grandes Chroniques definitely shifted from monastery to court, when Pierre d'Orgement probably wrote the account of the reigns of John the Good and Charles V. Shortly after Charles V's death in 1380, two chapters describing the accession of Charles VI were added. This is the most common terminus for the Grandes Chroniques , although at least two other manuscripts (M. 536 and B.R. 4) have texts that continue past the traditional stopping point to end in 1384. See Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 117-26, and Chapters 3, 5-7, and 10 of this book.
22. Léopold Delisle, "Notes sur quelques manuscrits du Musée Britannique," Mémoires de la Société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 4 (1878): 206-7. This observation, and the fact that the earlier Dionysian compilation (Vat. Reg. lat. 550) did not contain the life of Philip Augustus that was in B.N. lat. 5925 and translated in Primat's Grandes Chroniques , makes it likely that Primat used B.N. lat. 5925 rather than Vat. Reg. lat. 550, the earlier Dionysian anthology, as a source for the Grandes Chroniques .
23. For a discussion of the ways in which Johannes, one of the earliest translators of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, modified his Latin source, see Walpole, who contends that Johannes "made the structure more orderly and clear, the style more natural and convincing." Walpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin , 1:xvi.
24. A few texts translated in the Grandes Chroniques were not included in the Latin compilation. One of these, the Descriptio qualiter , seems to have been copied from a manuscript of the same textual family as B.N. lat. 12710. See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:xii-xiii, 155, 160-61, 197. For a discussion of the popularity of the Descriptio qualiter and an analysis of a cycle of stained glass at Saint-Denis based upon the text, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Michael W. Cothren, "The Twelfth-Century Crusading Window of the Abbey of Saint-Denis: Praeteritorum Enim Recordatio Futurorum est Exhibitio," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986): 11-40. A second text not present in B.N. lat. 5925 was the life of Louis VII, a copy of which was intercalated into B.N. lat. 5925 in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century (after the Grandes Chroniques was translated) by a second scribe who also continued the manuscript with the lives of Louis VIII, Saint Louis, and Philip III. See Delisle, "Notes sur quelques manuscrits," 206-10; and Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 68-71. Spiegel argues convincingly that this historical recueil was not compiled as a draft for the Grandes Chroniques , but was simply a copy of texts including "the best of what was known to deal with French history." Schneidmüller's demonstration that B.N. lat. 5925 depends on Vat. Reg. 550, a historical compendium from the first portion of the thirteenth century, supports her conclusion. See Schneidmüller's "Ein Geschichtskompendium." break
25. The differences between B.N. lat. 5925 and Ste.-Gen. 782 are most clearly expressed in tabular form. (Only texts distinguished by decoration [in B.N. lat. 5925] or chapter lists and rubrics [in Ste.-Gen. 782] are listed.)
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26. For these sources, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:1 n. 1; 4 n. 2; 5 n. 1. For discussion of the prologues of the Grandes Chroniques and of the Ménestrel's Chronique abrégée , see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 81-83; and Natalis de Wailly, "Examen de quelques questions relatives à l'origine des chroniques de Saint-Denys," Mémoire de l'Académie royale des inscriptions et belles-lettres 17, pt. 1 (1847): 379-407. For the text of the prologue to the Grandes Chroniques , see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:1-6. For the text of the Ménestrel of Alphonse of Poitiers's prologue, see de Wailly, "Examen de quelques questions," 405-7; and for the dedicatory letter to Aimon's chronicle, see RHF , 3:28.
27. Compare de Wailly, "Examen de quelques questions," 406-7 with Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:2.
28. Compare Primat's opening, "Pour ce que pluseurs genz doutoient de la genealogie des rois de France de quel origenal et de quel lignie ils ont descendu ," with the Ménestrel's, "Por ce que je véoie et ooie moult de gens douter, et presques toutes genz, des gestes des rois de France." (The italics are mine.) Andrew Lewis suggests that Primat's passage "reorders royalist historiography" to emphasize dynastic concerns in a way that parallels the contemporary rearrangement of royal tombs. See Lewis, Royal Succession , 115-16. The origin of this dynastic elaboration would seem to be Dionysian, since it was not included continue
in the book for Alphonse of Poitiers although Alphonse, the patron of the Ménestrel's work, had problems with legitimation and centralization of power in his territories in the south of France similar to those of his brother, Louis IX.
29. Compare the following passages from the Ménestrel's and Primat's texts in which I italicize Primat's changes.
Ménestrel: "Ceste parole et autres vilaines que je en oï dire me contraignent à faire ceste oeuvre * por faire conoistre as vaillanz genz la geste des rois de France et por monstrer à toz dont vient la hautèce du monde, et por ce que c'est essample de bone vie mener. Car i. vaillanz mestres dist que ceste estoire est mireor de vie. Ci porra chascuns trover et bien et mal et bel et let; et de toutes ces choses que l'en lira en cest livre, s'èles ne profitent pas toutes, totevoies la plus grant partie en peut aidier."
Primat: " Si peut chascuns savoir que ceste ouvre est profitable à fere pour fere cognoistre aus vaillanz genz la geste des rois et por mostrer à touz dont vient la hautece dou monde; car ce est examples de bone vie mener, meismement aus rois et aus princes qui ont terres à gouverner ; car I vaillans mestres dit que ceste estoire est mireors de vie. Ci pourra chascuns trover bien et mal, bel et lait, sens et folie, et fere son preu de tout par les examples de l'estoire ; et de toutes ces choses que on lira en ceste livre, se eles ne profitent toutes, toutevoies la plus grant partie en peut aider."
For these texts, see de Wailly, "Examen de quelques questions," 406; and Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:2-3.
30. "Enprist il [Primat] ceste oeuvre à fere par le commandement de tel home [Louis IX? Abbot Matthew of Vendôme?] que il ne pout ne ne dut refuser. Mais pour ce que sa lettreure et la simplece de son engin ne souffist pas à tretier de ouvre de si haut estoire, il proie au commencement à touz ciaus qui cest livre liront que ce que il i troveront à blasmer que il le seuffrent pacianment sanz vileine reprehension, car, si com il a dit devant, li defaut de lettreure et de loquence qui en li sont et la simplece de son engine le doivent escuser par raison." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:1-2. For the literary topos, see Lusignan, Parler vulgairement , 131.
31. For these texts, see Aimoin de Fleury, De Gestis Regum Francorum , in RHF , ed. Dom Martin Bouquet, (Paris, 1741) 3:22-28.
32. Primat omitted the final section of the Proemium , which dealt specifically with Clovis's deeds, perhaps because, as the Proemium itself stated, "sed haec proprio digesta referentur in loco." For the Proemium , see ibid., 28-29.
31. For these texts, see Aimoin de Fleury, De Gestis Regum Francorum , in RHF , ed. Dom Martin Bouquet, (Paris, 1741) 3:22-28.
32. Primat omitted the final section of the Proemium , which dealt specifically with Clovis's deeds, perhaps because, as the Proemium itself stated, "sed haec proprio digesta referentur in loco." For the Proemium , see ibid., 28-29.
33. For the text, see the passage from "Certain chose" to "la seigneurie terriene" in Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:4-5.
34. "Si li a Nostre Sires doné par sa grace une prerogative et une avantage seur toutes autres terres et seur toutes autres nations, car onques puis que ele fu convertie et ele commença à servir à son creatour, ne fu que la foi n'i fust plus fervemment et plus droitment tenue que en nule autre terre; par lie est moutepliée, par lie est soustenue, par lie est deffendue. Se nule autre nation fait à sainte Eglise force ne grief, en France en vient fere sa complainte, en France vient à refui et à secors; de France vient l'espée et li glaives par quoi ele est vengiée, et France comme loiaus fille secourt sa mere en touz besoinz; si a touz jors la sele mise pour li aidier et secorre." Ibid., 5.
35. "Se la foi i est donques plus fervenment et plus droitement tenue, ce n'est mie sanz raison. La premiere si est que messires sains Denis li glorieus martyrs et apostres de France, par cui mistere ele fu premierement convertie, la soustient et garentist come sa propre partie, qui pour entroduire en la foi li fu livrée. La seconde reson si puet estre tele, car la fonteine de clergie, par cui sainte Eglise est soustenue et enluminée, florist à Paris. Si com aucun veulent dire, clergie et chevalerie sont touz jors si d'un acort, que l'une ne peut continue
sanz l'autre; touz jors se sont ensemble tenues, et encores, Dieu merci, ne se departent eles mie. En III regions ont habité en divers tens: en Grece regnerent premierement, car en la cité d'Athenes fut jadis le puis de philosophie et en Grece la flors de chevalerie. De Grece vindrent puis à Rome. De Rome sont en France venues." Ibid., 5-6.
36. "Diex par sa grace vuelle que longuement i soient maintenues à la loenge et à la gloire de son nom, qui vit et regne par touz les siecles des siecles. Amen." Ibid., 6.
33. For the text, see the passage from "Certain chose" to "la seigneurie terriene" in Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:4-5.
34. "Si li a Nostre Sires doné par sa grace une prerogative et une avantage seur toutes autres terres et seur toutes autres nations, car onques puis que ele fu convertie et ele commença à servir à son creatour, ne fu que la foi n'i fust plus fervemment et plus droitment tenue que en nule autre terre; par lie est moutepliée, par lie est soustenue, par lie est deffendue. Se nule autre nation fait à sainte Eglise force ne grief, en France en vient fere sa complainte, en France vient à refui et à secors; de France vient l'espée et li glaives par quoi ele est vengiée, et France comme loiaus fille secourt sa mere en touz besoinz; si a touz jors la sele mise pour li aidier et secorre." Ibid., 5.
35. "Se la foi i est donques plus fervenment et plus droitement tenue, ce n'est mie sanz raison. La premiere si est que messires sains Denis li glorieus martyrs et apostres de France, par cui mistere ele fu premierement convertie, la soustient et garentist come sa propre partie, qui pour entroduire en la foi li fu livrée. La seconde reson si puet estre tele, car la fonteine de clergie, par cui sainte Eglise est soustenue et enluminée, florist à Paris. Si com aucun veulent dire, clergie et chevalerie sont touz jors si d'un acort, que l'une ne peut continue
sanz l'autre; touz jors se sont ensemble tenues, et encores, Dieu merci, ne se departent eles mie. En III regions ont habité en divers tens: en Grece regnerent premierement, car en la cité d'Athenes fut jadis le puis de philosophie et en Grece la flors de chevalerie. De Grece vindrent puis à Rome. De Rome sont en France venues." Ibid., 5-6.
36. "Diex par sa grace vuelle que longuement i soient maintenues à la loenge et à la gloire de son nom, qui vit et regne par touz les siecles des siecles. Amen." Ibid., 6.
33. For the text, see the passage from "Certain chose" to "la seigneurie terriene" in Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:4-5.
34. "Si li a Nostre Sires doné par sa grace une prerogative et une avantage seur toutes autres terres et seur toutes autres nations, car onques puis que ele fu convertie et ele commença à servir à son creatour, ne fu que la foi n'i fust plus fervemment et plus droitment tenue que en nule autre terre; par lie est moutepliée, par lie est soustenue, par lie est deffendue. Se nule autre nation fait à sainte Eglise force ne grief, en France en vient fere sa complainte, en France vient à refui et à secors; de France vient l'espée et li glaives par quoi ele est vengiée, et France comme loiaus fille secourt sa mere en touz besoinz; si a touz jors la sele mise pour li aidier et secorre." Ibid., 5.
35. "Se la foi i est donques plus fervenment et plus droitement tenue, ce n'est mie sanz raison. La premiere si est que messires sains Denis li glorieus martyrs et apostres de France, par cui mistere ele fu premierement convertie, la soustient et garentist come sa propre partie, qui pour entroduire en la foi li fu livrée. La seconde reson si puet estre tele, car la fonteine de clergie, par cui sainte Eglise est soustenue et enluminée, florist à Paris. Si com aucun veulent dire, clergie et chevalerie sont touz jors si d'un acort, que l'une ne peut continue
sanz l'autre; touz jors se sont ensemble tenues, et encores, Dieu merci, ne se departent eles mie. En III regions ont habité en divers tens: en Grece regnerent premierement, car en la cité d'Athenes fut jadis le puis de philosophie et en Grece la flors de chevalerie. De Grece vindrent puis à Rome. De Rome sont en France venues." Ibid., 5-6.
36. "Diex par sa grace vuelle que longuement i soient maintenues à la loenge et à la gloire de son nom, qui vit et regne par touz les siecles des siecles. Amen." Ibid., 6.
33. For the text, see the passage from "Certain chose" to "la seigneurie terriene" in Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:4-5.
34. "Si li a Nostre Sires doné par sa grace une prerogative et une avantage seur toutes autres terres et seur toutes autres nations, car onques puis que ele fu convertie et ele commença à servir à son creatour, ne fu que la foi n'i fust plus fervemment et plus droitment tenue que en nule autre terre; par lie est moutepliée, par lie est soustenue, par lie est deffendue. Se nule autre nation fait à sainte Eglise force ne grief, en France en vient fere sa complainte, en France vient à refui et à secors; de France vient l'espée et li glaives par quoi ele est vengiée, et France comme loiaus fille secourt sa mere en touz besoinz; si a touz jors la sele mise pour li aidier et secorre." Ibid., 5.
35. "Se la foi i est donques plus fervenment et plus droitement tenue, ce n'est mie sanz raison. La premiere si est que messires sains Denis li glorieus martyrs et apostres de France, par cui mistere ele fu premierement convertie, la soustient et garentist come sa propre partie, qui pour entroduire en la foi li fu livrée. La seconde reson si puet estre tele, car la fonteine de clergie, par cui sainte Eglise est soustenue et enluminée, florist à Paris. Si com aucun veulent dire, clergie et chevalerie sont touz jors si d'un acort, que l'une ne peut continue
sanz l'autre; touz jors se sont ensemble tenues, et encores, Dieu merci, ne se departent eles mie. En III regions ont habité en divers tens: en Grece regnerent premierement, car en la cité d'Athenes fut jadis le puis de philosophie et en Grece la flors de chevalerie. De Grece vindrent puis à Rome. De Rome sont en France venues." Ibid., 5-6.
36. "Diex par sa grace vuelle que longuement i soient maintenues à la loenge et à la gloire de son nom, qui vit et regne par touz les siecles des siecles. Amen." Ibid., 6.
37. For the importance of the concept of merit to Louis IX in the latter part of his reign and the emphasis laid on the idea in a treatise written for Louis in 1263 by Vincent of Beauvais, see Schneider, "Vincent of Beauvais." The textual emphasis of this treatise, the De morali pricipis institutione , has close analogies to the illustrative program of the first Grandes Chroniques (Ste.-Gen. 782).
Chapter One— Philip III's Grandes Chroniques
1. For a history of the last Capetian kings and the problems with royal succession, see Raymond Cazelles, La société politique et la crise de la royauté sous Philippe de Valois (Paris, 1958), 35-70; and Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long roi de France (1316-22) , (1897-1931; reprint, Geneva, 1975), 1:10-105.
2. Indeed, even the pope made biblical references when seeking to persuade the French king. See Hervé Pinoteau, "Autour de la Bulle ' Dei Filius .'" Itinéraires 147 (1970): 99-123.
3. Adolf Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Program of Chartres Cathedral: Christ, Mary, Ecclesia (New York, 1964), 27-36. Katzenellenbogen dates these galleries to the thirteenth century and cites examples at Notre-Dame in Paris, at Amiens, at Reims, and in the thirteenth-century additions to Chartres. See as well Johann Georg Prinz von Hohenzollern, Die Königsgalerie der französischen Kathedrale (Munich, 1965).
4. The gallery of kings on the facade of Notre-Dame in Paris was thought to represent the succession of the kings of France as early as the thirteenth century and as recently as the French revolution. See Ferdinand Lot, Étude sur le règne de Hugues Capet et la fin du X e siècle (Paris, 1903), 342.
5. For prior discussion of the ceremony of coronation, see János Bak, ed., Coronations: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990).
6. Cited by Donna Sadler in her work in progress, Art and Politics in Reims .
7. For these commissions, see Hugo Buchthal, Historia Troiana: Studies in the History of Medieval Secular Illustration , Studies of the Warburg Institute, 32 (Leyden, 1971), 11-13; Grodecki, Les vitraux , 71-334; and especially Stahl, "Old Testament Illustration."
8. Stahl, "Iconographic Sources," 88.
9. Numerous commissions executed for members of the Capetian family focus on the private devotions of the royal saint. Painting, stained glass, and manuscripts are the most popular media for these Capetian commissions. They have been extensively studied. For images from the altar in the lower church of Sainte Chapelle, see Auguste Longnon, Documents parisien sur l'iconographie de Saint Louis d'après un manuscrit de Peiresc conservé à la bibliothèque du Carpentras (Paris, 1887), 3-7. For the Convent des Cordeliers, commissioned by Saint Louis's widow and decorated with a fresco cycle, see ibid., 2-3.
For the window in the chapel of Saint Louis (often called the Old Sacristy) at Saint-Denis, see Longnon, 11 n. 2; Bernard de Montfaucon, Les monuments de la monarchie françoise . . . (Paris, 1729-33), 2:158; Georgia Sommers Wright, "The Tomb of Saint Louis," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 65-82; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis at Saint-Denis," Mediaevalia 10 (1984): 279-331. break
For cycles in manuscripts, see Marcel Thomas, "L'iconographie de Saint Louis dans les Heures de Jeanne de Navarre ," Septième centenaire de la mort de Saint Louis. Actes des colloques de Royaumont et de Paris. 21-27 mai 1970 (Paris, 1976), 209-231. For the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, see James Rorimer, The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux at the Cloisters (New York, 1957); Jeffrey M. Hoffeld, "An Image of Saint Louis and the Structuring of Devotion," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 29 (1971): 216-66; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, La librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1968), 69-70, no. 133.
For sculpted portraits and programs, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of Saint Louis," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 95-96 (1980): 175-87; Wright, "Royal Tomb Program"; and idem, "Tomb of Saint Louis."
8. Stahl, "Iconographic Sources," 88.
9. Numerous commissions executed for members of the Capetian family focus on the private devotions of the royal saint. Painting, stained glass, and manuscripts are the most popular media for these Capetian commissions. They have been extensively studied. For images from the altar in the lower church of Sainte Chapelle, see Auguste Longnon, Documents parisien sur l'iconographie de Saint Louis d'après un manuscrit de Peiresc conservé à la bibliothèque du Carpentras (Paris, 1887), 3-7. For the Convent des Cordeliers, commissioned by Saint Louis's widow and decorated with a fresco cycle, see ibid., 2-3.
For the window in the chapel of Saint Louis (often called the Old Sacristy) at Saint-Denis, see Longnon, 11 n. 2; Bernard de Montfaucon, Les monuments de la monarchie françoise . . . (Paris, 1729-33), 2:158; Georgia Sommers Wright, "The Tomb of Saint Louis," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 65-82; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis at Saint-Denis," Mediaevalia 10 (1984): 279-331. break
For cycles in manuscripts, see Marcel Thomas, "L'iconographie de Saint Louis dans les Heures de Jeanne de Navarre ," Septième centenaire de la mort de Saint Louis. Actes des colloques de Royaumont et de Paris. 21-27 mai 1970 (Paris, 1976), 209-231. For the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, see James Rorimer, The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux at the Cloisters (New York, 1957); Jeffrey M. Hoffeld, "An Image of Saint Louis and the Structuring of Devotion," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 29 (1971): 216-66; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, La librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1968), 69-70, no. 133.
For sculpted portraits and programs, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of Saint Louis," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 95-96 (1980): 175-87; Wright, "Royal Tomb Program"; and idem, "Tomb of Saint Louis."
10. For commissions of Philip III and Philip the Fair, see Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, "Le tombeau de Saint Louis," Bulletin Monumental 126 (1968): 7-36; Wright, "Tomb of Saint Louis"; Brown, "Philippe le Bel"; and Elizabeth Hallam, "Philip the Fair and the Cult of Saint Louis," Studies in Church History 18 (1982): 201-14.
11. For commissions of Philip V, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Ceremonial of the Royal Succession in Capetian France: The Double Funeral of Louis X," Traditio 34 (1978): 227-71; and Chapter 2 of this book.
12. For the achievements of Abbot Suger, see Gabrielle Spiegel, "The Cult of Saint Denis and Capetian Kingship," Journal of Medieval History 1-2 (1975-76): 46-69; idem, Chronicle Tradition , 11-38; and Paula Gerson, ed., Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium (New York, 1986). On the oriflamme , see Philip Contamine, "L'oriflamme de Saint-Denis aux XIV e et XV e siècles," Annales de l'Est , 25 (1973): 179-244.
13. See Félix Olivier-Martin, Étude sur les régences: I. Les régences et le majorité des rois sous les Capétiens directs et les premiers Valois (1060-1375) (Paris, 1931), 94-108.
14. No documents concerning this commission survive. Wright believes that Matthew of Vendôme was solely responsible for the tombs, whereas Erlande Brandenburg speculates, on the basis of passages describing the renovation of the choir and the translation of the royal ashes in Guillaume of Nangis's Life of Saint Louis , that Louis IX played an active role in the commission as well. Sources give conflicting dates for translation of the bodies and hence for the completion of the project. These range from 1263-64 in the Annales Sancti Dionisii to 1267 in Guillaume of Nangis's text. For the program of tombs and the date of completion of the project, see Sommers, "Royal Tombs of Saint-Denis"; Wright, "Royal Tomb Program"; and Erlande-Brandenburg, Le roi est mort , 80-81, nos. 145, 150.
15. On Giles of Pontoise and his manuscript commissions, see Charlotte Lacaze, The "Vie de Saint Denis" Manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Mss. fr. 2090-2092) (New York, 1979), 57-65; Ingeborg Bähr, Saint Denis und seine Vita im Spiegel der Bildüberlieferung der französischen Kunst des Mittelalters (Worms, 1984), 133-200, lxx-xciv; and Bernard Grémont, "La chronique d'Yves de Saint-Denis," in École Nationale des Chartes. Positions des thèses (Paris, 1952), 61-62.
16. Wright, "Royal Tomb Program," 224.
17. Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 64-65.
18. The arrangement of tombs completed between 1264 and 1267 emphasized two points central to French political theory: first, that the Carolingian and Capetian races were founded by members of families that each had a tradition of governance in France, and second, that by virtue of their Carolingian blood, Louis VIII and Philip Augustus accomplished the Reditus regni Francorum ad stirpem Karoli Magni , the return of France to Carolingian rule, and thus were legitimate rulers, descendants of both the Carolingian and Capetian lines. The inclusion of Louis IX's tomb and subsequent rearrangement during the reign of Philip the Fair neglected these familial divisions and placed the tombs of Philip the Fair continue
and his parents on the Carolingian side of the choir, in close proximity to the tomb of Saint Louis. For this, see Gabrielle Spiegel, "The Reditus Regni ad Stirpem Karoli Magni : A New Look," French Historical Studies 7 (1971-72): 145-74; Lewis, Royal Succession 104-22; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Prince is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France, Medieval Studies 49 (1987): 317; and idem, "Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis," 279.
19. For further discussion of the tomb arrangement and of Ivo's recueil in a dynastic context, see text pages 25, 35-36.
20. This manuscript has been published most extensively in Amedée Boinet, Les manuscrits á peintures de la Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève de Paris (Paris, 1921), 39-47; Leopold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1907), 1:309-11; and with reproductions of all the miniatures, François Garnier, Le language de l'image au Moyen-Âge (Paris, 1982), commentary and plates 106-43.
In its original form, the manuscript contained the Grandes Chroniques through the life of Philip Augustus. Sometime in the early fourteenth century one folio (presumably blank) was excised following fol. 326, and the life of Louis IX was added. Still later, probably in the reign of Charles V, who signed the chronicle (fol. 374v), a map of the world with Jerusalem at its center was painted on fol. 374v at the end of the manuscript.
21. Branner identified one of the artists who worked on the manuscript (Artist I in my Catalogue of Manuscripts) as an artist based in Paris, a member of the Main Line of the Sainte-Chapelle group. This group painted a number of religious books, ranging from an Evangeliary used in the Sainte-Chapelle and a Sequentiary for the king's capella , to Decretals and texts by Aristotle. For discussion of this style, see Robert Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of Saint Louis: A Study of Styles (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), 129, 236-37.
For the argument that Philip III's copy of the Grandes Chroniques was made at the abbey of Saint-Denis, see Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, La bibliothèque , 48-49, 310. I question the validity of Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda's attribution of Philip III's book to Saint-Denis because of the location of the artist's workshops in Paris. It seems much more likely that Matthew of Vendôme would have had the presentation manuscript made by the best scribes and artists who worked for the court, as Giles of Pontoise did later for the Vita et Passio of Ivo of Saint-Denis. For the presentation manuscript, see Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis .
22. I would like to thank James M'Kenzie-Hall for drawing my attention to the affinity between the panel of glass from Saint-Denis and the Grandes Chroniques . For the similarity of compositional types (but not subjects) at Saint-Denis and Chartres, see Brown and Cothren, "Twelfth-Century Crusading Window" 38 n. 152. For reproductions of these images, see Garnier, Language de l'image , pl. 139; Brown and Cothren, "Twelfth-Century Crusading Window," pl. 7a, no. 6; and Clark Maines, "The Charlemagne Window at Chartres: New Considerations on Text and Image," Speculum 52 (1977): fig. 3, no. 11.
23. For a reproduction of the representation of Charlemagne's Dream on the Châsse of Charlemagne, see Centrum voor Kunst en Cultuur, Abbaye Saint Pierre Gand, Santiago de Compostela: 1000 ans de pèlerinage européen (Ghent, 1985), 188; and for a general introduction to the reliquary, see Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 169-77 and pls. 143-50. For representations of imagery from the four twelfth- and fourteenth-century copies of the Codex Calixtinus , see Alison Stones, "Four Illustrated Jacobus Manuscripts," in The Vanishing Past: Studies of Medieval Art, Liturgy, and Metrology Presented to Christopher Hobler , ed. Andrew Martindale and Alan Borg (Oxford, 1981), 167-222. For the Dream of Charlemagne, see pls. 14.6-14.10.
24. A consideration of vernacular copies of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle supports this hypothesis. A review of the 32 thirteenth- to fifteenth-century copies of the Johannes translation of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle reveals that the scene of the vision of the starry continue
sky was fairly rare in vernacular copies of the chronicle. None of the nine illuminated books in that group incorporates this scene in its program. See Warpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin .
25. See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:9-10.
26. On the Roman de Troie , see Buchthal, Historia Troiana , 3-19; and Fritz Saxl, "The Troy Romance in French and English Art," Lectures (London, 1957) 1:125-38.
27. See B.N. fr. 1610. Four leaves excised from this book are in the collection of Mr. J. H. A. van Heek at Stichting Huis Bergh in s'Heerenburg, Holland. Buchthal described this Roman de Troie as executed in Burgundy or Lorraine and suggested that it may be a "bad copy of a much better model"—a manuscript like the Old Testament Picture Book (M. 638). Buchthal, Historia Troiana , 9-11.
28. For the Histoire ancienne , see Buchthal, Historia Troiana , 16-19. For an illustration pairing the rape of Helen and the slaughter of Greeks, see pl. 13, an image from B.L. Royal 20 D I (fol. 49v), the earliest surviving manuscript of the second recension (which first included the Roman de Troie en prose and illustrations of the Trojan story) dating to the mid-fourteenth century and executed in Naples.
29. Quoted in the Introduction to this book.
30. "Et pour ce que III generacions ont esté des rois de France puis que il commencierent à estre, sera toute ceste hystoire devisée en III livres principaus: ou premier parlera de la genealogie Merovée, ou secont de la generation Pepin, et ou tierz de la generation Hue Chapet. Si sera chascuns livres souzdevisez en divers livres, selonc les vies et les fais des divers rois; ordené seront par chapitres, por plus pleinement entendre la matiere et sanz confusion. Li commencemenz de ceste hystoire sera pris à la haute lignie des Troiens, dont ele est descendue par longue succession." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:3-4. For further discussion of this prologue, see text pages 4-6, 37.
31. This French poem and its accompaniment (a second Latin poem) are preserved in a very small group of manuscripts: B.L., Add. 38128, an unillustrated manuscript written sometime after the death of Philip III in 1385 (poems at the end of the life of Philip Augustus—and the end of the manuscript); Cambrai, B.M. 682, an illustrated manuscript dating from the early fourteenth century (poems between the lives of Louis VII and Philip Augustus); Switzerland, Private Collection, an illustrated manuscript of c. 1330 (poems between the lives of Louis VII and Philip Augustus); and B.N. fr. 2813, Charles V's luxurious manuscript, written and painted in the 1360s and 1370s (poems between the lives of Philip Augustus and Louis VIII). For the French poetic colophon and the Latin poem that accompanies it, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:376-77.
In Ste.-Gen. 782 these poems are written on the verso of fol. 326, the last leaf of text in the book as it existed in the late thirteenth century, by a different scribe from the one who did the rest of the gathering. They were almost certainly an integral part of the original commission, however, because the picture that accompanies them is painted by one of the two artists who painted pictures in the rest of the manuscript.
32. On the Mirror of Princes, see Wilhelm Berges, Die Fürstenspiegel des hohen und späten Mittelalters Schriften des Reichsinstituts für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde. Monumenta Germaniae historica (Leipzig, 1938); Josef Röder, Das Fürstenbild in des mittelalterlichen Fürstenspiegeln auf französischen Boden (Emsdetten, 1933); L. K. Born, "The Perfect Prince: A Study in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century Ideals," Speculum 3 (1928): 470-504; and Dora Bell, L'idéal éthique de la royauté en France au Moyen-Âge: D'après quelques moralistes de ce temps (Geneva, 1962). For a reference to the Grandes Chroniques as a Mirror of Princes, see Lewis, Royal Succession , 139.
33. Genet argues for a more restricted definition of Mirrors of Princes and for consideration of the political contexts that generated them. His preliminary findings suggest that continue
the court of Henry II in England was the first to have a "renaissance" of political literature, but the French Mirrors of Princes seemed closely linked to Saint Louis. Most were written in Latin in the second half of the thirteenth century by mendicants who moved in the circle of scholars close to Louis IX. Though Genet's definition of a Mirror of Princes is narrow, his observations demonstrate at the very least that this class of text was quite popular in France during the latter half of the thirteenth century. See Jean-Philippe Genet, ed., Four English Political Tracts of the Later Middle Ages , Camden Fourth Series (London, 1977) 18:ix-xix.
34. Jean, sire de Joinville, Histoire . . . de Saint Louis , ed. Natalis de Wailly (Paris, 1867), 291 n. 689, quoted by Brown, "Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair," 328.
35. The poem begins: "Phelippes, rois de France, qui tant i es renomez,/ Ge te rent le romanz qui des rois est romez./ Tant a cis travallié qui Primaz est nomez/ Que il est, Dieu merci, parfaiz et consummez." See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:376. For further discussion of this picture and poem, see Guenée, " Grandes Chroniques ," 190.
36. This structure, which gives special importance to Charlemagne and Philip Augustus, was introduced in Primat's translation. As discussed in the introduction to this book, the secondary decoration in his Latin source (B.N. lat. 5925) expressed a different textual hierarchy.
37. Compare miniatures in Ste.-Gen. 782 with the scenes of Charlemagne's vision of the starry sky, the apparition of Saint James, and the founding of Aix-la-Chapelle on the châsse of Charlemagne reproduced in Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , pl. 145; Gand, Centrum voor Kunst en Cultuur, Santiago de Compostela , 188; and Garnier, Language de l'image , pls. 116-17. For comparable cycles in later copies of the Grandes Chroniques see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book.
38. Ste.-Gen. 782 is not unique in this precision; pictures in at least one other manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques make the same distinction (See Grenoble, 407 Rés.), and the illustrations of the Latin Pseudo-Turpin chronicle and its French translations, as well as monuments derived from it, present Charlemagne as king as well.
39. Gaston Zeller, "Les rois de France, candidats à l'empire: Essai sur l'idéologie imperiale en France," Revue historique 173 (1934): 273-311, 497-534.
40. For Charlemagne's importance to the French kings, see Zeller, "Rois de France," 280; and Robert Folz, Le souvenir et la légende de Charlemagne (Paris, 1950).
41. For the abbey's interest in Charlemagne, see Spiegel, "The Cult of Saint Denis," 59-60; Contamine, "L'oriflamme," 3-68; Joseph Bédier, Les légendes épiques: Recherches sur la formation des chansons de geste (Paris, 1913) 4:121-79; Philippe Ménard, "Les Jongleurs et les chansons de geste," La chanson de geste et le mythe Carolingian: Mélanges René Louis (Saint-Père-sous-Vézelay, 1982), 1:33-47; and Annie Triaud, "Observations sur l'anonymat des plus anciennes chansons de geste." La chanson de geste et le mythe Carolingian: Mélanges René Louis (Saint-Père-sous-Vézelay, 1982), 2:755-74.
42. For this interpretation of Philip Augustus's devotion to Charlemagne, see Spiegel, " Reditus ," 164-71. Spiegel examines the function of the cult of Charlemagne at the court of Philip Augustus. She notes its intrusion into an official register where, she suggests, the juxtaposition of the Sibylline and Valerian prophecies with an account of Philip's conquest of Bouvines was intended to legitimate Philip's conquests. Spiegel sees the presence of these texts in a royal register as a sign that "the cult of Charlemagne has passed from the level of poetry to that of politics." For further discussion of this register, see Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , 384-86; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "La notion de la légitimité et la prophétie à la cour de Philippe Auguste," in La France de Philippe Auguste. Le temps des mutations , ed. Robert-Henri Bautier, Colloques internationaux du CNRS, no. 602 (Paris, 1982), 77-110. break
43. Léon Gauthier, "L'idée politique dans les chansons de geste," Revue des questions historiques 7 (1869): 84 n. 3; cited by Zeller, "Rois de France," 275.
44. Charles of Anjou supported Philip III for emperor in 1272 but did not secure the election for him. See Zeller, "Rois de France," 287.
45. The first quotation comes from the Speculum juridicale of Guillaume Durant, the second from the Établissements de Saint Louis . Both were dated early in the reign of Philip III. Ibid., 292.
46. Ibid., 292. Zeller cites as his source the chronicle of Guillaume of Nangis, which did not mention the use of Charlemagne's sword in previous coronations. Schramm contends that Pseudo-Turpin traced the sword back to the time of Charlemagne, because his text says of Charlemagne, "Ante eius tribunal spata nuda, more imperiali, efferebatur." Schramm reports that this sword was carried in 1179 and 1180 in both coronations of Philip Augustus and cites the Gesta regis Heinrici II , and Gislebertus of Mons, both of whom describe the "king's sword," not the emperor's. See Percy Ernst Schramm, Der König von Frankreich. Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16. Jahrhundert, ein Kapital aus der Geschichte des abendlandischen Staates , (Weimar, 1939), 1:167, 2:81 ns. 4-8.
The sword seems to be first identified as Charlemagne's in the description of Philip III's coronation by Guillaume of Nangis. From there it entered the Grandes Chroniques , where Primat took the opportunity to promote the abbey, guardians of the royal regalia, in describing the coronation. Shortly after outlining the custom (Les roys de France ont accoustomé dès le temps Charlemaine, le grant roy de France et emperere, de faire porter Joieuse devant eulz le jour de leur coronement, en l'honneur et la puissance du roy Charlemaine qui tant de terres conquist et tant Sarrazins mata.) Primat added, "Celle espée qui a nom Joieuse et la corone et le ceptre royal et les autres aornements sont gardés ou tresor Saint Denis moult chierement." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 8:39.
44. Charles of Anjou supported Philip III for emperor in 1272 but did not secure the election for him. See Zeller, "Rois de France," 287.
45. The first quotation comes from the Speculum juridicale of Guillaume Durant, the second from the Établissements de Saint Louis . Both were dated early in the reign of Philip III. Ibid., 292.
46. Ibid., 292. Zeller cites as his source the chronicle of Guillaume of Nangis, which did not mention the use of Charlemagne's sword in previous coronations. Schramm contends that Pseudo-Turpin traced the sword back to the time of Charlemagne, because his text says of Charlemagne, "Ante eius tribunal spata nuda, more imperiali, efferebatur." Schramm reports that this sword was carried in 1179 and 1180 in both coronations of Philip Augustus and cites the Gesta regis Heinrici II , and Gislebertus of Mons, both of whom describe the "king's sword," not the emperor's. See Percy Ernst Schramm, Der König von Frankreich. Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16. Jahrhundert, ein Kapital aus der Geschichte des abendlandischen Staates , (Weimar, 1939), 1:167, 2:81 ns. 4-8.
The sword seems to be first identified as Charlemagne's in the description of Philip III's coronation by Guillaume of Nangis. From there it entered the Grandes Chroniques , where Primat took the opportunity to promote the abbey, guardians of the royal regalia, in describing the coronation. Shortly after outlining the custom (Les roys de France ont accoustomé dès le temps Charlemaine, le grant roy de France et emperere, de faire porter Joieuse devant eulz le jour de leur coronement, en l'honneur et la puissance du roy Charlemaine qui tant de terres conquist et tant Sarrazins mata.) Primat added, "Celle espée qui a nom Joieuse et la corone et le ceptre royal et les autres aornements sont gardés ou tresor Saint Denis moult chierement." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 8:39.
44. Charles of Anjou supported Philip III for emperor in 1272 but did not secure the election for him. See Zeller, "Rois de France," 287.
45. The first quotation comes from the Speculum juridicale of Guillaume Durant, the second from the Établissements de Saint Louis . Both were dated early in the reign of Philip III. Ibid., 292.
46. Ibid., 292. Zeller cites as his source the chronicle of Guillaume of Nangis, which did not mention the use of Charlemagne's sword in previous coronations. Schramm contends that Pseudo-Turpin traced the sword back to the time of Charlemagne, because his text says of Charlemagne, "Ante eius tribunal spata nuda, more imperiali, efferebatur." Schramm reports that this sword was carried in 1179 and 1180 in both coronations of Philip Augustus and cites the Gesta regis Heinrici II , and Gislebertus of Mons, both of whom describe the "king's sword," not the emperor's. See Percy Ernst Schramm, Der König von Frankreich. Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16. Jahrhundert, ein Kapital aus der Geschichte des abendlandischen Staates , (Weimar, 1939), 1:167, 2:81 ns. 4-8.
The sword seems to be first identified as Charlemagne's in the description of Philip III's coronation by Guillaume of Nangis. From there it entered the Grandes Chroniques , where Primat took the opportunity to promote the abbey, guardians of the royal regalia, in describing the coronation. Shortly after outlining the custom (Les roys de France ont accoustomé dès le temps Charlemaine, le grant roy de France et emperere, de faire porter Joieuse devant eulz le jour de leur coronement, en l'honneur et la puissance du roy Charlemaine qui tant de terres conquist et tant Sarrazins mata.) Primat added, "Celle espée qui a nom Joieuse et la corone et le ceptre royal et les autres aornements sont gardés ou tresor Saint Denis moult chierement." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 8:39.
47. For Philip Augustus's importance to his descendants, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:iv; Lewis, Royal Succession , 284, n. 171, and 121-33; and for early attempts to promote Philip Augustus's sanctity, see Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , 389-93.
48. "Fist norrir saintement et entroduire plainement en la foi Jhesu Crist et es commandemenz de sainte Eglise. Et quant il fu en aage convenable, il le fist coroner à Rains." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:90.
49. "Sire aies merci de moi, selonc ta grant misericorde, et me done fil, hoir de mon cors, noble governeor dou roiaume de France." Ibid.
48. "Fist norrir saintement et entroduire plainement en la foi Jhesu Crist et es commandemenz de sainte Eglise. Et quant il fu en aage convenable, il le fist coroner à Rains." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:90.
49. "Sire aies merci de moi, selonc ta grant misericorde, et me done fil, hoir de mon cors, noble governeor dou roiaume de France." Ibid.
50. On the reditus , see Spiegel, "Reditus" ; and Lewis, Royal Succession , 114-22.
51. For this passage, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 5:1. Copies of the chronicle made after Philip III's manuscript include the life of Louis VIII, which commences with an expanded version of the reditus . For the date of the redaction of the life of Louis VIII to c. 1286-87, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 96-97.
52. For this text, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:2-4.
53. Viard quotes Rigord's text as "Qui [Philip of Flanders] ea die, prout moris est, ensem ante dominum Regem honorifice portavit." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:103 n. 6. The French text of the Grandes Chroniques states: "Phelippe de Flandres, qui en ce jor porta devant le roi Joieuse, l'espée le grant roi Karlemene, si come il est droiz et costume au coronemenz des rois." Ibid., 103-4.
54. This argument appears at the end of Book V, chapter 28: "Li princes Pepins, qui bien vit que li roi de France qui lors estoient ne tenoient nul porfit au roiaume, envoia donc à l'apostoile Zacarie messages Bulcart, l'arcevesque de Borges, et Furre, son chapelain, pour demander conseil de la cause des rois de France, qui en ce temps estoient, liquiex devoit mieuz estre rois, ou cil qui nul pooir n'avoit ou roiaume, ne n'en portoit fors le non tant seulement, ou cil par cui li roiaumes estoit governez et qui avoit le pooir et la cure de totes continue
choses? Et li apostoiles li remanda que cil devoit estre rois apelez qui le roiaume governoit et qui avoit le soverain pooir; lors dona sentence que li princes Pepins fust coronez come rois. . . . Childeris [Childeric III] qui rois estoit apelez fu tonduz et mis en une abbaïe." Ibid., 2:242-43.
55. "Puis que li dux Hues vit que tuit li hoir et la lignie du grant Challemaine fu destruite et ausi come falie, et que il n'i ot mais nuli qui li contredeist, si se fist coroner en la cité de Rains." Ibid., 4:366-67.
52. For this text, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:2-4.
53. Viard quotes Rigord's text as "Qui [Philip of Flanders] ea die, prout moris est, ensem ante dominum Regem honorifice portavit." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:103 n. 6. The French text of the Grandes Chroniques states: "Phelippe de Flandres, qui en ce jor porta devant le roi Joieuse, l'espée le grant roi Karlemene, si come il est droiz et costume au coronemenz des rois." Ibid., 103-4.
54. This argument appears at the end of Book V, chapter 28: "Li princes Pepins, qui bien vit que li roi de France qui lors estoient ne tenoient nul porfit au roiaume, envoia donc à l'apostoile Zacarie messages Bulcart, l'arcevesque de Borges, et Furre, son chapelain, pour demander conseil de la cause des rois de France, qui en ce temps estoient, liquiex devoit mieuz estre rois, ou cil qui nul pooir n'avoit ou roiaume, ne n'en portoit fors le non tant seulement, ou cil par cui li roiaumes estoit governez et qui avoit le pooir et la cure de totes continue
choses? Et li apostoiles li remanda que cil devoit estre rois apelez qui le roiaume governoit et qui avoit le soverain pooir; lors dona sentence que li princes Pepins fust coronez come rois. . . . Childeris [Childeric III] qui rois estoit apelez fu tonduz et mis en une abbaïe." Ibid., 2:242-43.
55. "Puis que li dux Hues vit que tuit li hoir et la lignie du grant Challemaine fu destruite et ausi come falie, et que il n'i ot mais nuli qui li contredeist, si se fist coroner en la cité de Rains." Ibid., 4:366-67.
52. For this text, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:2-4.
53. Viard quotes Rigord's text as "Qui [Philip of Flanders] ea die, prout moris est, ensem ante dominum Regem honorifice portavit." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:103 n. 6. The French text of the Grandes Chroniques states: "Phelippe de Flandres, qui en ce jor porta devant le roi Joieuse, l'espée le grant roi Karlemene, si come il est droiz et costume au coronemenz des rois." Ibid., 103-4.
54. This argument appears at the end of Book V, chapter 28: "Li princes Pepins, qui bien vit que li roi de France qui lors estoient ne tenoient nul porfit au roiaume, envoia donc à l'apostoile Zacarie messages Bulcart, l'arcevesque de Borges, et Furre, son chapelain, pour demander conseil de la cause des rois de France, qui en ce temps estoient, liquiex devoit mieuz estre rois, ou cil qui nul pooir n'avoit ou roiaume, ne n'en portoit fors le non tant seulement, ou cil par cui li roiaumes estoit governez et qui avoit le pooir et la cure de totes continue
choses? Et li apostoiles li remanda que cil devoit estre rois apelez qui le roiaume governoit et qui avoit le soverain pooir; lors dona sentence que li princes Pepins fust coronez come rois. . . . Childeris [Childeric III] qui rois estoit apelez fu tonduz et mis en une abbaïe." Ibid., 2:242-43.
55. "Puis que li dux Hues vit que tuit li hoir et la lignie du grant Challemaine fu destruite et ausi come falie, et que il n'i ot mais nuli qui li contredeist, si se fist coroner en la cité de Rains." Ibid., 4:366-67.
52. For this text, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:2-4.
53. Viard quotes Rigord's text as "Qui [Philip of Flanders] ea die, prout moris est, ensem ante dominum Regem honorifice portavit." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:103 n. 6. The French text of the Grandes Chroniques states: "Phelippe de Flandres, qui en ce jor porta devant le roi Joieuse, l'espée le grant roi Karlemene, si come il est droiz et costume au coronemenz des rois." Ibid., 103-4.
54. This argument appears at the end of Book V, chapter 28: "Li princes Pepins, qui bien vit que li roi de France qui lors estoient ne tenoient nul porfit au roiaume, envoia donc à l'apostoile Zacarie messages Bulcart, l'arcevesque de Borges, et Furre, son chapelain, pour demander conseil de la cause des rois de France, qui en ce temps estoient, liquiex devoit mieuz estre rois, ou cil qui nul pooir n'avoit ou roiaume, ne n'en portoit fors le non tant seulement, ou cil par cui li roiaumes estoit governez et qui avoit le pooir et la cure de totes continue
choses? Et li apostoiles li remanda que cil devoit estre rois apelez qui le roiaume governoit et qui avoit le soverain pooir; lors dona sentence que li princes Pepins fust coronez come rois. . . . Childeris [Childeric III] qui rois estoit apelez fu tonduz et mis en une abbaïe." Ibid., 2:242-43.
55. "Puis que li dux Hues vit que tuit li hoir et la lignie du grant Challemaine fu destruite et ausi come falie, et que il n'i ot mais nuli qui li contredeist, si se fist coroner en la cité de Rains." Ibid., 4:366-67.
56. For the effect of this idea on genealogy, see Bernard Guenée, "Les généalogies entre l'histoire et la politique: La fierté d'être Capétien, en France, au Moyen-Âge," Annales. Économies, sociétés, civilisations 33 (1978): 450-77.
57. For the tombs, see text pages II, 35-36. For a discussion of the Latin Abbreviated Chronicle by Guillaume de Nangis as a guide to the tombs and for additional bibliography, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 103-5. Andrew Lewis interpreted Guillaume de Nangis's text as a Mirror of Princes because the dedication to Philip IV states that the tales of his ancestors in the Abbreviated Chronicle were to be "a mirror for a model of virtue" presented "both for living and for reading" and showing his "true descent" from the Trojan line. Lewis, Royal Succession , 139-40.
The Latin text of Guillaume de Nangis's Abbreviated Chronicle , written sometime between 1286 and 1294, includes short descriptions of the kings of France, starting with Priam and tracing their descent to Philip IV. The earliest surviving copy (B.N. lat. 6184) has in its margins a sketchy genealogical tree designed to guide the reader through the often multicolumned text by concentrating on the royal line and on important events and people. As in the program of tombs, the Latin chronicle presents the Carolingians and Merovingians as a continuous line, because Pepin was descended from Blitildis, a legendary daughter of the Merovingian king, Clotaire II (fol. 8). The Abbreviated Chronicle also, like the tombs, presents Hugh Capet's line as separate and promotes the reditus as a means of returning the Capetians to the "progeny of Charlemagne" (fols. 11-12). It resembles the Grandes Chroniques in introducing the reditus at the beginning of Hugh Capet's life.
58. For a striking parallel to the importance of good government, see Schneider, "Vincent of Beauvais."
59. The identification of the subject of this image differs from those of Boinet, Les manuscrits , and Garnier, Language de l'image , who describe the picture as representing Pepin's coronation by Pope Stephen and Carloman (Pepin's brother) renouncing his royal status and entering a monastery. Since Pepin's brother ruled as mayor of the palace, not king, before becoming a monk, he cannot be the person in the miniature who has lost a crown. See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:8. The scene makes more sense as an illustration of the passage in the chapter stating that Pope Stephen ordered Childeric III deposed, tonsured, and put in an abbey. See ibid., 6.
58. For a striking parallel to the importance of good government, see Schneider, "Vincent of Beauvais."
59. The identification of the subject of this image differs from those of Boinet, Les manuscrits , and Garnier, Language de l'image , who describe the picture as representing Pepin's coronation by Pope Stephen and Carloman (Pepin's brother) renouncing his royal status and entering a monastery. Since Pepin's brother ruled as mayor of the palace, not king, before becoming a monk, he cannot be the person in the miniature who has lost a crown. See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:8. The scene makes more sense as an illustration of the passage in the chapter stating that Pope Stephen ordered Childeric III deposed, tonsured, and put in an abbey. See ibid., 6.
60. A picture of the coronation of Pepin by the pope does recur in isolation in cycles, but it never appears in combination with the deposition of Childeric III.
61. Pinoteau lists two ceremonies that took place at Saint-Denis: the sacre of Pepin and his sons Charlemagne and Carloman in 784 and the sacre of Elizabeth of Hainaut in 1180, accompanied by a coronation ceremony for her husband, Philip Augustus, whose sacre had already taken place at Reims in 1179. See Félibien, Histoire de l'abbaye royale , unpaginated introduction.
62. Ste.-Gen. 782 is mentioned in inventories dating from the reigns of Charles V and Charles VI in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. It was a well-used reference containing the signature of Charles V and serving as the textual model for his luxurious copy of the Grandes Chroniques . See text pages 96-97, 102 and the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. break
Chapter Two— Manuscripts Produced during the Reigns of the Last Direct Capetians
1. Only one of the manuscripts that contain the prologue and poetic colophon has them frame the text as they did in Ste.-Gen. 782. This manuscript (B.L. Add. 38128) is unillustrated.
2. For book production in Paris, see Paul Delalain, Étude sur les libraires Parisiens du XIII e au XV e siècle (Paris, 1891); Mary A. Rouse and Richard Rouse, "The Book Trade at the University of Paris, c. 1250-c. 1350," in La production du livre universitaire au Moyen-Âge: Exemplar et pecia , ed. Louis J. Bataillon, Bertrand G. Guyot, and Richard H. Rouse (Paris, 1988), 41-114. For studies of artists' roles in Parisian book production, see Patricia Stirnemann, "Nouvelles pratiques en matière d'enluminure au temps de Philippe Auguste," in La France de Philippe Auguste: Le temps des mutations , ed. Robert-Henri Bautier, Colloques internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, no. 602 (Paris, 1982), 955-80; Branner, Manuscript Painting , 1-21; and for a later period Sandra L. Hindman, "The Role of Author and Artist in the Procedure of Illustrating Late Medieval Texts," Acta 10 (1986): 27-62, expanded in idem, Christine de Pizan's "Épistre Othéa: Painting and Politics at the Court of Charles VI (Toronto, 1986), 61-77.
3. In their concentration on succession to office rather than heredity, the libraires relate closely to the phenomenon that Guenée describes in "Les généalogies."
4. In suggesting that the Grandes Chroniques in Cambrai was a royal recension, I do not mean to imply that it was based upon Philip III's copy, which was preserved in the royal library, because at least one other contemporary draft of the chronicle containing the poems survives in London (B.L. Add. 38128). An addition to the genealogy in ch. 16 of the first book of the life of Philip Augustus (fol. 270) of that unillustrated manuscript refers to the death of Philip III in 1285 but not to that of Philip IV in 1315.
The textual filiation between Ste.-Gen. 782; Cambrai, B.M. 682; and B.L. Add. 38128 has not been fully explored, but there is evidence that none of the three is totally dependent on either of the others. For example, Cambrai, B.M. 682 includes the Latin and French poems that appear in Ste.-Gen. 782 but places them in a different position in the text (fols. 289-290, before the life of Philip Augustus) from that of either B.L. Add. 38128 (fol. 308) or Ste.-Gen. 782 (fol. 326v), where the poems appear at the end of Philip Augustus's life. But B.L. Add. 38128 and Ste.-Gen. 782 are not identical either, because B.L. Add. 38128 and Cambrai, B.M. 682 include interpolated rubrics that were not present in Ste.-Gen. 782. Apparently these rubrics were a late thirteenth-century addition to the text of the chronicle; a later hand added them to the margins of Ste.-Gen. 782 when it served as a textual model for Charles V's Grandes Chroniques . For this, see Chapter 5 of this book.
5. Lacaze identified one artist who painted a single folio in B.N. fr. 2615 (fol. 252) as Painter D (the Sisinnius Master) in the Vie de Saint Denis , which forms one part of Ivo of Saint-Denis's Vita et Passio . See Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 268 and fig. 222.
Joan Udovitch identified a second artist as the Royal Master who decorated court documents and a number of books whose coats of arms attest to his popularity at court between 1320 and 1330. See Joan Diamond Udovitch, "The Papeleu Master: A Parisian Manuscript Illuminator of the Early Fourteenth Century," (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1979), 1:172-82, 2:Appendix B, 247-80.
François Avril identified the production of a third hand as the early work of the Master of the Roman de Fauvel (perhaps Geoffroy de Saint-Léger). For manuscripts associated with him, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique: Le siècle de Charles V , ed. Françoise Baron et al. (Paris, 1981), 284-85, 255-56, 298; and François Avril's contribution to Edward H. Roesner, ed., Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, MS fonds français 146 (The Roman de Fauvel in the Edition of Mesire Chaillou de Pesstain): A Facsimile of the Manuscript with an Introduction by François Avril, Nancy Freeman Regalado, and Edward H. Roesner (New York, forthcoming). break
6. For the style of B.N. fr. 2615, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 284-85. Earlier, Avril dated B.N. fr. 2615 c. 1315-25. For this see Carla Lord, "Three Manuscripts of the Ovide Moralisée ," Art Bulletin 57 (1975): 163. Textual evidence confirms this dating, because an interpolation in the genealogy in ch. 16 of the life of Philip Augustus (fol. 189) mentions the death of Philip IV in 1315.
7. For a listing of all the miniatures in B.N. fr. 2615, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. In the original portion of the manuscript there were 52 coronations and 8 miniatures depicting other subject matter.
8. For the division of hands in B.N. fr. 2615, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book.
9. This inclusion of the correct number of brothers happens twice: at the coronations of Childebert (fol. 12v) and Caribert (fol. 24).
10. Pepin's lion migrated from early histories into chansons de geste and then spread from popular literature into the representational arts. Thus Pepin stands on a lion in the galleries of kings at Notre-Dame, Chartres, and Saint-Denis. For the origin of Pepin's lion, see Gaston Paris, "La légende de Pepin 'Le Bref,'" Mélanges Julien Havet (Paris, 1898), 603-32.
11. For an excellent historiographic study and analysis of the meaning of the montjoies , see Anne Lombard-Jourdan, "'Montjoies' et 'Montjoie' dans la plaine Saint-Denis," Mémoires de la Federation des sociétés historiques et archéologiques de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 25 (1974): 141-81, which refutes Branner's interpretation of the montjoies as propaganda for Louis IX's canonization. For Branner's discussion, see Robert Branner, "The Montjoies of Saint Louis," in Essays in the History of Architecture Presented to Rudolf Wittkower , ed. Douglas Fraser, Howard Hibbard, and Milton J. Lewine (London, 1967), 13-16.
12. The exact number of montjoies was never mentioned by the sources that describe them. See Lombard-Jourdan, "'Montjoies,'" 163-66.
13. For a discussion of the statues in the Grande Salle of the Palais de la Cité, see Claire Richter Sherman, The Portraits of Charles V of France (1338-1380) (New York, 1969), 57-58, and Brown, "Character of Philip the Fair," 314-15. Evrard d'Orléans, the peintre du roi , supervised the execution of the kings. All that remains of this program of sculpture is an engraving made by Jacques Andrenet de Cerceau before the destruction of the hall by fire in 1618. For this, see André Linzeler, Inventaire du fonds français, graveurs du seizième siècle (Paris, 1932-35) 1:16, 70-71; Noël Valois, address in Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 30 (1903): 81-90; and Jean Guerout, "Le Palais de la Cité . . . ," Mémoires de la Féderation des sociétés historiques et archéologiques de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 2 (1950): 131-38.
14. "Par honneur pour leur glorieuse mémoire, les statues de tous les rois de France qui, jusqu'à ce jour, ont occupé le trône sont réuni en ce lieu; elles sont d'une ressemblance si expressive qu'à première vue on les croirait vivant." For this translation from the Latin, see Jean de Jandun, "Éloge de Paris" in Paris et ses historiens aux XIV e et XV e siècles: Documents et écrits originaux, ed. Antoine Jean Victor Leroux de Lincy and Lazare-Maurice Tisserand (Paris, 1867), 5, 49, cited by Raymond Cazelles, Nouvelle histoire de Paris de la fin du règne de Philippe Auguste à la mort du Charles V: 1223-1380 (Paris, 1972), 165.
15. See Lewis, Royal Succession , 142-43, and Brown, "Character of Philip the Fair," 312-13.
16. For a discussion of the complicated evolution of the presentation manuscript (now split into B.N. fr. 2090-92 and B.N. lat. 13836), see Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 57-87. Lacaze believes that the manuscript was executed c. 1314-19 in its Latin form and that the French translations were added in the margins c. 1319-22 when the book was prepared for Philip V.
17. The Vita et Passio Sancti Dionysii of Ivo of Saint-Denis existed in at least two manuscripts that were available in the Parisian area in the early fourteenth century: one continue
version was split into two (B.N. fr. 2090-2092 and B.N. lat. 13836), and a second remained whole (perhaps B.N. lat. 5286). Both were cited by the monks of Saint-Denis in 1410 in the trial over the relic of Denis's head, which has led Delaborde to suggest that B.N. lat. 13836 was from the royal library and B.N. lat. 5286 from the abbey library. See Henri-François Delaborde, "Le procès du chef de Saint Denis en 1410," Mémoires de la Société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 11 (1884): 352-53.
Lacaze believes that B.N. lat. 5286 was a draft for the king's presentation manuscript. Bähr's position is diametrically opposed to that of Lacaze, suggesting that B.N. lat. 5286 postdates 1322 and copies the royal manuscript. For this, see Lacaze, Vie de Saint-Denis , 57-87; and Bähr, Saint Denis und seine Vita , 133-200, lxx-xciv. In an analysis of the history that forms the third part of the Vie de Saint Denis , Grémont suggested that B.N. lat. 5286 was an early fourteenth-century copy after B.N. fr. 2090-2092 and lat. 13836. For a summary of his findings, see Grémont, "Yves de Saint-Denis."
A comparison of the illustration of the historical portion of B.N. lat. 13836 and the portions of B.N. lat. 5286 that correspond to it led me to disagree with Lacaze. The style of the miniatures in B.N. lat. 5286 is related generically to that of Artist I in John the Good's Grandes Chroniques (B.L. Royal 16 G VI), a manuscript painted c. 1335-40, so it is unlikely that this manuscript was the model for B.N. lat. 13836.
To try to establish whether B.N. lat. 5286 copied B.N. lat. 13836, I compared the texts of 10 folios in B.N. lat. 13836 (fols. 87-97) with their equivalents in B.N. lat. 5286 (fols. 199-203). The results of this comparison make it unlikely that B.N. lat. 5286 copied the royal manuscript (B.N. lat. 13836) as Bähr and Grémont would have it. The Latin texts of the two manuscripts are not identical. However, because marginal corrections written in light brown ink in B.N. lat. 5286 relate to the text in B.N. lat. 13836, it is possible that the later copy was corrected after the royal manuscript. If this is true, then B.N. lat. 5286 is an important witness to the original cycle of B.N. lat. 13836, since some of the notes in B.N. lat. 5286 describe miniatures where pages are currently missing from B.N. lat. 13836 and where there is no illustration in B.N. lat. 5286. These notes and the pictures that illustrate the first portion of B.N. lat. 5286-a portion now lacking from B.N. lat. 13836-provide valuable insights into the appearance of the complete pictorial cycle of the copy presented to Philip V.
18. The marginal notes of the Vita et Passio (B.N. lat. 5286) include representations of the fleur-de-lis (now excised, formerly between fols. 31 and 32 of B.N. lat. 13836), of Charlemagne offering four gold besants to Saint Denis (now excised, formerly between fols. 38 and 39 of B.N. lat. 13836), and of Saint Louis (B.N. lat. 13836, fol. 101v, illustrating his enseignments ).
For discussion of changes to the text and for analysis of some of these changes to the pictorial cycle, see Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 374-76.
19. B.N. lat. 5286, fol. 194v. The note that begins "hic deficit arbor" specifies that the genealogical tree preserved in the royal copy is missing in the later monastic copy being collated with it.
20. For discussion of the diagram of Hugh Capet's descent, see Hervé Pinoteau, "Les origines de la maison Capétienne," in Vingt-cinq ans d'études dynastiques (Paris, 1982), 157.
21. Fol. 75v: "Quomodo iste hugo de progenie karoli magni descendit et quomodo regni non fuerit usurpator," and "Comment cestui hue descendi de la droite lignie charlemaigne et comme [ sic ] il ne fu mie exurpeour du roiaume."
22. The information regarding Thomas of Maubeuge's commission, appearing on fol. 1 in the introductory materials (fols. 1-6), is transcribed in the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book.
Thomas of Maubeuge was well-known as an editor and as one of the few libraires jurés at Paris in 1316 and 1323. See Paul Delalain, Libraires Parisiens , 10-14, 18, 27; and Rouse, "Book Trade," 53-54, 102. His patrons came from the university and the nobility and even included continue
one king. Thomas sold books to Mahaut of Artois in 1313 and received a quittance from her in 1329. See Chrétien César Auguste Dehaisnes, Histoire de l'art dans la Flandres, l'Artois, et le Hainaut avant le XV e siècle (Lille, 1886), 432-33. Thomas sold a romance to the Count of Hainaut in 1323 and may have sold a "rommant de moralité sur le bible" to King John the Good in 1349. See Leopold Delisle, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Imperiale (Paris, 1868-81), 1:15 n. 9, 3:304 n. 2; and Rouse, "Book Trade," 53-54.
Elizabeth A. R. Brown's observation (letter of November 1989) that the colophon is written in the past tense raises some questions about the date of the manuscript's completion. The colophon refers to "Philip [V] who was the son of Philip the Fair and brother of Louis [X]" ( philippe qui fu filz phelippe li biaux ), and mentions the commission in the past tense as well, "Pierre Honnorez of Neufchâtel in Normandy had [this book] written [ fist escrire ]. . . . by Thomas of Maubeuge . . . the year of grace of our Lord 1318."
This colophon is written by the scribe (who completed the book through the life of Louis X) as the introduction to a genealogically structured table of contents on a gathering (fols. 1-6) added to the beginning of the book. Thus it is quite possible that the scribe might describe the task of producing the book, which was finished as he wrote the colophon, in the past tense. The reference in the past tense to Philip V, who died in 1322, may indicate that the book was not completed until after the king's death. This date may be supported by artistic evidence, because the artist who painted the first part of B.N. fr. 10132 also collaborated with the Master of the Roman de Fauvel on a Grandes Chroniques (Castres, B.M.) that can be dated to the 1330s. See text pages 82-90.
23. B.N. fr. 10132 was later continued with a French translation and continuation of the chronicle of Jean de Saint-Victor for events from 1316 to 1329. The version of Guillaume of Nangis's Life of Saint Louis that Thomas of Maubeuge uses in Pierre Honnorez's manuscript is different from that used in a contemporary courtly manuscript (B.N. fr. 2615), or slightly later in the manuscript made in the 1330s for John the Good when he was still dauphin (B.L. Royal 16 G VI), or in the continuation added to Cambrai, B.M. 682. See Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 86 n. 157. For the identification of the text in B.N. fr. 10132 as the continuation of Guillaume de Nangis, see Delisle, "Guillaume de Nangis," 353. For the translation and continuation of Jean de Saint-Victor, see RHF , 21:676-89.
24. For the relationship between the Grandes Chroniques and the Abrégé de l'histoire de France , see text pages 4-5.
25. Fol. 2v: "Et pour avoir connoissance de trouver les generaciones p[ar] le nombre vous trouverez en la premier generacion en chascun fueillet .i. p[ar] nombre. En la second .ii. et en la tierce .iii. et ainsi trouverrez les choses qui i sont."
26. The earliest copies of the Abrégé de l'histoire de France that I have consulted are from the thirteenth century; they include B.N. fr. 5700, whose text dates before 1285 (it contains a reference to Philip III, "Philippe qui ores et sera roi"); B.N. fr. 13565; and B.N. fr. 4961, which probably predates 1297, the date of the canonization of Saint Louis about whom it says, "et dist on qu'il est sainz." Fourteenth-century copies consulted include B.N. fr. 2815 (which contains the text of the Grandes Chroniques for descriptions of kings from Philip I to Philip III) and B.N. n. a. fr. 10043.
27. When other illustrations are included in the Abrégé de l'histoire de France , they either reinforce the divisions of the text into three dynasties or focus on Clovis, the first Christian king of France. Thirteenth-century examples are simply illustrated. B.N. fr. 4961 begins with the genealogical diagrams. It has no illuminations, but vignetted initials mark the beginnings of the lives of Clovis (fol. 9), Pepin and Charlemagne (fol. 31), and Hugh Capet (fol. 67). B.N. fr. 13565 has a sequence of genealogical diagrams at the end of the manuscript and limits its illustration to an enthroned king at the prologue (fol. 1). B.N. fr. 5700 begins with genealogical charts, then prefaces the prologue with a full-page miniature continue
of four kings. This faces the page on which the prologue actually begins, which is illustrated by the baptism of Clovis.
In the fourteenth century, manuscripts of the Abrégé de l'histoire de France were revised to suppress a paragraph in the prologue that identifies the Ménestrel and to include a text close to the Grandes Chroniques for descriptions of reigns from Philip I through Philip III. For this, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 82; and Mandach, Chronique , 148-51.
Both fourteenth-century copies that I consulted suppress the genealogical charts common in the thirteenth-century redaction. One (B.N. n. a. fr. 10043) is an unillustrated book of small format. The other (B.N. fr. 2815) is of larger format and illustrated to reflect the two sources for its text. In the portion containing the Ménestrel's chronicle, combinations of miniatures and historiated initials mark the prologue (fol. 1, four kings) and the three races: the Merovingians (fol. 7, miniatures of Clovis's battle and baptism; historiated initial of an enthroned king), the Carolingians (fol. 25, miniature of the pope receiving a letter; historiated initial of King Pepin standing on a lion), and the Capetians (fol. 58v, miniature of Hugh Capet enthroned). In the portion derived from the Grandes Chroniques are miniatures for the lives of Philip I (fol. 60v), Louis VI (fol. 74v), Louis VII (fol. 101v), Philip Augustus (fols. 118v, 136, 156, 163v), Louis VIII (fol. 172v), Louis IX (fol. 174v), and Philip III (fol. 182). None of these pictorial cycles have affinities with Thomas of Maubeuge's Grandes Chroniques .
28. For the location and content of the directions to the illuminator, which appear scattered from the second book of Charlemagne's life into the second book of Philip Augustus's life, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. Directions to the rubricator survive in margins from the third book of the life of Charlemagne to the third book of the life of Philip Augustus on fols. 165, 174, 219v, 236, 237, 240v, 252, 255, 256, 273v, 275, 299, 300v, 313v, 314, 329v, 347, 347v, and 354.
29. For a discussion of explanatory rubrics in the prose Lancelot , see Alison Stones, "Written Guides and Pictorial Models in Secular Manuscript Illumination c. 1300," Artistes, artisans et production artistique au Moyen-Âge (Rennes, 1983), 2: 1571-79; and idem, "The Illustrations of the French Prose Lancelot in Flanders, Belgium, and Paris 1250-1340," (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1970).
30. Thomas of Maubeuge's first model was a copy of the Grandes Chroniques , which terminated at the end of Philip Augustus's life, where B.N. fr. 10132 now has a red "Éxplicit" (fol. 362). This "Éxplicit" seems to have been the terminus for the model alone, since B.N. fr. 10132 continues to fol. 400 with discussions of the events of 1223 to 1316 taken from the amplified chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis. In the mid-fourteenth century another scribe appended a translation and continuation of Jean de Saint-Victor's text to describe events from the accession of Louis X to 1330. Though illuminated, this later section has no directions to the illuminator and is unrubricated.
31. Directions to the rubricator and illuminator survive on fols. 159v (scraped), 160 (scraped), 168v (scraped?), 219v-20, 237, 240v-41, 252-52v, 255 (2 miniatures), 255-55v, 256, 299, 300v-301, 314, and 329v.
32. See Samuel Berger and Paul Durrieu, "Les notes pour l'enlumineur dans les manuscrits du Moyen-Âge," Bulletin et mémoires de la Société nationale des antiquaires de France 53 (1892): 18-20.
33. Gilbert Ouy made these observations in a conversation on December 12, 1980. He also noted that when the directions to the rubricator were copied into the text, the scribe often made the forms more archaic. Thus on fol. 255 the marginal note reads, "Ci commence la vie au roi hue chapet," but the rubric that copies it states, "Ci commence la vie le roy hue chapet." These archaic literary forms are also used in the colophon identifying Thomas of Maubeuge. break
34. "Ci commence la vie le roi robert qui fu filz hue chapet qui tant estoit bons clers," and "Comment il asist clos et fors murs et diave tout entour et avec lui plent— —[trimmed]."
35. In all but one case (fol. 299) where directions to the illuminator and rubricator appear on the same folio, the direction to the illuminator employs "il" to refer to "le roy," as described in the note to the rubricator, but the artist, who only read the direction addressed to him, neglected to include the king. See fols. 237, 256, 314, and 329v.
36. One such direction survives on fol. 220: "Une grant bataille de chevaliers & de rois & d'autre gent."
37. See for instance fol. 240v, "Ci commence l'istoire du roi qui fu filz loys le barbe qui out a non charlemaine."
38. Several copies of the Grandes Chroniques incorporate into their texts four extra passages, which I have transcribed from B.N. fr. 10132:
I. Fol. 29v between Book I, chs. 15 and 16: "Ci devant raconte comment le roi cloovis fu Roys et comment il conquist soissons et mist empes tout son Royaume et comment .s. Remi li envoia .i. mesage pour requerre lui .i. ourcel que cil de soissons li avoient tolu par force et par mauvestie et comment li rois li envoia lourcel arrieres par son mesage. Et li apres raconterons comment il envoia au Roy gondebout querre sa niece pour avoir a fame & comment aureliens iala & laporta ioiaux de par le roy cloovis et comment la damoiselle les recut et comment elle sen vint en France et comment li rois cloovis l'espousa a soissons et ni ot onquel nullui de parente a la pucele." This rubric has no miniature, but it does have an elaborate five-line decorated initial.
II. Fol. 32 before Book I, ch. 20: "Ci apres devise comment le Roi cloovis fu baptisiez de mesire saint Remi de Rains et une partie du peuple qui la estoit et comment nostre sire li envoia le saint cresme par le saint esperit en semblance de coulon en .i. vessel qui portoit a son bec. et comment il fonda sainte genevieve du mont a la requeste crotilde sa fame." This rubric is illustrated by the baptism of Clovis.
III. Fol. 36 before Book II, ch. 1: "Ci devise comment le Roy cloovis et sa fame crotilde sont en leur pales et comment les iiij fils sont devant euls et comment le roy devisa le royaume en .iiij. parties se que chascun sot a sener an sien royaume." This rubric is illustrated by Clovis and Clotilda standing in the presence of their four sons.
IV. Fol. 57 before Book III, ch. 1: "Ci endroit raconte comment le Roy chilperich espousa la suer brunechaut mes a ce temps tenoit il pluseurs fames en soingnantage dont il avint que lune de ses soingnans fist tent envers le Roy desus dit quil estrangla en son lit sa fame quil avoit espousee en son dormant." This rubric is illustrated by King Chilperic strangling his wife in her bed.
These passages appear either as rubrics or as texts that precede or follow rubrics between Book I, chapters 15 and 16; and preceding Book I, chapter 20; Book II, chapter 1; and Book III, chapter 1. They first survive in Thomas of Maubeuge's manuscript and never appear in royal copies of the text, although they are quite common in books produced by the late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century book trade. Thus far I have seen combinations of these passages in Besançon, B.M. 863 (passages I-III, fols. 7v, 9-9v, 12v); B.R. 1 (passages I, IV, fols. 8, 24); B.R. 2 (passage IV, fol. 27v); B.R. 3 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 8v, 10, 26); Musée Condé, 867 (passages I-II, fols. 24, 25v, 27v); Geneva, B.M. Comites Latentes 182 . . . (passages I-IV, fols. 8, 8v, 9, 16v); Phillipps 1917 (passage II, fol. 10v); B.L. Add. 15269 (passages I-II, fols. 8v, 10v), Add. 21143 (passages I-IV, fols. 7v, 9v, 12v, 29v), Cotton Nero E II (passages I, II, IV, fols. 9v, 11v, 31), Sloane 2433 (first half of passage I, fol. 10v); Guildhall 244 (passages I-IV, fols. 8v, 10v, 14, 29v); Lyon, P.A. 30 (passages I-IV, fols. 9-9v, 11, 14, 29); Munich Cod. Gall. 4 (passage IV, fol. 31v); Oxford Douce 217 (passages I-IV, continue
fols. 8, 9v, 12v, 26v); B.N. fr. 73 (passages I-III, fols. 8v, 10, 13v), fr. 2597 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 2, 4, 24v), fr. 2604 (passages I-IV, fols. 10v, 12v, 16v, 34), fr. 2606 (passages I, II, fols. 8v, 10-10v), fr. 2616-20 (passages I-IV, fols. 10, 12, 15, 30), fr. 6466-67 (passage II, fol. 25), fr. 20352-53 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 4v, 5v, 26v [in the lower margin as a direction to the rubricator that was ignored]), fr. 10132 (passages I-IV, fols. 29v, 32, 36v, 57); Ste.-Gen. 783 (passages I, II, fols. 8, 9v); Toulouse, B.M. 512 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 8, 9v, 26); and Valenciennes B.M. 637 (passages I-IV, fols. 9, 11, 14v, 31v).
39. Fol. 19: "Ci commence la genialogye des dux qui regnerent avant que il eust onq[ue]s Roy en France et puis apres des rois ensuiant qui apres eulz [two words are blotted out] regne."
40. Fol. 20v: "Ci commence la genialogie des Rois de france et comment il descendirent premierement des fuitis de troies la grant."
41. For discussion of the reditus , see Chapter 1 of this book.
42. "Comment i rois espeuse une dame et la pluiseurs chevaliers et plente de clergie."
43. For this text written c. 1286-87, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7: 2-7. It begins with a description of the death of Louis VII and the coronation of Louis VIII and then interjects an extensive passage that describes the reditus , provides a detailed genealogy of the French kings, and recounts the Valerian prophecy certifying that the translation of the realm was accomplished as the will of God. The version of the reditus included in this text depends heavily on Vincent of Beauvais. On this, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 96-98; and Brown, "Notion de la légitimité."
44. The life of Louis VIII in this manuscript discusses the reditus very briefly: "Apres le roy phelippe dit auguste qui conquist normendie regna en france loys son filz qu'il avoit engendre en la royne ysabel fille le conte baudouin de henaut qui estoit descendue de la lignie charlemainne le grant iadis roy de france & emperiere de rome si comme nous avons dits desus (B.N. fr. 10132, fol. 362).
45. They are fol. 23, King Clodion besieges a city (Book I, ch. 5); fol. 32, baptism of Clovis (Book I, ch. 20); fol. 102v, Dagobert cuts the beard of his teacher (Book V, ch. 3); fol. 127v, three barons kneel before Pepin, who stands on the back of a lion (Book V, ch. 28); fol. 159v, emperor of Constantinople sends messages to Charlemagne (Charlemagne, Book III, ch. 4); fol. 160, Charlemagne receives the messages (Charlemagne, Book III, ch. 5); fol. 165, Charlemagne leaves Constantinople with relics (Charlemagne, Book III, ch. 10); fol. 233v, vision of Charles the Bald (Charles the Bald, ch. 13); and fol. 301, departure for crusade (Louis VII, ch. 3).
46. For later manuscripts that have a comparable focus, see those painted by the Master of the Roman de Fauvel in Chapter 4 of this book.
Chapter Three— Textual and Pictorial Innovation in John the Good's Grandes Chroniques
1. For more detail on the problem of the French succession, see Ralph Giesey, "The Juristic Basis of Dynastic Right to the French Throne," Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 51, pt. 5 (1961), 3-47; Cazelles, La société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 35-71; Pierre Chaplais, "Un message de Jean de Fiennes à Édouard II et le project de démembrement du royaume de France (janvier 1317)," Revue du nord 43 (1961): 145-48; and Lehugeur, Philippe le Long , 1:28-50, 79-92.
2. Apparently the English accepted Philip of Valois's claim to the throne or realized that they could do nothing to dislodge him. Most of their energies went into ensuring that the Valois line did not succeed Philip VI. For further discussion of English efforts, see text pages 62-68. break
3. For John the Good's patronage, see Delisle, Recherches , 1:326-36; Raymond Cazelles, Société politique, noblesse et couronne sous Jean le Bon et Charles V , Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de l'École des chartes, no. 28 (Geneva, 1982) 42-44; Jacques Monfrin, "Les traducteurs et leur public en France au Moyen-Âge," Journal des savants (1964): 10-11; idem, "Humanisme et traductions au Moyen-Âge," Journal des savants (1963): 172-73; François Avril, "Un chef-d'oeuvre * de l'enluminure sous le règne de Jean le Bon: La Bible moralisée (Ms. fr. 167 de la Bibliothèque Nationale)," Monuments et mémoires publiés par l'Académie des inscriptions (Fondation Piot) 58 (1972): 95-125; and Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 296, 298-99, 319-21, 323-26.
John seems to have been very interested in the vernacular. Among his commissions for religious texts translated into French are the Bible of Jean de Sy (B.N. fr. 15397) and the densely illuminated Bible moralisée (B.N. fr. 167). For these, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 319-21, 325-26, nos. 272, 280; and Avril, "Un chef-d'oeuvre." Among secular works John commissioned a translation of Livy's Decades (I, III, and IV) to serve, as the prologue states, as a treatise of "political, military, and moral education." See Monfrin, "Humanisme et traduction," 172. Jean de Vignay's translation of the Échecs moralisés of Jacques de Cessoles, done between 1337 and 1350, before John was king, translates Cessoles's text but introduces strictly political interpolations into John's copy. For this, see Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 268. John's literary program was expanded and refined by his son, Charles V.
4. On this chronicle, see Julius Gilson and George Warner, Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and Kings Collections (London, 1921), 2:209-12, 4: pls. 99-100; Lejeunne and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 1:281-87; and Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 293-96, 299-300.
5. For the inventories of the royal library and of John's possessions when captured, see Delisle, Recherches , 1:326-36.
The arms ( France ancient, a border gules ) are in the border of fol. 5. John's signature, visible under ultraviolet light on fol. 445v, reads, "Jehan. Ce rommant est monss. le Duc." John was named duke of Normandy in 1332, but it was essentially an honorary title; he received the administration of Normandy only in 1347. For a description of John the Good's activities as duke of Normandy, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 193-231; and Georges Bordonove, Jean le Bon et son temps 1319-1364 (Paris, 1981), 1-102.
6. Avril dates John the Good's Grandes Chroniques to 1335-40 in discussions of two artists who collaborated on it: the Master of the Crucifixion of Cambrai and Mahiet (the Master of the Vie de Saint Louis ). The Master of the Crucifixion of Cambrai was active in the late 1330s and worked in collaboration with other Parisian artists on such commissions as a Miroir historial (two of four volumes surviving in Leyden, Bibl. Univ. ms. voss. Gall. fol. 3A, and Arsenal, 5080) commissioned for John by his mother, Jeanne de Bourgogne, and a missal (Cambrai, B.M. 157) for Robert de Coucy, canon of Cambrai. Mahiet (the Master of the Vie de Saint Louis ) was active from the 1320s to the 1340s and collaborated on a range of courtly commissions: the Belleville Breviary (B.N. lat. 10483-10484), the Miroir historial for John, the Hours of Jeanne of Navarre (B.N. n. a. lat. 3145), Saint-Pathus's Vie et miracles de Saint Louis (B.N. fr. 5716), and Joinville's Vie de Saint Louis (B.N. fr. 13568). Avril speculated that this artist might have been a libraire , perhaps Mathieu le Vavasseur, a Norman clerk charged as a libraire juré at the University of Paris in 1342, who died in 1350. For this, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 293-96 no. 240; 298-300 nos. 245-47; 312-14 no. 265.
7. See, for example, a mistranslation of the Gesta Dagoberti in the early portion of the manuscript. In attributing to Dagobert 36 years of governance, the chronicle in London agrees with an error of B.N. lat. 5925 that is not present in other translations of the Grandes Chroniques . Cf. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:176 and n. 3. For the suppression of continue
a text added by Primat in his translation of Rigord's life of Philip Augustus, see ibid., 5:335 n. 6. For the presence of B.N. lat. 5925 in the abbey's library, see Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, La bibliothèque , 216; and for prior discussion of B.N. lat. 5925, see the Introduction to this book.
The anonymous translator added a phrase to the prologue to lend authority to his translation, "Si que cil qui ceste euvre fait n'i met rien de soi, mès conqueut et atrait les divers volumes as anciens aucteurs ce qu'il met en ceste present euvre." See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:3 n. 4.
6. Avril dates John the Good's Grandes Chroniques to 1335-40 in discussions of two artists who collaborated on it: the Master of the Crucifixion of Cambrai and Mahiet (the Master of the Vie de Saint Louis ). The Master of the Crucifixion of Cambrai was active in the late 1330s and worked in collaboration with other Parisian artists on such commissions as a Miroir historial (two of four volumes surviving in Leyden, Bibl. Univ. ms. voss. Gall. fol. 3A, and Arsenal, 5080) commissioned for John by his mother, Jeanne de Bourgogne, and a missal (Cambrai, B.M. 157) for Robert de Coucy, canon of Cambrai. Mahiet (the Master of the Vie de Saint Louis ) was active from the 1320s to the 1340s and collaborated on a range of courtly commissions: the Belleville Breviary (B.N. lat. 10483-10484), the Miroir historial for John, the Hours of Jeanne of Navarre (B.N. n. a. lat. 3145), Saint-Pathus's Vie et miracles de Saint Louis (B.N. fr. 5716), and Joinville's Vie de Saint Louis (B.N. fr. 13568). Avril speculated that this artist might have been a libraire , perhaps Mathieu le Vavasseur, a Norman clerk charged as a libraire juré at the University of Paris in 1342, who died in 1350. For this, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 293-96 no. 240; 298-300 nos. 245-47; 312-14 no. 265.
7. See, for example, a mistranslation of the Gesta Dagoberti in the early portion of the manuscript. In attributing to Dagobert 36 years of governance, the chronicle in London agrees with an error of B.N. lat. 5925 that is not present in other translations of the Grandes Chroniques . Cf. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:176 and n. 3. For the suppression of continue
a text added by Primat in his translation of Rigord's life of Philip Augustus, see ibid., 5:335 n. 6. For the presence of B.N. lat. 5925 in the abbey's library, see Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, La bibliothèque , 216; and for prior discussion of B.N. lat. 5925, see the Introduction to this book.
The anonymous translator added a phrase to the prologue to lend authority to his translation, "Si que cil qui ceste euvre fait n'i met rien de soi, mès conqueut et atrait les divers volumes as anciens aucteurs ce qu'il met en ceste present euvre." See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:3 n. 4.
8. After the death of Elizabeth of Hainaut, Philip Augustus established chaplaincies at Notre-Dame in her memory. In conformity with the cartularies of Notre-Dame, John the Good's copy of the chronicle records that Philip Augustus paid 25 livres for this endowment. All the other translations of the Grandes Chroniques record that he paid 15 livres. For this, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:184 n. 6.
9. The practice of suppressing references to the abbey continued in the independent "official" translation later added to Ste.-Gen. 782. For this, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 119-20 n. 268; and Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:xvii-xviii.
10. See, for instance, the erroneous classification of Vitry as near Paris. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:225 n. 1.
11. See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:27 and n. 1, fol. 7v, "Ainsi et plus largement le porrés trouver, se il vous plaisoit à veoir plus largement ou plus certainnement, en la vie du beneuré confessor monsieur saint Aignien;" 1:193 and n. 2, story of St. Florentine, fol. 41, "les fès duquel et la vie vous poés trouver plus largement leens que je ne vous ay commencié;" 2:126 and ns. 1 and 2, references drawn from the life of St. Leu.
12. For these revisions, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques .
13. A note in the margin of B.N. lat. 5925 discovered by Delisle ("vide in cronicis sanctigermani") makes clear that B.N. lat. 12711, a chronicle from the abbey of Saint-Germain, was the text used to supplement B.N. lat. 5925 by the editor of John's book. On Vat. Reg. lat. 550, see note 20 of the Introduction to this book. For the relationship between B.N. lat. 5925, lat. 12711, and B.L. Royal 16 G VI, see Delisle, "Notes sur quelques manuscrits," 191-212.
14. For Charles V's patronage of the Grandes Chroniques , see Chapters 5-7 of this book.
15. Cursive annotations appear on fols. 299 and 324v of B.L. Royal 16 G VI and throughout Ste.-Gen. 782. For more on the latter, see Chapter 5 of this book.
16. Du Pouget (followed by Guenée) suggests that Richard Lescot, a historian at Saint-Denis c. 1329-60, undertook this revision. Du Pouget bases his attribution on a paleographical comparison between marginal notes in B.N. lat. 5925 and other manuscripts that he attributes to Lescot: B.N. lat. 5286, a copy of Ivo of Saint-Denis's Vita et Passio ; B.N. lat. 5005C, the chronicle and continuation of Géraud de Frachet; and Archives Nationales LL 1157, the "cartulaire blanc." See Marc Du Pouget, "Recherches sur les chroniques latines de Saint-Denis: Édition critique et commentaire de la Descriptio Clavi et Corone Domini et de deux séries de textes relatifs à la légende Carolingienne," École Nationale des Chartes. Position de thèses (1978): 41-46; Guenèe, "Les Grandes Chroniques de France ," 197-98; and idem, "Histoire d'un succès," 99-101.
17. Fol. 365: "Et pour ceste cause le roy phelippe le recut a homme lige perpetuelment." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:261 n. 5.
18. For the history of conflicting claims and the publication of surviving court documents, see Delaborde, "Le procès du chef."
19. Philip of Valois was not known as a literary patron, but his wife, Jeanne de Bourgogne, was. For instance, Jean de Vignay worked for John the Good's mother before working for him. He translated for her in 1332-33 the Speculum of Vincent of Beauvais, perhaps for continue
presentation to John. John owned a four-volume set of the Miroir historial (Arsenal 5080) that was made c. 1335 and painted by many of the same artists who decorated the Grandes Chroniques . For this, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 298-99 no. 245.
20. For a description of the historiography, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 35-40; and Bordonove, Jean le Bon , 15-20. Cazelles was one of the first to question this interpretation of John. See Raymond Cazelles, "Jean II le Bon: Quel homme? Quel roi?" Revue historique 251 (1974): 5-26.
21. For their analysis of the derivation of the Roland cycle from the chansons de geste , see Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 281-87.
22. See Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 299.
23. For the Vita et Passio , see text pages 35-36.
24. B.N. lat. 5286 was illustrated by an artist whose style relates generically to John's chronicle. For a discussion of the relationship between the royal and Dionysian copies of Ivo's texts, see text pages 35-36.
25. For instance, Lejeune and Stiennon describe a miniature from John's chronicle that represents Roland killing the giant Ferragut's white horse, which they describe as a detail "proving that the artist is following not the text of the Grandes Chroniques but a literary tradition of which the Entrée d'Espagne provides an example." They are wrong, since the killing is described in the text of the chronicle. See Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 282; and Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:242.
26. Only five chapters are subdivided by illustrations. These occur once in Book III of the lives of the Merovingians (fol. 62, miracle at mass/ baptism of Jews/ death of Pricus/ Aetherius and the criminous clerk), twice in the life of Louis the Pious (fol. 203v, Louis receives a present of plate/ Saint Hilduin, abbot of Saint-Denis, translates the relics of Saints Peter, Paul, and Marcellus, and fol. 208, meeting of Louis the Pious and Pope Gregory), and three times in the life of Saint Louis (fol. 400v, assault on a castle by Tartars; fol. 403, the pope sends Bishop Odo to Paris where he preaches the crusade; and fols. 426v-427, Louis receives a letter from the pope that describes a series of attacks on the Holy Land).
The illustration of chapters by multiple miniatures takes two forms: in six cases a pair of miniatures precedes a chapter, and in ten cases miniatures bracket their chapter—that is, one picture illustrating events from the first portion of the chapter precedes it, and a second picture illustrating an event described toward the end of the chapter follows it. With the exception of two instances (marked with question marks in the following list) the placement of rubrics in the chapter clarifies whether a sequence of pictures at the beginning of a chapter represents a double miniature (when both pictures follow the rubric) or bracketing miniatures (when a rubric follows the miniature that illustrates the end of the preceding chapter).
Double miniatures include: fols. 151-151v, Charlemagne builds Aix-la-Chapelle/ the bridge over the Rhine burns, and Charlemagne gives orders to a bishop; fols. 158v-159, Charlemagne in council and the Crown of Thorns divided for Charlemagne; fols. 171-171v, a battle in which Agolant was killed, and a battle; fols. 251v-252 (?) the murder of Duke William, and King Louis IV takes custody of young Duke Richard; fol 306, the murder of Charles, Count of Flanders, and the murderers hanged; fols. 426v-427, Saint Louis in council receives a letter from the pope, and the battle of Tartars in the Holy Land (the event described in the letter).
Bracketing miniatures include: fols. 118v, 119v, the siege of Avignon by Charles Martel, and the death of Charles Martel; fols. 130v, 131v, Charlemagne holds a Parlement/ Saxons submit/ Saxons baptized and submission of Hildebrans, Duke of Spoleto?; fols. 132, 133, continue
Charlemagne and Hildegarde at mass said by the pope/ the pope crowns Charlemagne's sons, and the beheading of Charlemagne's enemies; fols. 177, 178, Ganelon before Kings Marsile and Bagliant/ Ganelon brings gifts to Charlemagne, and the battle of Roncevaux; fols. 181v, 182, the funeral of Roland/ the punishment of Ganelon, and the burial of the dead; fols. 206v, 207v, the purgation of Judith/ traitors pardoned, and Louis's sons set Pope Gregory against him; fols. 221v, 222v, Charles the Bald sets out on a journey, and messengers ride; fols. 243v, 244v (?), Carloman returns from Vienne/ the defeat of Normans, and the translation of saints' relics; fols. 255, 255v, Bishop Ansegius expelled from the See of Troyes, and Duke Richard gives presents to messengers; fols. 256v, 257v, arrival of the Danes, and King Lothaire drives Otho's army into the Aisne.
27. The new sentence reads: "Li commencemenz de ceste hystoire sera pris à la haute lignie de Troiens, dont ele est descendue par succession de temps." See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:4 and n. 1. Viard does not note the deletion of the word "longue" in John's manuscript.
28. For Edward's campaign against the Valois, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 193-231.
29. For this letter, see A. Guesnon, "Documents inédits sur l'invasion anglaise et les états au temps de Philippe VI et Jean le Bon," Bulletin historique et philologique (1898), 208-59, cited by Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 204; and for the Latin and French texts of Edward's declaration, see Thomas Rymer and Robert Sanderson, comp., Foedera, conventiones litterae et cujuscunque generis acta publica, inter reges Angliae et alios quosvis imperatores, reges, pontifices, principes, vel communitates (London, 1821), 2, pt. 2:1108-11.
30. For Bridget's anti-French visions, see Eric Colledge, " Epistola solitarii ad reges : Alphonse of Pecha as organizer of Brigittine and Urbanist Propaganda," Medieval Studies 18 (1956): 19-49, cited in Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 204-05. Colledge proves that the description of the vision that was sent to the French and English kings in 1348 by the king of Sweden was very different from that of the version edited in the 1370s by Alphonse of Pecha. He suggests that this was because the version drafted in 1348 was highly political and needed to be modified to fit the political situation of the 1370s.
31. According to Colledge, the English cited Bridget's Revelations in 1435 and 1439. Colledge, " Epistola ," 32.
32. Ibid., 32-33.
31. According to Colledge, the English cited Bridget's Revelations in 1435 and 1439. Colledge, " Epistola ," 32.
32. Ibid., 32-33.
33. For a discussion of the difficulty of living up to Saint Louis's reputation, see Lewis, Royal Succession , 122-45; Hallam, "Philip the Fair and the Cult of Saint Louis," 201-14; and Brown, "Character of Philip the Fair," 310-15.
34. For these cycles, see Chapter 1, note 9.
35. Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 96-97.
36. Ibid., 98.
37. Ibid.
35. Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 96-97.
36. Ibid., 98.
37. Ibid.
35. Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 96-97.
36. Ibid., 98.
37. Ibid.
38. The passage in the French translation of Edward's letter reads, "Et n'est mie nostre entencion de vous tollir non duement voz droitures mes pensons de faire droit a touz & de reprendre les bones leis & les custumes que furent au temps nostre auncestre progenitour Saint Lowys Roi de France." For this, see Rymer and Sanderson, comps., Foedera , 2, pt. 2:1111.
For a discussion of the role that these same claims played in forming a political myth used by the French nobility, see Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 140-41.
39. "Vous dirons adettens que nous deserons sovereinement que Dieux par travail de nous, & de bones gentz, meister pees & amour entre Cristiens, & nomement entre vous, issint que les armes des crestiens se purroit faire en haste devers la Terre Sainte, pur la deliverer continue
des mains des mescreantz, a quele chose, od l'aide de Dieu, nous asperons." For this, see Rymer and Sanderson, comps., Foedera , 2, pt. 2:1111.
40. For the development of these ideas during the reign of Charles VI (1380-1422), see Philippe de Mézières, Letter to King Richard II. A Plea Made in 1395 for Peace between England and France , trans. G. W. Coopland (Liverpool, 1965); and M. Chaume, "Une prophétie relative à Charles VI," Revue du Moyen-Âge Latin 3 (1947): 27-42.
41. For Philip's negotiations for a crusade, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 97, 139; Christopher Tyerman, "Philip VI and the Recovery of the Holy Land," English Historical Review 100 (1985): 25-52; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "Customary Aides and Royal Fiscal Policy under Philip VI of Valois," Traditio 30 (1974): 193-244.
42. For Philip's fiscal difficulties, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 437; and Tyerman, "Recovery of the Holy Land," 44-50.
43. The other three pictures in John the Good's manuscript are found in Book III, fol. 62 (miracle at the altar/ baptism of Jews/ death of Pricius/ Aetherius and the criminous clerk), and in the life of Louis the Pious, fol. 203v (Louis receives a present of plate/ Saint Hilduin, Abbot of Saint-Denis, translates Saints Peter, Paul, and Marcellus), and fol. 208 (meeting of Louis and Pope Gregory).
44. For a discussion of John's choice of the crown of Saint Louis, see Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 114-15, where she cites D. Gabourit-Chopin, "Les couronnes du sacre des rois et des reines au trésor de Saint-Denis," Bulletin monumental 133 (1975): 165-81. Beaune observes that John the Good did not use the "crown of Charlemagne," which his father had used and which was available at Saint-Denis. She believes that his choice was a deliberately anti-English gesture that promoted John, rather than Edward III, as legitimate successor to Louis IX. She supports her argument with the fact that the next use of Louis's crown came during another trying time in France's relations with England when the legitimacy of a French king was threatened: the coronation of Charles VII.
45. For a discussion of the meanings of the holy oil used to anoint French kings, see Bloch, The Royal Touch , 262-82.
46. This is one of the few miniatures with pentimenti . As originally planned, Clovis's triumph was not as forcefully portrayed; the original composition showed two confronting armies with God peeping down. The changes to the composition emphasize the rout of the enemy, intensifying Clovis's victory.
47. "Sire tu m'as ceint et armé de vertu à bataille et m'as doné les dos de mes anemis." This is from Psalm 17, verses 40-41, cited in Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:81.
48. For previous discussions of the iconography of the royal touch, see Bloch, Royal Touch , 253-59; and Peter S. Lewis, "Two Pieces of Fifteenth-Century Political Iconography," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 27 (1964): 317-20.
49. The whole passage contrasts Louis's devotion with that of his predecessors: "Comme les autres rois de France qui furent rois devant lui, en touchant le lieu de la maladie, aus malades deissent seulement les paroles appropiées et accoustumées à ce faire, lesqueles paroles sont saintes et chrestiens, et ne feissent pas le signe de la sainte croiz, li rois Looys acoustuma que en distant les paroles il faisoit touz jours la signe de la sainte croiz qui par la vertu Nostre Seigneur guerist les malades miex que la dignité roial." See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 10:121-22. In fact, the touch was combined with the sign of the cross as early as Louis VI's reign. See Bloch, Royal Touch , 74.
50. "Pourquoy il attribuoit ycelle vertu au signe de la croix et non pas à la royale dignité." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 10:122 n. 1.
51. See Bloch, Royal Touch , 83.
52. In Andelys, Jean de Lyon was imprisoned from 1347 to 1353. Cited by Cazelles, Société politique . . . Philippe de Valois , 204. break
Chapter Four— The Courtly Response in Manuscripts by the Master of the Roman de Fauvel
1. For this analysis of nonroyal manuscripts, see Guenée, "Les Grandes Chroniques ."
2. For a complete list of artistically related manuscripts, see Appendix I.
3. Avril provides the most comprehensive list to date of works grouped around artists collectively known as the Master of the Roman de Fauvel . Known patrons include royalty (Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne, wife of Philip of Valois), government offices (the royal archives), and courtiers (Louis, duke of Bourbon; Guillaume Flote, chancellor of France). Avril associates the style employed in these books with Geoffroy of Saint-Léger who, like Thomas of Maubeuge, operated a shop on the Rue Neuve Nostre-Dame in Paris. Geoffroy was documented as both a bookseller and an illuminator. Avril speculates that the location of Geoffroy's shop in the Rue Neuve Nostre-Dame rather than in the university quarter may reflect a desire for a bourgeois audience. For this, see Avril's contribution in Roesner, ed., Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fonds français 146 . The three copies of the Grandes Chroniques (B.R. 5; Castres, B.M.; and Switzerland, private collection) that I am discussing here are closest stylistically to the manuscripts that Avril groups as the late work of the Master of the Roman de Fauvel , datable in the 1330s.
For further discussion of Geoffroy of Saint-Léger, see Rouse, "Book Trade," 43, 53; and, for an analysis of notations made by Geoffroy in manuscripts that have made scholars question his role as illuminator, see Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon, "Brabant of Parijs? Aantekeningen bij een handschrift met vrome legenden, afkomstig uit het kartuizerklooster te Zelen, bij Diest," Handschriften uit Diestse Kerken en Kloosters , Dietsche Cronycke, no. 6 (Diest, 1983), 55-56.
Joan Diamond argues for a more restricted division of hands in the work attributed to the Master of the Roman de Fauvel . She identifies one artist whom she dubs the Royal Master (after a royal missal, B.L. Harley 2891), whose oeuvre * corresponds in large part to the work that Avril describes as early Fauvel. See Udovitch, "The Papeleu Master." She believes the painter of the Roman de Fauvel to be a follower of the Royal Master's style (letter of July 16, 1983). Her division of hands seems to be confirmed by the activity of both the Royal Master and the Master of Fauvel in separate gatherings of B.N. fr. 2615, a Grandes Chroniques of c. 1315 discussed in Chapter 2 of this book.
The closeness of style among different artists placed in this group is an example of what Joan Diamond describes as a period style. She demonstrates that individual artists worked together on temporary collaborations in styles that seemed to crystalize around particular text types. For example, she points out that the loose, rapid manner of the Royal Master seemed to be seen as particularly suited to vernacular books with text miniatures. See Joan Diamond, "Manufacture and Market in Parisian Book Illumination around 1300," Europäische Kunst um 1300. Akten des XXV Internationalen Kongresses für Kunstgeschichte Wien 4-10 september 1983 , ed. Elisabeth Liskar (Vienna, 1986), 6:101-10.
4. For the provenance of the 1330s manuscripts, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book.
5. For the use of stock scenes in the Thomas of Maubeuge manuscript, see Chapter 2 of this book.
6. For the other manuscripts that include the French and Latin poems, see Chapter 1, note 31. Of these, the placement and form of the poems in Cambrai, B.M. 682 is closest to those of the manuscript in Switzerland.
7. The only exception to the practice of drawing the subject matter of illustrations from the text is the illustration to the last book of Philip Augustus's life. This puzzling scene in which an emperor supervises the coronation of a king has absolutely nothing to do with its text but may be an illustration for the life of Louis VIII, a text that follows the life of Philip Augustus in manuscripts that continue past 1223. If this image does represent John continue
of Brienne, king of Jerusalem and emperor of Constantinople, assisting at the coronation of Louis VIII, its use as an illustration for the third book of Philip Augustus's life would be a mistake on the part of the book's designer and might indicate the use of standardized models in this program.
8. The text describing Louis VII, Emperor Conrad, and others riding on a crusade had special rubrics in Ste.-Gen. 782 and in many of the other early manuscripts of the Grandes Chroniques .
9. There are 44 illustrations of Merovingian, 33 of Carolingian, and 52 of Capetian history.
10. Fol. 1: "Ci commence les croniques de France. premierement des dux qui premier y furent. Et puis des Rois Sarrazins. Et après ensuivant de tous les Roys crestiens. Et tous leurs fais iusques au Roy charles fils le Roy Phelippe le Bel. et la descendue dont chascuns est descendus et leurs generacions."
11. For the miniature in John the Good's manuscript, see text pages 61-62 and color plate 1.
12. The description of Philip Augustus's death in B.R. 5 is very close to that given in B.N. fr. 2600, an unillustrated copy of the Grandes Chroniques that contains the continuation of Guillaume de Nangis similar to that in B.R. 5 and is dated by Guenée to the second quarter of the fourteenth century. See Guenée, "Les Grandes Chroniques ." 196: and, for the second description of Philip Augustus's burial, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 4:375.
13. Men wear long hoods and tunics, combined with low-slung belts. For discussion and dating of comparable costumes, see Stella Mary Newton, Fashion in the Age of the Black Prince (Totowa, N.J., 1980).
14. Fol. 353v: "Ces croniques sunt Madame Jeanne d'Amboise, dame de Revel et de Thyphauges."
15. Père Anselme, Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France, des pairs, grandes officiers de la couronne, et de la maison du roy (Paris, 1726-33), 4:276.
16. For other works commissioned by Guillaume Flote, see Avril's contribution in Roesner, ed., Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale MS fonds français 146 .
17. For a discussion of Anseau de Chevreuse, see Contamine, "L'oriflamme," 21-22; and Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 399.
18. Robert of Artois's arms were azur semé de fleurs-de-lis à un lambel rouge de trois pièces, chaque pièce chargée de trois châteaux d'or .
19. For the fair of Lendit, see Léon Levillain, "Essai sur les origines du Lendit," Revue historique 155 (1927): 241-76; and Anne Lombard-Jourdan, "Les foires de l'Abbaye de Saint-Denis: Revue des données et révision des opinions admises," Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes 145 (1987): 273-338. For popular songs about the relics, see Bédier, Les légendes épiques , 4:121-79; Ménard, "Les jongleurs"; and Triaud, "Observations."
20. The other illustration, at the beginning of the chapter in B.N. fr. 10132 (fol. 174), represents Agolant standing before Charlemagne.
The meeting of Charlemagne and Agolant was a popular illustration in the French translation of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, which also moralized the events at the banquet. Like B.N. fr. 10132, these manuscripts illustrate the meeting of the two leaders without evoking the dinner. See the entries on Bern, Burgerbibliothek Ms. 115, Paris, B.N. fr. 573, and Florence, Biblioteca Medicae Laurenziana Ashburnham Ms. 125 in Walpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin , vol. 2.
21. "Se Karlemaines perdi ensi le roi Aygolant et sa gent que il ne fu baptiziez, pour ce que il vit les povres laidement traiter, que sera-il au jour de joise de ceus qui en cest mortel vie ont les povres en despit et malement les auront traitiez? . . . Et ausi come li rois païens refusa baptesme pour ce que il ne vit pas en Karlemaine droites ovres, ausi me dout-je que Nostre Sires ne refuse en nous la foi du baptesme au jour du joise, pour ce que il n'i trovera pas les ovres." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:235-36. break
22. Castres. B.M. fol. 263: "Comment le roi phelippe dieu donne ordena de son testament avant qu'il partist de france pour aler ou voyage d'outremer et comment il ordena des besoignes du roiaume au proffit de tout le commun pueple."
23. For the text of the commentary on Ferrand's capture and punishment, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 4:360-62.
Chapter Five— The First Stage of Execution (before 1375)
1. For a history of Charles V, see Christine de Pizan, Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roi Charles V , ed. Suzanne Solente (Paris, 1936-40); Roland Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , (Paris, 1909-31); Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V ; Schramm, König von Frankreich , 1:236-45; and Joseph Calmette, Charles V (Paris, 1979).
For previous discussions of Charles V's lavish manuscript, see Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, La librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1968), 112-13, no. 195; Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 329-31, no. 284; Sherman, Portraits , 41-44; and Marcel Thomas, "La visite de l'Empereur Charles IV en France d'après l'exemplaire des Grandes Chroniques executé pour le roi Charles V," Congrès international des bibliophiles, Vienna 29 septembre à 5 octobre, 1969 (Vienna, 1971), 85-98. Portions of this chapter appear in Anne D. Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy: Editorial Changes on Charles V's Grandes Chroniques de France ," Art Bulletin 66 (1984): 97-117; idem, "Restructuring the Narrative: The Function of Ceremonial in Charles V's Grandes Chroniques de France ," Studies in the History of Art 16 (1985): 171-81; and idem, "Copies in Context: The Coronation of Charles V in his Grandes Chroniques de France ," Coronations: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual , ed. Jànos Bak (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990), 72-87.
For ease of reference, I have assigned chapter numbers to the unnumbered rubrics for the lives of John the Good and Charles V published in the chapter list in Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:1-24. In both lives the coronation is the first chapter.
2. For Charles V's role as literary patron, see Delisle, Recherches , 1:1-124; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie ; François Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France: The Fourteenth Century (New York, 1978), 24-30; Lusignan, Parler vulgairement , 133-38; Sherman, Portraits; and Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 324-34.
Specialized studies include: Claire Sherman, "The Queen in Charles V's Coronation Book: Jeanne de Bourbon and the Ordo ad Reginam Benediendem ," Viator 8 (1977): 155-98; idem, "Some Visual Definitions in the Illustrations of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and Politics in the French Translation of Nicole Oresme," Art Bulletin 59 (1977): 320-31; idem, "A Second Instruction to the Reader from Nicole Oresme, Translator of Aristotle's Politics and Economics ," Art Bulletin 61 (1979): 468-69; Sharon Off Dunlap Smith, "Illustrations of Raoul de Praelle's Translation of Saint Augustine's City of God between 1375 and 1420, Vols. I and II" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1975); and Donal Byrne, " Rex Imago Dei: Charles V of France and the Livre des propriétés des choses ," Journal of Medieval History 7 (1981): 97-113.
3. For a diagrammatic analysis of the evolution of Charles V's manuscript, see Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy," 108-15.
4. Although Henri de Trévou did not sign his name in B.N. fr. 2813, comparison of the scribal hand with that in a manuscript of 1379 that he did sign, Jean Golein's Livre des information des princes (B.N. fr. 1950, signed in a colophon, fol. 148v), makes it almost certain that he was the first scribe in B.N. fr. 2813. In both books the aspect of the script and the letter forms are identical, and such secondary details as the decoration for catchwords (a flourished box) and the abbreviation for nota are the same. These stylistic comparisons are confirmed by the fact that marginal notes to the scribe in Ste.-Gen. 782, the textual model continue
for B.N. fr. 2813, are addressed to "Henri." Compare as well B.N. fr. 1728 (fols. 161-end) and B.N. fr. 24287 (fols. 85v-270), attributed to Henri de Trévou in Avril, Librairie , 119-20, no. 206.
The characteristics of Raoulet d'Orléans's hand (the aspect of the script and the tendency to flourish both catchwords and notas with flourished "u"s) are evident in the latter portion of B.N. fr. 2813 and in a number of manuscripts signed by Raoulet: B.N. fr. 12465 (colophon, fol. 147v), B.N. fr. 312 (1396, colophon, fol. 394v), B.N. n. a. fr. 1982 (signed in poem, fol. 86v), and B.N. fr. 5707 (name in corrector's note, fol. 39). See as well Ex-Bute Grandes Chroniques (on deposit in the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris) and B.N. fr. 24287 (fols. 1-85v), attributed to Raoulet in Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Librairie , 93-94, no. 167; 113, no. 196; 119-20, no. 206.
I would like to thank François Avril for calling the unpublished manuscripts to my attention.
5. Delisle, Recherches , 1:312-14; see also Boinet, Les manuscrits à peintures , 39-47. Some of the rubrics added in the margins for Henri had already been incorporated into early fourteenth-century copies of the chronicle. See Chapter 2, note 4.
6. For further discussion of the manuscripts dependent on Charles V's chronicle, see Chapter 8 of this book.
7. For the discussion of conflicts in Normandy, see Calmette, Charles V , 62-65; and Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 421-22.
8. Charles the Simple, chapter 2+, "The Baptism of Rollo" (fol. 166v); Louis IV, chapter 2+, "The Treason of Arnoul, the Count of Flanders" (fol. 169); and Henry, chapter 3, "The Miraculous Feat of the Chief of the Norman Soldiers" (fol. 179v).
9. For the unction and the other sacred symbols of royalty associated with Clovis, see Bloch, The Royal Touch , 130-137. For Clovis's popularity in the Middle Ages, see Colette Beaune, "Saint Clovis: Histoire, religion royale et sentiment nationale en France à la fin du Moyen-Âge," in Le métier d'historien au Moyen-Âge: Étude sur l'historiographie médiévale , ed. Bernard Guenée (Paris, 1977), 13:139-56; and idem, Naissance de la nation France , 55-74. For the representation of Clovis's baptism in art, see Benedicta I. H. Rowe, "Notes on the Clovis Miniature and the Bedford Portrait in the Bedford Book of Hours," Journal of the British Archaeological Association , 3rd series, 25 (1962): 56-64; Sandra Hindman and Gabrielle Spiegel, "The Fleur-de-lis Frontispiece to Guillaume of Nangis's Chronique abrégée: Political Iconography in Late Fifteenth-Century France," Viator 12 (1981): 381-407; and Janet Backhouse, "A Reappraisal of the Bedford Hours," The British Library Journal 7 (1981): 47-70.
10. See Robert Folz, L'idée d'empire en occident de V e au XIV e siècles (Paris, 1953); Speigel, " Reditus "; M. Louis Carolus-Barré and Paul Adam, "Contributions à l'étude de la légende carolingienne: Les armes de Charlemagne dans l'héraldique et l'iconographie médiévales," Mémorial d'un voyage en Rhenanie de la Société nationale des antiquaires de France (1953): 289-308; Jacques Monfrin, "Le figure de Charlemagne dans l'historiographie du XV e siècle," Annuaire-bulletin de la Société de l'histoire de France (1964-65): 67-78; and Zeller, "Les rois de France."
11. For the decoration in the Hôtel Saint-Pol, see Paul Durrieu, "La peinture en France de Jean le Bon à la mort du Charles V (1350-1380)," in André Michael, Histoire de l'art depuis les premiers temps chrétiens jusqu'à nos jours . . . (Paris, 1905-[29]), 3, pt. 1:101-137.
Charles was compared to Charlemagne in the prefaces of at least three works that he had commissioned: Raoul de Praelles's preface to his translation of the City of God (1375), the preface of Denis Foullechat's Polycraticus (1372), and Jean Corbechon's translation of De proprietatibus rerum (1372), cited by Smith, "St. Augustine's City of God ," 288.
12. For a discussion of Charles's 1378 speech, see text pages 121-22. Although Charle-magne had been canonized at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1165, his cuit was not popular in France until the reign of Charles V. For more on the cult of Charlemagne, see Robert Folz, continue
"Aspects du culte liturgique de Saint Charlemaine en France," in Karl der Grosse , ed. W. Braunfels and P.E. Schramm (Düsseldorf, 1967), 4:77-99.
13. In interpreting vignette as representing a historiated initial, I am following the usage in the marginal notes of Ste.-Gen. 782 that dictate the layout of miniatures in B.N. fr. 2813. These notes indicate that either a histoire or a vignette should appear in B.N. fr. 2813. The only other place where vignettes are called for in Charles V's chronicle is on fol. 219 (see Fig. 13) of Ste.-Gen. 782. There a note in the margin calls for vignettes and specifies their height (" vignettes vi [cut by margin] poins" ); two historiated initials were painted in the appropriate space in B.N. fr. 2813 (fol. 173v). This is the only surviving note calling for vignettes in the margins of Ste.-Gen. 782, and the initials executed in B.N. fr. 2813 are the only historiated initials in that manuscript.
14. For the text of Hugh the Great's dream, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:5-7.
15. The notes regarding double miniatures in Ste.-Gen. 782, fols. 152 and 155V, occur in the fifth book of the life of Charlemagne, chapters 1 and 5.
Chapter Six— The Second Stage of Execution (c. 1375—77)
1. For the text added in the second stage of execution, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2: 1-179. For a discussion of the events from 1350 to 1375, see Calmette, Charles V; and Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V.
2. For a detailed codicological discussion of Raoulet's changes in Henri de Trévou's text, see Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy."
3. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:288 and n. 4.
4. The abbreviated version is most common, appearing in 21 of the 23 Grandes Chroniques whose texts I examined. It is edited in Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:310.
5. The only other manuscript to include the elaborate passage on the siege of Calais—a crudely decorated book in Brussels dating from the late fourteenth century (B.R. 2)—omits the discussion of the negotiation and the breaking of the treaty, thus mitigating the anti-English stance of the paragraph.
6. For the text describing the capture of Guines, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:33-34.
7. The other two miniatures to take up three-quarters of a page in this Grandes Chroniques are the Great Feast (fol. 473v) and the entry of Charles V, Charles IV, and Wenceslaus into Paris (fol. 470v), both in the third portion of the manuscript.
8. "Comment la ville et la chastel de Guynes furent pris des Anglois le jour que le roy de France faisoit la feste de l'Etoile à Saint-Oyn. Laquelle feste est cy après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:33.
9. The elaborate stars worn on the chests of the participants in the feast of the Order of the Star have been enlarged by blue repainting, but the original gold stars are visible beneath them.
10. Leopold Pannier, La noble maison de Saint-Ouen . . . et l'Ordre de l'étoile (Paris, 1872) 63-74, 88-90, cited in Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:34.
11. The Order of the Star was short-lived; its only official assembly was in 1352. War in Brittany and the capture of John the Good and other French nobles at Poitiers in 1356 contributed to its demise. See Pannier, Noble maison , 111-40; and David Bessen, "Wishing upon a Star: King John, the Order of the Star, and Politics," in Proceedings of the Illinois Medieval Association , ed. Ruth Hamilton and David Wagner (Dekalb, 1986), 3:193-206.
12. For a discussion of this order, see Cazelles, "Jean II le Bon," 14. break
13. For a discussion of the relationship between the Order of the Garter and the Order of the Star, see Yves Renouard, "L'Ordre de la jarretière et l'Ordre de l'estoile," Moyen-Âge 55 (1949): 281-300.
14. John's return to England was also the only way to avoid rekindling the war with England while waging war against rebellious Charles of Navarre. See Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 447-49.
15. French chroniclers most frequently presented the need to regulate the question of hostages and the dishonorable behavior of the duke of Anjou as reasons for King John's return to England. Ibid.
14. John's return to England was also the only way to avoid rekindling the war with England while waging war against rebellious Charles of Navarre. See Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 447-49.
15. French chroniclers most frequently presented the need to regulate the question of hostages and the dishonorable behavior of the duke of Anjou as reasons for King John's return to England. Ibid.
16. Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 4:27-28 identifies the heraldry in the miniatures from the Grandes Chroniques and cites the Coronation Book as the model for the double picture in the chronicle. In addition, Sherman discusses the artistic relationship between the Grandes Chroniques and the Coronation Book . She does not note the heraldic discrepancies. See Sherman, Portraits , 37.
17. A document of 1377 commissioned bindings for two volumes containing the " croniques de France and those which Pierre d'Orgement had made." For this, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:xii. No such order survives for the version of the text ending in the life of Philip of Valois. Nevertheless, a codicological study of the manuscript suggests that Charles V's Grandes Chroniques was considered completed at that state as well.
18. For the scepter of Charlemagne, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 32, 249, no. 202. For the scepter of Dagobert, see Montfaucon, Les monuments de la monarchie françoise , 1:xxxv and pl. 1.
19. On the Coronation Book , see E. S. Dewick, ed., The Coronation Book of Charles V of France (Cottonian Ms. Tiberius B. VIII) , Henry Bradshaw Society, no. 16 (London, 1899); Richard A. Jackson, ed., "The Traité du sacre of Jean Golein," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 113, no. 4 (1969): 305-24; idem, "Les manuscrits des ordines de couronnement de la bibliothèque de Charles V, roi de France," Moyen-Âge 82 (1976): 76-88; idem, Vive le Roi! , 26-33; Sherman, Portraits , 34-37; and especially idem, "The Queen."
20. For the text of the description of the coronations, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:1-5.
21. Dewick reproduces the images of coronation in Dewick, ed., Coronation Book , pls. 23 and 35.
22. The arms of those who participated in the king's and queen's coronations are as follows: count of Flanders— or, a lion rampant sable; duke of Bourbon— azur, semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a bendelet gules; count of Toulouse— gules, a cross argent voided sable; count of Étampes— azur, semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a bendelet company gules and ermine; duke of Anjou— azur semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a border gules; archbishop of Reims— azur semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a cross argent; and bishop of Beauvais— or, a cross between four keys paleways, a ward in chief gules .
23. The arms of the duke of Burgundy are: quarterly 1 and 4—azur, semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a border company white and gules; 2 and 3—banded with or and azur, a border gules .
24. Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:2-3.
25. Two of the peers included in these pictures may have been represented only by proxy. Although the county of Toulouse had reverted to the throne by the time of Charles V's reign, it is possible that Charles appointed someone to represent this ancient peerage. The chronicles of Charles V's coronation are silent on this point, but representation by proxy was a practice in the coronations of Charles VII in 1429 and of subsequent kings. If scholars are correct in asserting that Louis of Male, count of Flanders, did not attend Charles's coronation, he may have been represented by proxy as well. For the list of peers in the Coronation Book , see Dewick, ed., Coronation Book , cols. 13-14. For the list in the Traité du continue
sacre , see Jackson, " Traité du sacre ," 312. For discussion of representation by proxy, see Jackson, Vive le Roi! , 161-62; and Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 3:88-89.
26. Sherman, "The Queen," 288. Sherman concentrates on the queen's role in the third ordinance. For the texts of these documents, see D. F. Secousse, Ordonnances des roys de France de la troisième race recueillies par ordre chronologique (Paris, 1723-1849), 6:26-32 (the majority), 45-49 (regency conditions), 49-54 ( tutelle ). For discussion of them, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 579-81.
27. For discussion of the Traité du sacre and its relation to the coronation ceremony, see Jackson, " Traité du sacre ," 306-8. See also Sherman, "The Queen," for a discussion of the relationship between the Traité du sacre and the representations of the queen in the Coronation Book .
28. Les pers de france qui sont entour en signifiance des fors qui estoient entour salemon omnes tenentes gladios et ad bella doctissimi . car sil ne tiennent la presentement les espees si sont il pres pour les prendre quant temps en est pour deffendre le Roy et le Royaume en grant hardement." Jackson, " Traité du sacre ," 317.
29. See Hedeman, "Restructuring the Narrative," 173-74.
30. Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:63-65.
31. Cf. B.N. fr. 4324, a seventeenth-century recueil of royal baptismal accounts. It includes a brief Latin description of the baptism of the future Charles VI in 1368 and French accounts of the baptism of his brother, Louis, in 1371, and of the baptismal processions and ceremonies for Charles Orland, son of Charles VIII, in 1492, and for Henry's eldest son in 1543.
32. For Jeanne's role in negotiating peace, see Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 3:177-200.
33. Delisle, "Guillaume de Nangis." Delisle divides the Chronique abrégée into families on the basis of the date of the latest event recorded in the continuations of the manuscripts that survive. Family E, stopping in 1381, and family F, 1383, are the only continuations to incorporate the reigns of John the Good and Charles V. The text for the Chronique abrégée of the reigns of Philip the Bold to Charles VI is based almost exclusively on the Grandes Chroniques and, more specifically, on the copy belonging to Charles V. See also Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:64.
In the Grandes Chroniques the text describing the baptism reads, "Et après estoit la royne Jehanne d'Evreux, qui portoit le dit enfant sur ses bras, et monseigneur Charles, seigneur de Montmorenci, et monseigneur Charles, conte de Dampmartin, estoient de costé lui." See Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:64.
The Chronique abrégée was amended to read, "Et après estoit messire Charles, seigneur de Montmorency qui portoit le dit enfant sur ses bras, et monseigneur Charles, conte de Dampmartin, estoient de costé de lui." This text occurred in each copy of the Chronique abrégée that I consulted—B.N. fr. 17267 and fr. 2816 of family E and fr. 23138 and fr. 20351 of family F.
34. One of the five elaborate marginal notes (see text pages 121-22) and a notarial signature, present only in B.N. fr. 2813, are included in the Chronique abrégée . The text given in the Grandes Chroniques in chapter 20 of the live of Charles V, ends "le XI e jour de mai l'an mil CCCLXIX." This chapter continues in the Chronique abrégée 's family E with: "Et nota que pour les choses dessus dictes recommenca guerre entre les deux roys de france et d'angleterre yvo" (B.N. fr. 17267, fol. 272v), and in family F with "Yvo Nota que pour les choses dessus dictes recommenca guerre entre les deux roys de france et d'angleterre." Charles V's Grandes Chroniques is the only manuscript to transcribe the signature of the notary named Yvo at the end of the treaty and to include in its lower margin the note "que pour ces chose" that was incorporated into the text of the Chroniques abrégée . For a discussion of the treaty, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:76, and n. 2. break
35. Charles IV's and Jeanne of Evreux's daughter Blanche married Philip of France, the Duke of Orléans. See Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:64.
Chapter Seven— The Third Stage of Execution (after 1379)
1. For the text of the third stage of Charles V's Grandes Chroniques , see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:180-360. For a discussion of these events, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V; Calmette, Charles V; and Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , vol. 5.
2. The text in this section of the Grandes Chroniques is so detailed that subsequent copies of the chronicle contain an abridged version, omitting from the description of the emperor's visit chapters 62-65, the second half of 66, and 67-79 of the life of Charles V. They also omit chapter 89, the transcription of the testimony of Jacques la Rue, who confessed to an attempt to poison Charles V. Delachenal notes some, but not all, of these textual omissions. Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:239, 289.
3. For a discussion of the importance of homage to the Capetian and Valois kings, see Michel Gavrilovitch, Étude sur la traité de Paris de 1259 entre Louis IX, roi de France, et Henri III, roi d'Angleterre , Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes-Études, 125 fasc. (Paris, 1899), 49-53; and Eugène Déprez, Les préliminaires de la Guerre de Cent Ans: La papauté, la France et l'Angleterre 1328-1342 , Bibliothèque des Écoles français d'Athènes et de Rome, fasc. 86 (Paris, 1902), 1-82; Georges Cuttino, English Medieval Diplomacy (Bloomington, 1985); Pierre Chaplais, "Le duché-pairie de Guyenne: L'hommage et les services féodaux de 1259 à 1303," Annales du midi 69 (1957): 5-38; and idem, "Le duché-pairie de Guyenne: L'hommage et les services féodaux de 1303 à 1337," Annales du midi 70 (1958): 135-60.
4. Joinville, Vie de Saint Louis , quoted by Gavrilovitch, Étude , 49.
5. Chaplais, "1259 à 1303"; idem, "1303 à 1377". The homage before Philip IV is the most common representation of this ceremony in copies of the Grandes Chroniques . It occurs in 31 of the illuminated copies that I consulted. To my knowledge, no other manuscript pictures Henry III's homage before Saint Louis. Only two other royal manuscripts (B.N. fr. 10135 and B.L. Royal 20 C VII) include the homage of Edward III before Philip of Valois as the miniature for chapter 6 of Philip of Valois's life. In addition a small group of manuscripts with related iconography (B.N. fr. 2606; B.L. Add. 15269; Oxford, Douce 217; and Guildhall 244) begin the life of Philip of Valois with a scene of homage. The moment of the ceremony chosen in these images of homage varies, ranging from the osculum , or kiss; to variants of the immixtio manuum; to transitional movements (for instance, advancing toward the king, extending a hand, or beginning to kneel). As we shall see, some of these pictures are comparable to the smaller images of homage appearing in the lives of Saint Louis and Philip of Valois in Charles V's Grandes Chroniques , but none are as detailed as the two-column miniature in Charles V's manuscript.
6. For a discussion of Philip of Valois's summons to the English king, see Chaplais, "1303 à 1337," 159.
7. Paris, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:192-93; Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:xi; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Thomas, "La visite," 88.
8. For the full text of the added treaty, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:208-16.
9. For the text of the letter from Edward III to Philip of Valois, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:101-4.
10. "Adonc fist le roy d'Angleterre hommage au roy de France, en la forme et manière que contenu est en la chartre seellée du seel du roy d'Angleterre dont la teneur s'ensuit." Ibid., 101. break
11. "Comment le roy d'Angleterre se mist en mer pour venir en la cité d'Amiens ou le Roy d'Angleterre dessus dit devoit faire hommage au roy de France de la duchié d'Aquitaine et de la conté de Pontieu comme homme du roy de France." Ibid., 99. The portion of the rubric that I have italicized was crossed out in red in the manuscript and is omitted from the critical edition.
9. For the text of the letter from Edward III to Philip of Valois, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:101-4.
10. "Adonc fist le roy d'Angleterre hommage au roy de France, en la forme et manière que contenu est en la chartre seellée du seel du roy d'Angleterre dont la teneur s'ensuit." Ibid., 101. break
11. "Comment le roy d'Angleterre se mist en mer pour venir en la cité d'Amiens ou le Roy d'Angleterre dessus dit devoit faire hommage au roy de France de la duchié d'Aquitaine et de la conté de Pontieu comme homme du roy de France." Ibid., 99. The portion of the rubric that I have italicized was crossed out in red in the manuscript and is omitted from the critical edition.
9. For the text of the letter from Edward III to Philip of Valois, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:101-4.
10. "Adonc fist le roy d'Angleterre hommage au roy de France, en la forme et manière que contenu est en la chartre seellée du seel du roy d'Angleterre dont la teneur s'ensuit." Ibid., 101. break
11. "Comment le roy d'Angleterre se mist en mer pour venir en la cité d'Amiens ou le Roy d'Angleterre dessus dit devoit faire hommage au roy de France de la duchié d'Aquitaine et de la conté de Pontieu comme homme du roy de France." Ibid., 99. The portion of the rubric that I have italicized was crossed out in red in the manuscript and is omitted from the critical edition.
12. Le Goff has studied the ritual of homage from an anthropological perspective, and although he points out that no medieval documents interpret the role of homage symbolically, he isolates components of the ritual: the homage (a verbal expression of willingness to serve and the immixtio manuum ), the fealty (an oath), and the investiture of the fief (the presentation by the lord to the vassal of a symbolic object). He analyzes the immixtio manuum, osculum , and investiture in terms of the relationship that they embody between lord and vassal. He concludes that the immixtio manuum creates an unequal relationship between lord and vassal, the osculum makes them equal, and the investiture involves the lord and vassal in a reciprocal arrangement. See Jacques le Goff, "The Symbolic Ritual of Vassalage," in Time, Work, and Culture in the Middle Ages , trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago, 1980), 237-87.
13. Several of the detached drawings in Gaignières's copy (B.N. fr. 20082) are reproduced by Sherman, Portraits , pls. 28-30.
14. The English arms ( three gold leopards passant on a red ground ) include leopards without crowns in every other copy of the Grandes Chroniques that illustrates arms. The traditional English heraldry also appears in Charles V's book in the illustration of the Great Feast, the only miniature besides the pictures of homage to include the English arms.
15. The ceremony of liege homage described by the letter of 1331 can be contrasted with a letter of 1329, describing the simple homage actually performed at Amiens in 1329, reproduced in Rymer and Sanderson, comps., Foedera , 2, pt. 2:765.
16. "Et me samble que li rois Edouwars d'Engleterre fist adonc hommage, de bouce et de parolle tant seulement, sans les mains mettre entre les mains dou roi de France, ou prince ou prelat deputé de par lui." Jean Froissart, Chronique de Froissart , ed. Simeon Luce (Paris, 1869), 1, pt. 2:95.
17. "Car jà murmuroient li pluiseur en Engleterre que leurs sires estoit plus proçains de l'iretage de France que li rois Phelippes." Ibid., 97.
Recent research by Palmer has made interpretation of these passages and analysis of Froissart's work as a whole more difficult. Palmer demonstrates that all existing manuscripts of Froissart's chronicle contain references to historical events that date their composition to the 1390s at the earliest. In addition, he shows that no purely first or second editions of the text exist; each manuscript contains a mixture of what may originally have been first and second redactions. Until further research is accomplished, we will not know with certainty whether the passage on homage was present in the earliest redaction, presumably identical to that given to the English queen in 1361. It is likely that this passage was part of the original version. The text on homage appears in each version of the chronicle except the Amiens manuscript (which Palmer has shown was edited to be pro-French and whose authenticity as a work of Froissart's needs further exploration). The version in the manuscript in Amiens states simply that Edward paid homage: "Et fist là li roys d'Engleterre hommage au roy de Franche de la conté de Ponthieu qu'il tenoit, et de la terre de Gascoingne de tout ce qu'il en appertenoit au roy."
See J[ohn] J[oseph] N[orman] Palmer, "Book I (1325-78) and its Sources," in Froissart: Historian , ed. J.J.N. Palmer (Totowa, N.J., 1981), 7-24; and, for the text of the version of the chronicle in Amiens, Baron J.B.M.C. Kervyn de Lettenhove, OEvres * de Froissart (1876; reprint Osnabruck, 1967), 2:231.
16. "Et me samble que li rois Edouwars d'Engleterre fist adonc hommage, de bouce et de parolle tant seulement, sans les mains mettre entre les mains dou roi de France, ou prince ou prelat deputé de par lui." Jean Froissart, Chronique de Froissart , ed. Simeon Luce (Paris, 1869), 1, pt. 2:95.
17. "Car jà murmuroient li pluiseur en Engleterre que leurs sires estoit plus proçains de l'iretage de France que li rois Phelippes." Ibid., 97.
Recent research by Palmer has made interpretation of these passages and analysis of Froissart's work as a whole more difficult. Palmer demonstrates that all existing manuscripts of Froissart's chronicle contain references to historical events that date their composition to the 1390s at the earliest. In addition, he shows that no purely first or second editions of the text exist; each manuscript contains a mixture of what may originally have been first and second redactions. Until further research is accomplished, we will not know with certainty whether the passage on homage was present in the earliest redaction, presumably identical to that given to the English queen in 1361. It is likely that this passage was part of the original version. The text on homage appears in each version of the chronicle except the Amiens manuscript (which Palmer has shown was edited to be pro-French and whose authenticity as a work of Froissart's needs further exploration). The version in the manuscript in Amiens states simply that Edward paid homage: "Et fist là li roys d'Engleterre hommage au roy de Franche de la conté de Ponthieu qu'il tenoit, et de la terre de Gascoingne de tout ce qu'il en appertenoit au roy."
See J[ohn] J[oseph] N[orman] Palmer, "Book I (1325-78) and its Sources," in Froissart: Historian , ed. J.J.N. Palmer (Totowa, N.J., 1981), 7-24; and, for the text of the version of the chronicle in Amiens, Baron J.B.M.C. Kervyn de Lettenhove, OEvres * de Froissart (1876; reprint Osnabruck, 1967), 2:231.
18. Palmer, "Book I," xviii. For the chronicle of Jean le Bel, see le Bel, Chronique . break
19. For a full transcription of the description of Charles V's speech and an outline of its relationship to marginal annotations and to substituted texts and miniatures, see Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy," 116-17.
20. "Et encores detient en tres grant contempt et mesprisement du Roy et de sa souveraineté, et en actemptant et entreprenant contre ycelles souverainetez." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:99.
21. "Nota qu'il les fist mourir."
22. "Les fist prendre et murtrier mauvaisement, contre Dieu et justice, et en offense du Roy et du royaume de France." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:254.
23. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:71-72.
24. The group of courtly manuscripts that copy Charles V's chronicle does not even include a miniature for the beginning of the life of Philip of Valois. This group raises the question of whether Charles V's Grandes Chroniques had a miniature before this new leaf was substituted. For this group of closely related manuscripts, see Chapter 8 in this book.
25. Charles V's Grandes Chroniques alone includes as the first chapter's heading, "Le premier chapitre. Comment Philippe conte de Valois ot le gouvernement du royaume et de son courronnement." More frequently, the first chapter's rubric is "Le premier chapitre parle des questions auquel devoit estre commis le gouvernement du royaume." The latter rubric was omitted from the critical editions of Delachenal and Paris.
No surviving manuscripts predate Charles V's Grandes Chroniques and end with the life of Philip of Valois. Nevertheless, several later manuscripts contain evidence for the existence of a version of the Grandes Chroniques terminating with the life of Philip of Valois. Both B.N. fr. 17270 and B.N. fr. 10135 close in 1350, and B.N. fr. 20350, though continuing through the life of Charles V to the coronation of Charles VI, ends the life of Philip of Valois with the rubric, "Ci fenissent les croniques de France." See Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 122.
26. The fourth insert comprises a full-page frontispiece with six scenes, a short prefatory paragraph, and an author portrait of a monk. For the text, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:25.
27. For Philip of Valois's and John the Good's use of Saint Louis, see text pages 63-68.
28. Sherman, "The Queen," 257 n. 5.
29. Charles may have been spurred to commission this group of tombs by his father. In his testament, made when he was dying in London in 1364, John the Good ordered that he be buried in Saint-Denis: "Nous ordenons et elisons nostre sépulture en l'église de Mons. Saint Denis en France au lieu et place ou noz devanciers Roys de France l'ont acoustumé à estre." For this, see Germain Bapst, Testament du roi Jean le Bon et inventaire de ses joyaux (Paris, 1884), 14.
30. See Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 4:532. For the question of the age of Saint Louis at his majority, see Olivier-Martin, Études sur les régences , 78.
31. Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 4:533. Delachenal loosely translates the Latin passage dealing with Saint Louis as follows:
C'est en traits indélébiles, dit le Roi, que reste gravé dans notre coeur * l'exemple de notre saint aïeul et prédécesseur, notre patron, notre défenseur et notre special seigneur, le bienheureux Louis, fleur, honneur, lumière, et miroir, non seulement de la race royale, mais de tous les français, dont la mémoire est en benediction et vivra à jamais de cet homme qui, par une protection divine, n'a été touché par la contagion d'aucune faute mortelle et a gouverné de façon si exemplaire son royaume et l'état que ses actes, objet de l'admiration du monde tant que le soleil suivra sa route dans le ciel, doivent inspirer notre conduite et celle de nos successors, de façon que sa vie soit pour nous un constant enseignement. break
Descent from Saint Louis remained a popular theme in Valois programs throughout the reigns of the last Valois kings at the end of the fifteenth century. During this late period it found expression in public celebrations rather than chronicle illustration or political treatises. For example, tableaux vivants in royal entries often depicted a royal version of the tree of Jesse, with Saint Louis as originator of the line. For studies of royal entries, see Bernard Guenée and Françoise Lehoux, Les entrées royales françaises de 1328 à 1515 (Paris, 1968); and Lawrence Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual, and Art in the Renaissance , Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance, no. 216 (Geneva, 1986). For a discussion of the popularity of Saint Louis in the late fifteenth century, see Hindman and Spiegel, "Fleur-de-lis Frontispiece," 381-407.
32. Written early in the fourteenth century, Saint-Pathus's text focuses exclusively on the youth and charitable acts of Saint Louis as pictured in the frontispiece. The eleventh chapter discusses his charity toward the poor and the sick and his care for the dead and cites among other examples Saint Louis's custom of washing the feet of several poor monks each Saturday, his kindness toward the leper monk of Royaumont, and his burial of the decomposed bodies at Sidon. Chapter 14 describes Louis's penitence and cites as one instance his submission to scourging by his confessor. The Vie de Saint Louis by Guillaume de Saint-Pathus established the order of the pictures in the frontispiece. See Saint-Pathus, Vie de Saint Louis , 80, 94-95, 99-102, 122-23. The illustrations of Saint Louis's care for the leper of Royaumont, Saint Louis washing the feet of the poor, the burial of the Crusaders' bones at Sidon, and Saint Louis's submission to scourging by his confessor are identical in iconography to many Capetian images. The iconography of the miniature depicting the education of Saint Louis, to be discussed below, is not as close. For these Capetian commissions see Chapter 1, note 9. The Vie de Saint Louis does not describe the birth of Louis IX. To my knowledge, no other commission based on Saint-Pathus's text illustrates this scene.
33. Sherman, "The Queen," 262, 291-93.
34. Cf. B.N. fr. 20350, fols. 412v and 487; and B.L. Sloane 2433, vol. C, fols. 128v and 137, which represent the baptisms of the dauphin and of Louis, duke of Orléans, in identical fashion. See also B.L. Royal 20 C VII, fols. 172 and 189, which leave a blank for the baptism of Charles VI and include an image of the nativity of Louis, duke of Orléans. To my knowledge the only manuscript that illustrates the baptism of Charles VI and does not include an illustration of his brother's birth or baptism is B.N. fr. 2608, a manuscript based on Charles V's, whose arms suggest that it belonged to Charles VI before passing into the collection of John, duke of Berry, who signed it.
35. For a description of this manuscript from Charles V's library, see Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 81; and Thomas, "L'iconographie," 209-31.
36. The issue of the proper education of a prince, important to Charles V, was the subject of literary discussion during his son's reign. Philip de Mézières, appointed tutor to the dauphin by Charles V, expressed his own views on the education of princes in a book, Le songe du vieil pelerin , addressed to the young Charles VI in the 1390s. It stresses the importance of education as one of many themes and cites Louis IX and Charles V as two kings who took an active role in educating themselves and their children. A second text to laud Charles V is Christine de Pizan's Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roi Charles V , commissioned by Charles's brother Philip the Bold of Burgundy in 1404. This eulogistic biography puts great stress on the king's intellectual accomplishments and his good government. Numerous books, sermons, and letters written by members of the court and university community during the last portion of the fourteenth century and the early fifteenth century focus, as do Philip de Mézières's and Christine de Pizan's works, on the important problem of a prince's education. For discussion of these texts and of the ideal education for a prince in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and for reference to the influence of the models of Saint Louis and Charles V, see Krynen, Idéal du prince , continue
230; and Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 5:59-62. For the text, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:193-277.
37. The subcycle dealing with the emperor's visit has been discussed by Thomas, "La visite"; Sherman, Portraits , 42; Krynen, Idéal du prince , 230; and Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 5:59-62. For the text, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:193-277.
38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.
39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.
40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.
41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.
42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.
For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.
38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.
39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.
40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.
41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.
42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.
For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.
38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.
39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.
40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.
41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.
42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.
For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.
38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.
39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.
40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.
41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.
42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.
For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.
38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.
39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.
40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.
41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.
42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.
For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.
43. For an account of Godfrey of Bouillon, see John Andressohn, The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of Bouillon (1947; reprint Freeport, 1972); Jacques A. S. Collin de Plancy, Godefroid de Bouillon, croniques et légendes du temps des deux premières croisades 1095-1180 (Brussels, 1842); idem, La chronique de Godefroid de Bouillon (Paris, 1853).
44. See Charles W. David, Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy (Cambridge, Mass., 1920), for a description of Robert of Normandy's role in the First Crusade.
Fourteenth-century accounts of the capture of Jerusalem do not describe the English king as being (or having been) present. For instance, a manuscript of the Roman de Godefroi de Bouillon dated 1337 that compiles the first and second cycles of the crusades (B.N. fr. 22495) specifies who was with Godfrey: "asses tost empres le duc entrent eu li cuens de flandres, li ducs de normandie, Tancred le vailla[n]s, hue li cuens de saint-paul, bauduin de borc, Gascel de bediers & mainte autre bon chevalier que l'en ne peust pas toz nommer" (fol. 70). For this manuscript, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 410, no. 350.
45. The English king's presence was noted as anachronistic by Loomis, "Secular Dramatics," 251. However, she viewed the inclusion of the English king, whom she identified as Richard the Lionheart from the Third Crusade, as a mistake occasioned by the influence of "a familiar representation of the Pas Saladin ." I believe that the fidelity with which extratextual detail is presented in this manuscript makes her interpretation unlikely. Loomis's own observation (based on a comparison of the description of the play in 1378 with a description of a play of the Pas Saladin [1389] in Froissart's chronicle) that the same set may have been used in both plays supports an interpretation of the details in the miniature as realistic.
46. "Et fist le roy faire à propos ceste histoire, que il lui sembloit que devant plus grans en la Chrestienté ne povoit on ramentevoir, ne donner exemple, de plus notable fait, ne à gens qui mieulx peussent, deussent et feussent tenus tele chose faire et entreprendre, ou service de Dieu." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:238-40; cited in Bullough, "Games," 100.
47. For a discussion of the attitudes of Charles V and Edward III to crusading, see Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades 1095-1588 (Chicago, 1988), 288-94.
48. See text pages 107-109. break
49. Other anachronisms—the use of the arms of Jerusalem, which were not yet extant at the time of the First Crusade, and the representation of a crowned Godfrey before he had captured the city and been crowned—might be caused by a need to identify Godfrey with an attribute of kingship (a crown) and reference to his domain (Jerusalem).
50. For the speech given by Charles before the emperor, see text pages 121-22.
51. The county of Auvergne was made a "duché-pairie" and given to John of Berry in 1360, and Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy became count of Flanders when he married Margaret of Flanders in 1369. For these, see Raoul de Warren, "Les pairs de France sous l'ancien régime," Les cahiers nobles 15 (1958): nos. 5, 28. For the role of the dukes of Berry and Burgundy in the protocol of the state visit see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:203-4 (they head the delegation sent to greet the emperor when he arrives on French soil), 221 (they are in a privileged position in the state entry into Paris), 236-37 (they are among those who sit with the dauphin at the state dinner), and 193-274 passim .
Chapter Eight— The Legacy of Charles V
1. On history and politics during the reign of Charles VI, see Françoise Autrand, Charles VI: La folie du roi (Paris, 1986); Jacques d'Avout, La querelle des Armagnacs et des Bourguignons (Paris, 1943); Henri David, Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne et co-regent de France de 1392 à 1404: Le train somptuaire d'un grand Valois (Dijon, 1947); Richard C. Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue: Crisis at the Court of Charles VI 1392-1420 (New York, 1986): Eugène Jarry, La vie politique de Louis de France, duc d'Orléans 1372-1407 (Paris, 1889); Léon Mirot, "L'enlèvement du dauphin et la prise d'armes entre Jean sans Peur et le duc d'Orléans," Revue des questions historiques 95 (1914): 328-55; 96 (1914): 47-68, 367-449; 97 (1914): 53-55, 396-97; Michel Nordberg, Les ducs et la royauté: Études sur la rivalité des ducs d'Orléans et de Bourgogne 1392-1407 , Studia Historica Upsaliensia, no. 12 (Uppsala, 1964); J[ohn] J[oseph] N[orman] Palmer, England, France, and Christendom 1377-1399 (Chapel Hill, 1972); Richard Vaughan, Philip the Bold: The Formation of the Burgundian State (Cambridge, Mass., 1962); idem, John the Fearless: The Growth of Burgundian Power (New York, 1966). On the regency established for Charles VI, see text page 113; and Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 579-81.
2. Famiglietti's analysis of Charles's madness raises the question of whether he was ever fully sane after the onset of his illness in 1392. See "The Mental Disorder of Charles VI," in Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue , 1-21.
3. Although the structure of these regency councils varied, they generally included, among others, the Queen, Louis of Orléans, John of Berry, Philip the Bold, and, after 1404, John the Fearless. Different provisions for the regency were established in 1393, 1402, 1403 (at least two), 1405, 1406, 1407, and 1409. For the most comprehensive discussion of these, see Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue .
4. For discussion of the civil war, see Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue ; Jarry, La vie politique , 257-359; and Autrand, Charles VI , 425-501. Famiglietti pays close attention to the roles of Queen Isabeau and the dauphin Louis and gives a balanced view of the role of John the Fearless, duke of Burgundy, in the dauphin's government. See Royal Intrigue , especially 73-75, 82-84.
5. For Charles V's commissions, see Monfrin, "Humanisme et traduction"; idem, "Les traducteurs"; and text pages 95-133.
6. Monfrin, "Humanisme et traduction," 178. Monfrin discusses the literary patronage of Charles VI, Louis of Bourbon, and John of Berry, among others.
7. The theory that Louis of Orléans used his commissions in an attempt to present himself as a successor to Charles VI is advanced in Christopher Ronald Schultz, "The Artistic and continue
Literary Patronage of Louis of Orléans and his Wife, Valentine Visconti, 1399-1408" (Ph.D. diss., Emory University, 1977). For other political ambitions of Louis of Orléans, see Gilbert Ouy, "Humanisme et propagande politique en France au début de XIV e siècle: Ambrogio Migli et les ambitions impériales de Louis d'Orléans," Culture et politique en France à l'époque de l'humanisme et de la Renaissance. Atti del Convegno internazionale promosso dall'Accademia delle scienze di Torino in collaborazione con la Fondazione Giorgio Cini di Venezia, 29 marzo-3 aprile 1971 , ed. Franco Simone (Turin, 1974), 13-42.
8. For a summary of his view on the political literature produced during Charles VI's reign, see Krynen, Idéal du prince , 42-48.
9. On the role of the royal chancellery and the University of Paris in political theory, see Lewis, "War Propaganda and Historiography in Fifteenth-Century France and England," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th series, 15 (1965): 1-21; Krynen, Idéal du prince ; Jean de Montreuil, L'oeuvre * historique et polémique , in Opera , vol. 2, ed. Nicole Grévy, Ezio Ornato, and Gilbert Ouy (Turin, 1975); idem, Textes divers, appendices et tables , in Opera , vol. 3, ed. Nicole Grévy-Pons, Ezio Ornato, and Gilbert Ouy (Paris, 1981); Nicole Grévy-Pons, "Propagande et sentiment national pendant le règne de Charles VI: L'exemple de Jean de Montreuil," Francia 8 (1980): 127-45; Pons, "La propagande"; and idem, "Latin et français au XV ème siècle."
10. Jean de Montreuil's treatise, following in its broad outline the structure of Charles V's tirade, became an integral part of an unillustrated fifteenth-century manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques (B.N. fr. 4983). It is ironic that an argument once viewed as too specialized for inclusion in the Grandes Chroniques should later rejoin its original text—albeit in a different guise.
For the date of Montreuil's texts, see Montreuil, L'oeuvre historique , 9, 17-18. For the texts, see ibid., 159-261; and idem, Textes divers , 53-110. For discussion of Charles V's speech, see text pages 121-22.
9. On the role of the royal chancellery and the University of Paris in political theory, see Lewis, "War Propaganda and Historiography in Fifteenth-Century France and England," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th series, 15 (1965): 1-21; Krynen, Idéal du prince ; Jean de Montreuil, L'oeuvre * historique et polémique , in Opera , vol. 2, ed. Nicole Grévy, Ezio Ornato, and Gilbert Ouy (Turin, 1975); idem, Textes divers, appendices et tables , in Opera , vol. 3, ed. Nicole Grévy-Pons, Ezio Ornato, and Gilbert Ouy (Paris, 1981); Nicole Grévy-Pons, "Propagande et sentiment national pendant le règne de Charles VI: L'exemple de Jean de Montreuil," Francia 8 (1980): 127-45; Pons, "La propagande"; and idem, "Latin et français au XV ème siècle."
10. Jean de Montreuil's treatise, following in its broad outline the structure of Charles V's tirade, became an integral part of an unillustrated fifteenth-century manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques (B.N. fr. 4983). It is ironic that an argument once viewed as too specialized for inclusion in the Grandes Chroniques should later rejoin its original text—albeit in a different guise.
For the date of Montreuil's texts, see Montreuil, L'oeuvre historique , 9, 17-18. For the texts, see ibid., 159-261; and idem, Textes divers , 53-110. For discussion of Charles V's speech, see text pages 121-22.
11. For a discussion of Christine de Pizan's views on the monarchy, see Claude Gauvard, "Christine de Pisan, a-t-elle eu une pensée politique?" Revue historique 253 (1973): 417-30; Hindman, Épistre Othéa ; Krynen, Idéal du prince ; Gianni Mombello, "Quelques aspects de la pensée politique de Christine de Pizan d'après ses oeuvres * publiées," Culture et politique en France à l'époque de l'humanisme et de la Renaissance. Atti del Convegno internazionale promosso dall'Accademia delle scienze di Torino in collaborazione con la Fondazione Giorgio Cini di Venezia, 29 marzo-3 aprile, 1971 , ed. Franco Simone (Turin, 1974), 43-152; and Josette Wisman, "L'éveil du sentiment nationale au Moyen-Âge: La pensée politique de Christine de Pisan," Revue historique 257 (1977): 289-97.
For the views of Philip de Mézières, see Nicolas Iorga, Philippe de Mézières 1327-1405 et la croisade au XIV e siècle (Paris, 1896), Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes-Études, Sciences philologique et historique, 110 fasc.; Mézières, Letter to King Richard II; idem, Le songe du vieil pelerin , ed. George W. Coopland (Cambridge, 1969). On illustrations to his autograph manuscripts, see Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 144-56; and Margaret V. Clarke, "The Wilton Diptych," Burlington Magazine 58 (1931): 283-94.
12. The conservative manuscripts include Lyon, B.M. 880; B.N. fr. 2608 and B.N. fr. 10135; and Vienna, ÖNB 2564.
13. See Mézières, Songe ; and Christine de Pizan, Livre des fais .
14. For the marginal notes transferred from Charles V's copy to Charles VI's, and the speech they annotate in Charles V's chronicle, see text pages 121-22; and Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy," 116-17.
15. A diplomatic base, established as early as 1393, was cemented in 1396 when Isabel, Charles VI's daughter, was engaged to Richard II, king of England. See Autrand, Charles VI , 330-31; and Palmer, England, France and Christendom , 173-74. break
16. On the cerf volant , see Beaune, "Costume et pouvoir en France à la fin du Moyen-Âge; Les devises royales vers 1400," Revue des sciences humaines 183 (1981): 138 especially; and Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 146-52. Beaune's examination of royal accounts for payments for cerfs volants suggests that they were most popular from 1382 to 1390 and that they scarcely ever appeared after 1394.
17. On St. Denis's successful transition to national saint, see Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 83-125.
18. For a fuller discussion of the prologue, see the Introduction to this book, and for a discussion of the cult of Saint Louis, see Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 126-64.
19. The earliest known instance of the pairing of Saints Denis and Louis in a secular celebration occurred in a mystère at the entry of Charles VII into Paris in 1437. Even in this entry, Saints Denis and Louis appeared in a quasi-religious context; they were grouped in one scene with other saints popular in Paris—Thomas, Maurice, and Geneviève—as one of a series of mystères that included the seven deadly sins, the seven virtues, and scenes from the life of Christ. Bryant considers that their presence at the Painter's Gate refers to the king's juridical obligations. On this entry, see Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 26-27, 70-79; and Bryant, King and the City , 158-59. A painting of circa 1350 from Saint Michael's chapel in the royal palace commemorated the attachment of the Dauphiné to France in a picture that showed Blanche of Navarre; Philip of Valois; and the dauphin, Charles, at the crucifixion, under the protection of Saint Louis and Saint Denis. In the reign of Charles VII (circa 1450) a painting done for the Parlement of Paris showed Saint Louis (a portrait of Charles VII), Saint Denis, Saint Charlemagne, and Saint John the Baptist flanking a crucifixion. On these paintings, see Jean Bernard de Vaivre, "Sur trois primitifs français du XIV e siècle et le portrait de Jean le Bon," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 97 (1981): 131-56; and Charles Sterling and Hélène Adhemar, Peintures: École française XIV e , XV e , et XVI e siècles, (Paris, 1954), 17-18 no. 43, and pls. 120-27.
20. For a discussion of Saint Denis's role as a protector of royal health, see Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 96. For a description of the cure of John, duke of Normandy, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques 9:148-50, cited in Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 97. According to the Grandes Chroniques , Philip of Valois and his son, John, went on foot to Saint-Denis to give thanks for the cure to Saint Denis, "their patron."
21. "La fueille qui est ou mileu nous segnefie la foy crestienne, et les autres II du costé senefient le clergié et la chevalerie qui doivent estre touz jourz apareillié de deffendre la foy crestienne. Et tant comme ces III demorront en France, foy, clergié et chevalerie, le reanme de France sera fort et ferme et plain de richece et d'onneur." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:61. This text appears in chapter 13 of the life of Saint Louis.
For the cult of the fleur-de-lis and the literary antecedents for this passage, see Hindman and Spiegel, "Fleur-de-lis Frontispiece," 385-93.
22. The Christian kingship of the French ruler and the symbolism of the fleur-de-lis were part of the theory of sacred kingship first formulated during the reign of Philip the Fair. See Strayer, "France, the Holy Land"; and Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 237-64. For its popularity in political theory during Charles VI's reign, see Krynen, Idéal du prince , 207-39.
Gerson in particular echoed the Grandes Chroniques and promoted the fleur-de-lis as a sign of good government in a sermon of 1392: "Et vous, très noble et excellent prince metez y diligence; ne souffres point que la noble louenge de vos predecesseurs qui est que on les apelle roys très créstiens, en vous defaille ou diminue. Prenes et constamment recepvues cet éscu d'armes à trois fleurs de liz pour la créance de la trinité en l'unité de la divinité." Cited in Krynen, Idéal du prince , 225. For the full text of the sermon, see Jean Gerson, L'oeuvre * poétique , vol. 4 of OEuvres * complètes , ed. Palemon Glorieux (Paris, 1960-73), 113-14. break
23. For John of Montaigu, who owned Vienna, ÖNB 2564, see L. Merlet, "Biographie de Jean de Montagu, Grand-Maître de France (1350-1409)," Bibliothèque de l'École de Chartes 3 (1852): 248-84.
24. These versions of the Grandes Chroniques incorporate the same mistake in their texts—both jump within one folio from the end of chapter 72 of the life of Philip IV into the middle of chapter 1 of the life of Louis X, thus omitting five chapters of text. This error went unnoticed in the manuscript from Lyon; an unsuccessful attempt was made to correct it in John of Montaigu's book.
Chapter Nine— Popular Manuscripts and the Religion Royale
1. On the Parisian book trade in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see Delalain, Étude sur les libraires ; Schultz, "Artistic and Literary Patronage," 181; Françoise Baron, "Enlumineurs, peintres, et sculpteurs Parisiens des XIV e et XV e siècles d'après les Archives de l'Hôpital Saint-Jacques-aux-Pèlerins," Bulletin archéologique du comité des travaux historique et scientifique 6 (1970): 77-116; Patrick M. de Winter, "Copistes, éditeurs, et enlumineurs de la fin du XIV e siècle: La production à Paris de manuscrits à miniatures," Actes du 100 e congrès national des sociétés savantes (1975) (Paris, 1978): 173-98; idem, La bibliothèque de Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne 1364-1404: Étude sur les manuscrits à peintures d'une collection princière à l'époque du "style gothique international" (Paris, 1985); Hindman, "Role of Author and Artist"; and idem, Épistre Othéa , 61-77.
Although only two identifiable manuscripts produced for the book trade survive, other sources enable us to construct a broader picture of ownership for these books. Guenée rightly suggests that surviving inventories and other marks of ownership point to a restricted audience of kings and princes of France, close counsellors to the king, and nobles. Of those in government service, only members of the chancery demonstrated an interest in the Grandes Chroniques , and that was mostly in the late fifteenth century. Members of other governmental groups seem not to have owned these chronicles. Thus, in a study of libraries of members of Parlement during the reign of Charles VI, Autrand found only compendia (like that of Vincent of Beauvais), ancient history, and Trojan history. See Guenée, Histoire et culture historique , 321-23; idem, "Les Grandes Chroniques ;" and Françoise Autrand, "Culture et mentalité: Les librairies des gens du Parlement au temps du Charles VI," Annales. Économies, sociétés, civilisations 30 (1973): 1219-44.
2. For the displacement of the scene of Dagobert's patronage of Saint-Denis, see Guildhall 244, fol. 65v; Oxford Douce 217, fol. 57v; B.N. fr. 2597, fol. 65; W. 139, fol. 83v; Besançon, B.M. 863, fol. 56v; and Musée Condé 867, fol. 63v.
The misrepresentation of Empress Richilda as an emperor occurs in four manuscripts: Guildhall 244, fol. 169v; Oxford Douce 217, fol. 153; Arsenal 5223, fol. 161; and B.N. fr. 2597, fol. 179. One book from this iconographical group suggests a possible textual source for this error; in the manuscript in the Arsenal Library, rubrics and text are changed to describe the emperor who presents the sword.
3. On W. 138, fol. 269, a rubric describes Charles VI, "qui a present regne m.cccc." For this, see Lilian M. C. Randall, France, 875-1420, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery , vol. 1 (Baltimore, 1989), 213-15, no. 80.
4. The two manuscripts from this group that include the beginning of the Grandes Chroniques (Valenciennes, B.M. 637 and Paris, B.N. fr. 2604) incorporate the four directions to the illuminator that first survive in Thomas of Maubeuge's Grandes Chroniques and that persistently appear in nonroyal copies of the text. See Chapter 2, note 38.
The notes to the illuminator in the Grandes Chroniques in Valenciennes were first published by J. Mangaert, Catalogue descriptif et raisonné des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Valenciennes continue
(Paris, 1860), 512-16. These are transcribed in the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. For discussion of notes to the illuminator in an earlier copy of the Grandes Chroniques , see the discussion of B.N. fr. 10132 in Chapter 2.
5. See Valenciennes, B.M. 637, fol. 214v; and B.N. fr. 2604, fol. 236, both described by the note: "Comment le roy siet en une chere et pluseurs nobles deriere li et oussi devant lui et at un jeune homme en genoulz sans chapperon a cui il prent la main," and see Valenciennes, B.M. 637, fol. 252v; B.N. fr. 2604, fol. 278; and W. 138, fol. 31v, described by the note: "Le pape seant en une haulte chere engourdinée devant lequel il at un homme agnulie sur lequel il met sa main sur sa teste et est vestu d'une house et devant ledit pape at pluiseurs clers vestus de housses avec bonnets siur les testes."
6. Fol. 134: "Comment le roy est tout droit accompaignies de deux nobles devant li tient son petit fils par la main et le present a ij evesque et le premier le benit et at deriere un chappellain."
7. Fol. 237v: "Un roy tout armé sans heaume assis sur un peton plusieurs gens d'armes a tous leurs escus derriere li tous drois et iij hommes en genoulz nue les testes en presentant leur espée par les points en criant merci." B.N. fr. 2604, fol. 248v, illustrates this scene as well.
8. Valenciennes, B.M. 637 does not have directions for the pictures on fols. 2, 14, 32, and 154. Miniatures in Paris, B.N. fr. 2604 (on fols. 1, 2v, 12v, 16v, 34, 145, 168v, 205, 330v, 349, 374, and 381) and in W. 138 (on fols. 87v, 107, 132, 133v, and 138v) illustrate scenes that either were not illustrated or did not have marginal directions in Valenciennes B.M. 637. For the subjects of these pictures, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book.
9. Valenciennes, B.M. 637, fol. 111: "Comment le roy est tout droit et plusieurs nobles devant lui et devant li un chastiaulx et petites gens qui machonnant a tour, et en at un sur une eschiele et lautre bas qui taille pierre." Both pictures illustrate the rubric, "Li premiers parole des eglises et des autres edifices que li empereres edifia; de ses fames et de ses enfanz, et comment il furent norri et entroduit, et puis parole d'un sien fil de bast, qui avoit non Pepins, coment il fist conspiration contre son pere et de la venjance des traitors," equally well. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:140.
10. On the role of Clovis in the religion royale , see Bloch, Royal Touch , 77, 130-36; Beaune, "Saint Clovis"; idem, Naissance de la nation France , 55-77; Hindman and Spiegel, "Fleur-de-lis Frontispiece"; and Krynen, Idéal du prince , 214-15.
11. The change of iconography for Clovis in this frontispiece may result from the separation of text and image. In the image of Clovis's baptism from the manuscript in Paris, the unction is brought to St. Remi by the dove described in the text of the Grandes Chroniques . In the manuscript in Valenciennes, an angel brings the unction. These interpretations were viewed as alternate solutions as early as the time of Charles V, when a document describes the unction as brought by "the Holy Spirit, or it may be an angel, appearing in the form of a dove." For this document, see Bloch, Royal Touch , 77. Varied readings continued in the fifteenth century when these manuscripts were produced. See Krynen, Idéal du prince , 221.
Only two other copies of the Grandes Chroniques contain two frontispieces. In B.N. fr. 17270 the second frontispiece marks the beginning of the life of Charlemagne, and in B.R. 5 it marks the beginning of the life of Louis the Pious.
12. For a discussion of Clovis as a model king and saint, see Beaune, "Saint Clovis." Beaune cites texts from the late fourteenth century that are as diverse as a universal chronicle written by the abbot of Moissac, Aimeri de Peyrac, and a poem written by Jean Gerson. Ibid., 148.
11. The change of iconography for Clovis in this frontispiece may result from the separation of text and image. In the image of Clovis's baptism from the manuscript in Paris, the unction is brought to St. Remi by the dove described in the text of the Grandes Chroniques . In the manuscript in Valenciennes, an angel brings the unction. These interpretations were viewed as alternate solutions as early as the time of Charles V, when a document describes the unction as brought by "the Holy Spirit, or it may be an angel, appearing in the form of a dove." For this document, see Bloch, Royal Touch , 77. Varied readings continued in the fifteenth century when these manuscripts were produced. See Krynen, Idéal du prince , 221.
Only two other copies of the Grandes Chroniques contain two frontispieces. In B.N. fr. 17270 the second frontispiece marks the beginning of the life of Charlemagne, and in B.R. 5 it marks the beginning of the life of Louis the Pious.
12. For a discussion of Clovis as a model king and saint, see Beaune, "Saint Clovis." Beaune cites texts from the late fourteenth century that are as diverse as a universal chronicle written by the abbot of Moissac, Aimeri de Peyrac, and a poem written by Jean Gerson. Ibid., 148.
13. The passage in the Songe du vergier used to legitimize Valois rule reads as follows: "Or est vray comme il a esté touchée, que le roy Pypin a esté esleü par le pueple, ne n'a pas, pour sez demerites, deservi estre deposé, ne aussi ceulx qui sont, jusques au jour d'uy, descendus de luy, mez sont lez roys de France oyns de la Saincte Ampoule envoïee par continue
l'Angre dez Cieulx. Et que dirons nous plus? Considerons la saincteté de ceste benoite lygnie; et premierement, lez fés et lez miracles de monsiegneur saint Charlemaigne, de monsiegneur saint Louys, roy de France, saint Louys de Marseille, saint Charles de Blais, jadiz duc de Bretaingne, et de plusieurs aultres Sainz qui sont descendus de ceste lygnie; considerons aussi lez graces, les vertus et lez miracles que Dieex a fais et ottroïés a Charles, le Quint de ce nom, qui a present regne; et certes nous trouverons, et pourons seürement conclurre, que le royaume de France qui a present est si est vary et naturel royaume, sanz violance, sanz force et sanz tyrannie, et de la volanté de Dieu establi." See Marion Schnerb-Lièvre, ed., Le songe du vergier (Paris, 1982), 1:153-54.
14. See Smith, "Saint Augustine's City of God "; and Jackson, Traité du sacre .
Chapter Ten— Advice to the Nobility in Manuscripts Produced in the Style of the Master of the Cité des Dames
1. The Master of the Cité des Dames is actually a number of masters who worked in a homogeneous style. For consistency with Meiss, who first published this group of artists, I shall refer to them as the Master of the Cité des Dames . On this style, see Millard Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: The Late Fourteenth Century and the Partronage of the Duke , Kress Foundation Studies in the History of Art (London, 1969), 1:356-57; and idem, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: The Limbourg Brothers and Their Contemporaries (New York, 1974), 1:377-82.
2. " . . . trouver bien et mal, bel et lait, sens et folie, et fere son preu de tout par les examples de l'estoire." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:3.
3. For a discussion of realia in one presentation miniature, see Sandra Hindman, "The Iconography of Queen Isabeau of Bavaria (1410-1415): An Essay in Method," Gazette des Beaux-Arts , 102 (1983): 93-123.
4. Although Meiss dates three of these manuscripts (Phillipps 1917, M. 536, and Mazarine 2028) between 1410 and 1412, I believe that the manuscripts now in the Bibliothèque Mazarine and in Berlin are of earlier date. The other books in which the Épistre Master, the second artist in Mazarine 2028, worked date from 1403-1408. Further, the secondary decoration in the Grandes Chroniques in Paris is closer to that in other manuscripts painted c. 1405-1407 by the Master of the Cité des Dames and the Épistre Master than it is to the chronicles in Brussels and New York painted around 1410 by the Master of the Cité des Dames .
Finally, Phillipps 1917 bears the closest stylistic relationship to the Épistre Othéa in B.L. Harley 4431, a book dated by Hindman to 1408-10/15. For Meiss's dating of these manuscripts, see Meiss, Fourteenth Century , vol. 1:356; and idem, Limbourg Brothers , 1:377-82. For Hindman's dating, see Épistre Othéa , xix, 101; and Sandra Hindman, "The Composition of the Manuscript of Christine de Pizan's Collected Works in the British Library: A Reassessment," British Library Journal 9 (1983): 93-123.
5. Beaune outlines the growth in popularity of emblems and devices when these manuscripts were made in the early fifteenth century. She suggests that until approximately 1382 armorial displays were most common in royal and noble clothing. Between approximately 1382 and 1450, however, kings and princes began to distribute to one another and to their followers clothing marked with devices, emblems, and mottos that frequently reflected current politics. By the latter half of the fifteenth century, the proliferation of symbolic emblems abated, and royalty sought to distinguish themselves through dress from their followers. See Beaune, "Costume et pouvoir en France," 125-46 and 127-28 especially. For further discussion of orders, see Philippe Contamine, Guerre, état et société à la fin du Moyen-Âge (Paris, 1972), 668-76. For an example of a complicated program in which an continue
author supervised the integration of an elaborate political reading into pictures painted by the Master of the Cité des Dames , see Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 100-143.
6. B.R. 4 originally contained the Grandes Chroniques from the Trojan origins through the life of Philip Augustus. This portion of the book dates from the first half of the fourteenth century. In the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century it was continued through the description of the death of Louis of Male in 1384. The incipits of this manuscript correspond to those cited in a description of a book belonging to Philip the Bold in the inventory made in 1420 after the death of Philip's son, John the Fearless: "no. 153. Item. ung autre livre des croniques de France couvert de cuir rouge à deux fermoeurs d'argent dorez, armoriez aux armes de feu monseigneur le duc Philippe l'un rond et l'autre quarré commencant ou IIe fueillet Fil en sa prison et au derrenier fueillet Le roy d'engleterre ." It probably corresponds to the reference in the inventory done after Philip the Bold's death in 1404: "Premièrement les croniques de France fermans à deux fermoeurs d'argent armoriez aux armes de feu mondit seigneur." For this identification, see Georges Doutrepont, Inventaire de la 'librairie' de Philippe le Bon (1420) (Brussels, 1906), 101-2; Dehaisnes, Histoire de l'art , 851; and de Winter, Bibliothèque de Philippe le Hardi , 194-95.
7. Besides appearing in the manuscript from the Morgan Library and in B.R. 4, the Latin poem at the end of Saint Louis's life is in the first Grandes Chroniques (Ste.-Gen. 782) and the Grandes Chroniques made for Charles VI early in his reign (B.N. fr. 10135), which was listed in the inventory of the library of Philip the Good in 1420. For the poem see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:282.
The continuation of Guillaume de Nangis, normally found in family F of the Chronique abrégée , is published in Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:1-64.
Most copies of the Grandes Chroniques from the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries include in their description of the imperial visit chapters 62-65, the second half of 66, and 77-79 in the life of Charles V. In place of these seventeen and a half chapters, B.R. 4 and M. 536 include versions of the following passage: "En cellui temps mil ccc lxxvii l'empereur de romme Charles le iiij e de ce nom vint veoir le roy de france Charles son nepueu à paris qui lui fist très parfaitement grant chière et très honnorablement et grandement le receut et le tient plusieurs jours. Et ala le roy à l'encontre de luy & iusques à la chapelle s. denis et le fist compaignier par ses chevaliers puis quil entra en son royaume. Et reconvoyer jusques il en fu hors a ses despens. Et luy fist pluseurs notables et grans dons de vaissiaux d'or et d'argent de reliques et autres ioyaux" (M. 536, fol. 363v).
M. 536 edits the text of the life of Charles V most actively. Whereas the lives of Philip of Valois and John the Good in M. 536 have different chapter divisions than in Delachenal's edition, their text corresponds to it. The life of Charles V, however, omits the text of chapters 13-14 (attempts to negotiate the marriage of Philip the Bou:ld, 1368), 19-20 (letters sent between France and England), 22 (treaty regarding the marriage of Philip the Bold and Margaret of Flanders), 25-26 (trip of the duke of Burgundy to Paris; the raising of taxes), 53-79 (the imperial visit), 82-84 (burial of Queen Jeanne of Bourbon), 89 (confession of Jacques la Rue), 93-97 (papal election of Urban VI, then his rejection and Clement VII's election), and 101 (a recapitulation of the papal election). I cannot state with certainty that B.R. 4 and M. 536 contain identical texts, because I have not collated them.
8. Because the Rolin arms were added to the initial, it is difficult to say with certainty that the chronicle was made expressly for a member of the Rolin family. Further, the arms are engrélé , which usually means that the book belonged to a third son, although these are not the arms of Nicholas's third son, Jean Rolin, as described by Fontenay. For more on Rolin, his family, and his patronage, see Charles Bigarne, Étude historique sur le chancelier Rolin et sur sa famille (Beaune, 1860); Autun, Bibliothèque Municipale, Le livre au siècle des Rolin 8 juin-28 septembre 1985 (Autun, 1985); and H. de Fontenay, Armorial . . . d'Autun ou recueil des armories de ses familles nobles (Autun, 1868). break
9. For analyses of Trojan descent, see Krynen, Idéal du prince , 245-50; and Beaune, Naissance de la nation France , 15-54. For one example of its visualization, see Hindman, Épistre Othéa .
10. The canopies in these scenes of presentation vary in the distribution of color; in the manuscript in the Morgan Library the canopy is green and the fringe red and white, while in the chronicle in Berlin the canopy is red and the fringe green and white. Beaune asserts that Charles VI used red, green, and white as his colors from 1382 to 1392; after that black was used as a fourth color. See Beaune, "Costume et pouvoir," 126-27.
11. For the Dialogues of Pierre Salmon (Geneva, B.M. fr. 165), a manuscript contemporary with those we are discussing, see Millard Meiss, The Boucicaut Master , Kress Foundation Studies in the History of European Art, no. 1 (London, 1968), pl. 72.
Hindman suggests that the selection of red, green, and white may have had Burgundian overtones as well. For their use as Burgundian colors, see Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 120. Beaune cautions that Burgundian colors were not used as systematically as royal ones; white, green, and red predominate in Burgundian documents, but they were frequently used in pairs (white and red or green and red). See Beaune, "Costume et pouvoir," 143. De Vaivre is even more tentative in his discussion of color, cautioning that the use of colors was flexible and that, as a result, colors cannot be identified as closely with a person as his device (verbal motto or visual motif) may be. For this, see Jean-Bernard de Vaivre, "À propos des devices de Charles VI," Bulletin Monumental 141 (1983): 93.
Nonetheless, a consideration of the archival material published by Delaborde makes clear that, while robes of red, of green, or of red, white, and green might be commissioned for the duke or for members of his family, only three entries mention colors specifically as part of the duke of Burgundy's devices. At least in 1412, the date of all three references, John the Fearless's colors were white, green, and black. The first describes a payment, "pour iii aulnes de vert, blanc et noir, dont on a fait les brodeures de la devise de MdS [mon dit seigneur] sur lesdittes houppellandes." The second records a payment for the embroidery on the sleeves of eight robes of a large plane, three branches of broom, and leaves "faittes à sa devise et de ses trois couleurs." Although the second reference does not specify what his three colors were, a subsequent entry that commissions harnesses does: "à chascun desdis harnoix, deux pendans de trois couleurs, l'une blanche, l'autre verde, et l'autre noire, lesquels sont semez de rabos et de couppeaux de laton doré, à la devise de MdS." For these entries, see Léon Delaborde, Les ducs de Bourgogne , part 2 (Paris, 1849-52), 1:70 no. 219, 84 no. 239, 90 no. 259. Thus it is highly unlikely that the colors in the frontispieces to the Grandes Chroniques in New York and Berlin were the duke of Burgundy's; they could only have been Charles VI's.
12. A background composed of radiating fleurs-de-lis does appear in the miniature beginning Louis VI's life, but it is very different from the pair under discussion.
13. To my knowledge, the only other place where John of Jerusalem is portrayed at Louis VIII's coronation is in a manuscript from the early fourteenth century, B.N. fr. 2615, fol. 214v. In that picture he does not bless the proceedings.
14. The most notable appearance of John the Fearless with his hammer occurs in the frontispiece to the Dialogues of Pierre Salmon, discussed at note 11. See as well the scene at the beginning of Christine de Pizan's Débat des deux amants in her collected works in London (B.L. Harley 4431, fol. 58v) where the duke holds a hammer and sits on a throne whose ciel (canopy) is decorated with his coat-of-arms. For a reproduction of this frontispiece, see Lucie Schaefer, "Die Illustrationem zu den Handschriften der Christine de Pizan," Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 10 (1937): pl. 6.
15. On the Order of the Porcupine, see Andrew Favyn, The Theatre of Honor and Knighthood (London, 1623), 448-85; Eva Kovacs, "L'ordre du camail des ducs d'Orléans," Acta Historiae Artium 27 (1981): 225-31; and Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 44-51, 112, 187. break
The collar of the order did not always have a dangling porcupine. See, for example, the equestrian seal of Charles of Orléans (1444) where the pointed necklace can be seen above the horse's flank. This is reproduced in Hindman, Épistre Othéa , pl. 71.
16. Famiglietti shows that the first literary reference to the queen's infidelity dates c. 1421, but pictorial evidence supports the possibility that there is a veiled reference here that predates it. See Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue , 45. The picture of Menelaeus in Phillipps 1917 may have been intended as a kind of "device," like the collar of mail from the Order of the Porcupine that identifies Louis of Orléans, the hammer that identifies John of Burgundy, and the imperial arms that identify Aeneas.
17. Although the arms are not precisely those of Pope Alexander ( Azure, a star of eight wavy rays surrounded by eight molets all gold ), they are close enough that they were certainly clear to those at court who were aware of the short-lived results of the Council of Pisa (1408-1409) in which Alexander was elected as a compromise to replace Popes Gregory XII and Benedict XIII. For the arms of the popes, and especially of Alexander V, see Donald L. Galbreath, Papal Heraldry (Cambridge, 1930), 81; and for the events surrounding the Council of Pisa, see Noël Valois, La France et le grand schisme d'occident (1902; reprinted ed., Paris, 1967), 4:99-108.
John the Fearless's emblem of the plane was ubiquitous. For examples of its use in manuscript illustration, see the robe worn by John in the presentation miniatures of the Fleur des histoires (B.N. fr. 2810, fol. 226) of c. 1413; in the copy of the Dialogues of Pierre Salmon in Paris (B.N. fr. 23279, fol. 1v) of c. 1409; and in the background of the crucifixion of St. Andrew from John the Good's Book of Hours (B.N. n.a. lat. 3055, fol. 172v). These are reproduced in Meiss, Boucicaut , pls. 70, 98, 473. For descriptions in documents, see Delaborde, Ducs de Bourgogne , 1:20 no. 84, 21 no. 88, 28 nos. 23, 24. For its use in Christine de Pizan's manuscripts see Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 174.
18. This is most notable in the prophecies of the second Charlemagne, which in France centered around Charles VI. See Chaume, "Une prophétie." This miniature may also refer to the duke of Burgundy's important role as first peer at the coronation ceremony. For discussion of this, see Jackson, Vive le roi! ; and Dewick, The Coronation Book .
19. For Christine's shifting dedications, see Gauvard, "Christine de Pisan," 422-23, 426. Christine's Lettre à la reine is published in de Pizan, "Christine de Pisan to Isabelle of Bavaria," 144-50.
For conflicting views on Vivat Rex , see Nordberg, Les ducs et la royauté , 209-12; and Krynen, Idéal du prince . Nordberg believes it was Burgundian propaganda, while Krynen presents Gerson's works persuasively as a manifestation of Gerson's loyalty to the monarchy. For the text see Jean Gerson, L'oeuvre * française , vol. 7, pt. 2 of OEuvres * Complètes , ed. Palemon Glorieux (Paris, 1960-73), 1137-85; and for Veniat Pax dated approximately to 1408, see ibid., 1100-23.
For Christine's Lamentacion sur les maux de la guerre civile , see Christine de Pizan, "La lamentacion sur les maux de la France de Christine de Pisan," ed. A. J. Kennedy, in Mélanges de langue et littérature françaises du Moyen-Âge et de la Renaissance offerts à Monsieur Charles Foulon par ses collègues, ses élèves, et ses amis (Rennes, 1980), 177-85.
18. This is most notable in the prophecies of the second Charlemagne, which in France centered around Charles VI. See Chaume, "Une prophétie." This miniature may also refer to the duke of Burgundy's important role as first peer at the coronation ceremony. For discussion of this, see Jackson, Vive le roi! ; and Dewick, The Coronation Book .
19. For Christine's shifting dedications, see Gauvard, "Christine de Pisan," 422-23, 426. Christine's Lettre à la reine is published in de Pizan, "Christine de Pisan to Isabelle of Bavaria," 144-50.
For conflicting views on Vivat Rex , see Nordberg, Les ducs et la royauté , 209-12; and Krynen, Idéal du prince . Nordberg believes it was Burgundian propaganda, while Krynen presents Gerson's works persuasively as a manifestation of Gerson's loyalty to the monarchy. For the text see Jean Gerson, L'oeuvre * française , vol. 7, pt. 2 of OEuvres * Complètes , ed. Palemon Glorieux (Paris, 1960-73), 1137-85; and for Veniat Pax dated approximately to 1408, see ibid., 1100-23.
For Christine's Lamentacion sur les maux de la guerre civile , see Christine de Pizan, "La lamentacion sur les maux de la France de Christine de Pisan," ed. A. J. Kennedy, in Mélanges de langue et littérature françaises du Moyen-Âge et de la Renaissance offerts à Monsieur Charles Foulon par ses collègues, ses élèves, et ses amis (Rennes, 1980), 177-85.
20. Famiglietti has shown that John the Fearless's power was not as absolute as scholars had previously believed. For example, during the period of John the Fearless's guardianship, very few of the dauphin's staff were Burgundian appointments. By 1413 the dukes of Guyenne and Burgundy were at odds; from then until he died, Louis opposed John the Fearless. For this, see Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue , 80, 84, 85-110, and 133-52 especially.
21. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:9-10 n. 2. For Geoffrey of Monmouth, see Geoffrey of Monmouth, The British History of Geoffrey of Monmouth , trans. A. Thomas, rev. G. A. Giles (London, 1842).
22. Geoffrey of Monmouth, British History , 254. break
23. "De celui Brut descendirent tuit li rois qui puis furent en la terre jusques au tens que Anglois, qui vindrent d'une des contrées de Saisoigne qui ert apellée Angle, pristrent la terre, des quex ele est apelée Angleterre." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:11.
24. Because of a legal complication, they remarried in 1397. See Palmer, England, France, and Christiandom , 175. For John of Brittany, see Georges Knowlson, Jean V, due de Bretagne et l'Angleterre (1399-1442) , Archives historique de Bretagne, no. 2 (Rennes, 1964).
25. Although representations of Louis of Orléans's emblem are not as ubiquitous as John the Fearless's hammer or plane, documentary descriptions do attest to their existence. Indeed even John the Fearless wore a robe decorated with knobby sticks in 1406 as a conciliatory gesture to Louis of Orléans. For this, see Vaughan, John the Fearless , 38.
Meiss cites a possible representation of the baton noueux in an Adoration of the Magi in the Boucicaut Hours. See Meiss, Boucicaut , 10 and pl. 33. His identification is supported by an entry of 1401 from the Orléans archives published by Delaborde. It describes a necklace similar to that in the Boucicaut miniature in a payment to a goldsmith, "pour avoir rappareillé et mis à point et ou feu deux colliers d'argent blanc, tortissiez, yceulx avoir acourtis, chascun d'un grant pousse, et fait des paillettes d'argent et une devise devant fait et forgié en manière d'un baston tortissié. . . " See Delaborde, Ducs de Bourgogne , 3:197 no. 5936.
26. For the relevant text, see Book II, chapter fourteen of the chronicle. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:148-52.
27. See M. 563, fol. 12 and Phillips 1917, fol. 14.
It is impossible to determine whether references to the Burgundian-Orléanist conflict were avoided in this particular image in the manuscript in Berlin because they cast the Duke of Burgundy in a negative light. This may be possible since the figure who was identified negatively as the Duke of Burgundy in the manuscript now in the Bibliothèque Mazarine is, in the book now in Berlin, the only son to mimic his mother's distinctive hand gesture, perhaps identifying with the saintly, conciliatory behavior of Clotilda, a former princess of Burgundy.
28. On mutations in the regency during Charles VI's reign, see Nordberg, Les ducs et la royauté , 61-76; and Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue .
Indeed Isabeau's power gained through her son was such that the government stopped when she fled Paris with the dauphin after the execution of John of Montaigu in 1409. This precipitated John the Fearless's treaty of friendship with Isabeau when he recognized her important political role. However, John was named sole guardian later in that year, when Isabeau received her own treasury, apparently in exchange for surrendering the tutelle of the dauphin to John the Fearless. For this, see Maurice Rey, Les finances royales sous Charles VI. Les causes du déficit 1388-1413 (Paris, 1965), 286-87.
29. Charles V did this in his ordinances of 1374 and 1375. For these, see text pages 111, 113. For the role of queens in government, see Françoise Barry, La reine de France (Paris, 1964), 239-322.
30. See de Pizan, "Christine de Pisan to Isabelle of Bavaria."
31. For the text, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 4:263-70; 7:32.
32. Christine addressed the topic of the dauphin's education in at least two books dating from this period: the livre du corps de policie written between 1404 and 1407 and the Livre de la paix written circa 1412. Jean Gerson also addressed this important question in a tract that gave detailed recommendations on the education of Louis of Guyenne. For these, see Krynen, Idéal du prince , 76. For the text of Gerson's letter, see Antoine Thomas, Jean de Gerson et l'éducation des dauphins de France (Paris, 1930), 30-55.
33. Their patronage has been documented by Meiss, Fourteenth Century ; idem, Limbourg Brothers ; de Winter, Bibliothèque de Philippe le Hardi ; and Schultz, "Artistic and Literary Patronage of Louis of Orléans." break
EPILOGUE— THE GRANDES CHRONIQUES IN THE LATE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
1. For the history of France in the fifteenth century, see Autrand, Charles VI , 538-600; M. G. A. Vale, Charles VII (Berkeley, 1974); and G. du Fresne de Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII (Paris, 1881-91).
2. When the Valois came to the throne, they promoted themselves as Capetians. English successors to the Valois employed the same tactics, even to the sleight-of-hand necessary to make Henry V both a direct descendant of Saint Louis and a legitimate king of England. Henry's father, Henry IV, had deposed the legitimate king, Richard II, in 1399. See Benedicta J. H. Rowe, "King Henry VI's Claim to France in Picture and Poem," The Library , 4th series, no. 13 (1933): 80-81. For earlier Plantagenet propaganda, see text pages 62-68.
For adaptations of traditional forms of French coinage for the new government, see J. W. McKenna, "Henry VI of England and the Dual Monarchy: Aspects of Royal Political Propaganda 1422-32," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes , 28 (1965): 145-62; for genealogical posters displayed in public in Paris, see McKenna, "Henry VI," 151-55; and Rowe, "King Henry VI's Claim," 77-88. For public celebrations (coronations, entries, pageants), see McKenna, "Henry VI," 156-61; Mary Floran, "Document relatif à l'entrée du roi d'Angleterre Henri VI à Paris en 1431," Revue des études historique 75 (1909): 411-15; Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 59-70; and Bryant, The King and the City , 84-88, 158-59, 178-80.
3. Programs ranging from public ceremony to private manuscript commissions testify to the dynastic concerns of these late Valois monarchs. For a discussion of literature and manuscript commissions that promoted the religion royale , see Hindman and Spiegel, "The Fleurs-de-lis Frontispiece," 405-7; and Robert Scheller, "Imperial Themes in Art and Literature of the Early French Renaissance: The Period of Charles VIII," Simiolus 12 (1981-82): 5-69. For discussions of royal entries, see Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 70-136, 156-306; and Bryant, The King and the City .
4. For a sketch of fifteenth-century historiography, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 123-36.
5. Of the approximately 30 copies of the Grandes Chroniques that survive from the mid-fifteenth century, at least 20 were unillustrated; of these 20, 18 were written on paper or on paper gatherings with outer leaves of parchment. Colophons provide an idea of the audience for these books. They seem to have been written by notaries for their own use or by scribes for the use of other bureaucrats. Thus on the last page of B.N. fr. 4955 is a signature by a notary and secretary to Charles VII: "Escript par moy, Pierre de Taise. 1460.—de Taise." B.N. fr. 2612, fol. 319v, contains the inscription: "Ces croniques ont estre escriptes de la main de Nahei Fertuag pour maistre Jehan Blondeau praticien en la court de perlement. Et contiennent deux volumes, le quel blondeau, les vendra a qui vouldrea bailler argent content paix et accord ainsi que en tel cas appartient." In B.N. fr. 4984, fol. 227 is: "Explicit jusques cy en cest jour qui est le vi e jour de decembre, l'an mil iiii c lxix, et escript à Callac de la main Grest, qui avoit lxxii an d'age à janvier ensuyvant." For discussion of these and others, see Guenée, "Les Grandes Chroniques ," 206-7.
6. On Fouquet's copy of the Grandes Chroniques , see François Avril, "Jean Fouquet, illustrateur des Grandes Chroniques de France ," in François Avril, Marie-Thérèse Gousset, and Bernard Guenée, Les Grandes Chroniques de France. Reproduction intégrale en facsimilé des miniatures de Fouquet. Manuscrit français 6465 de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris (Paris, 1987), 13-70. Avril demonstrates by a codicological study of the book that Fouquet was given an unfinished manuscript from the first third of the fifteenth century to complete. This explains the change in pictorial format to large-scale miniatures halfway through the chronicle. See also Nicole Reynaud, Jean Fouquet , Les dossiers du département des peintures, no. 22 (Paris, 1981): 60-61 no. 21.
7. Although Saint Louis and Charlemagne were the most popular, Charles V was also used as an exemplum of kingship in entries, particularly in Louis XII's entry into Paris in continue
1498. See Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 28-29, 130, 132; and Bryant, The King and the City , 128.
8. For the political ambitions of the last Valois kings and of Louis XII, see Scheller, "Imperial Themes;" and idem, "Ensigns of Authority: French Royal Symbolism in the Age of Louis XII," Simiolus 13 (1983): 75-141.
9. See, for instance, the ceremonial books commemorating the entry of Francis I into Lyons in 1515 (Wolfenbuttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. Guelf 86.4) and of Claude of France and Anne of Brittany into Paris in 1517 (B.N. fr. 5758). These are discussed and representative miniatures published in Hindman and Spiegel, "Fleurs-de-lis Frontispiece," 405-7 and figs. 9-10.
For specific analyses of French ceremony in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, see Ralph Giesey, The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France , Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance, no. 37 (Geneva, 1960); Jackson, Vive le Roi! ; Sarah Hanley, The "Lit de Justice" of the Kings of France: Constitutional Ideology in Ceremonial, Legend, and Discourse (Princeton, 1983); and Bryant, The King and the City . For a discussion of later commemorative art, see Louis Marin, Le portrait du roi (Paris, 1981); and idem, "Inscription of the King's Memory."
10. For reproductions of the images from Philip the Good's manuscript in Leningrad, see G. A. Tchernova, Miniatury Bolsih Francuzkih Hronik (Moscow, 1960); and Salomon Reinach, "Un manuscrit de la bibliothèque de Philippe le Bon à Saint-Petersbourg," Monuments et mémoires publiées par l'Académie des inscriptions (Fondation Piot) , 11 (1904). For further discussion of this manuscript, see Salomon Reinach, "Un manuscrit de Philippe le Bon à la Bibliothèque de Sainte-Petersbourg," Gazette des Beaux-Arts , no. 29 (1903): 265-78; no. 30 (1903): 53-65, 371-80; and Alphonse Bayot, "Sur l'exemplaire des Grandes Chroniques offert par Guillaume Filastre à Philippe le Bon," Mélanges Godefroid Kurth (Paris, 1908), 2:183-90.
Ownership of the manuscript in Paris is not as securely established; all but the date was erased from its colophon. For the attribution of this manuscript to Robinet Testard, see Avril, "Jean Fouquet, illustrateur des Grandes Chroniques de France ," 281; and for information on other commissions given this artist, also called the Master of Charles of Angôuleme, see John Plummer, The Late Flowering: French Painting in Manuscripts 1420-1530 (New York, 1982), 46-47 no. 62.
Henry VII's manuscript in London is unfinished; only 39 of the 211 miniatures planned were completed. See Gilson and Warner, Old Royal and Kings Collections , 2: 387-88.
11. B.N. fr. 2609 shares with two copies of the Grandes Chroniques painted by the Master of Marguerite of Orléans (B.N. fr. 2605 and Châteauroux, B.M. 5) a version of the prologue of the Grandes Chroniques that suppresses particularly royalist Paris-oriented portions of the text. These suppressions include references to the commissioning of the text, the division of the text into three parts corresponding to the three races of France, and the translatio studii . König dated B.N. fr. 2605 to the mid-1420s and Châteauroux B.M. 5 to c. 1460, and he described the artist's activity in Rennes, Angers, and Poitiers. For König's discussion, see Eberhard König, Französische Buchmalerei um 1450: Der Jouvenal-Maler, der Maler des Genfer Boccacio und die Anfange Jean Fouquets (Berlin, 1982); and for further discussion of B.N. fr. 2605, see Anne D. Hedeman, "The Clovis-Charlemagne Frontispiece to the Grandes Chroniques de France (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. fr. 2605)," in The Politics of Myth , ed. Christopher Basewell and Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski (Ithaca, forthcoming).
The chronicle in Leningrad contains a variety of texts. To the Grandes Chroniques through the life of Philip Augustus, it appends a version of Guillaume of Nangis's life of Saint Louis and a chronicle by Guillaume Fillastre. See Tchernova, Miniatury Bolsih Francuzkih Hronik .
For patronage at the Burgundian court of Philip the Good, see Georges Doutrepont, La littérature française à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne (Paris, 1909); Brussels, Bibliothèque continue
Royale, La miniature flamande: Le mécenat de Philippe le Bon (Brussels, 1959); and Jeffrey Chipps Smith, "The Artistic Patronage of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy 1419-67" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1979).
12. For Verard's royal exemplars (B.N. Rés. vélins 725-27 and 728-30), see Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 290-94.
Only four editions of the Grandes Chroniques were printed: in 1477 (Paris: Paquier Bonhomme), 1493 (Paris: Antoine Vérard), 1514, 1518 (both, Paris: Guillaume Eustache). For these, see Guenée, "Les Grandes Chroniques de France ," 206-08; idem, "Histoire d'un succès," 138; Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 1:281, 290-94; Joseph Basile Bernard van Praet, Catalogue des livres imprimés sur vélin de la Bibliothèque du Roi (Paris, 1822), 5:87-92; M. Pellechet, Catalogue générale des incunables des bibliothèques publiques de France (1905; reprinted ed., Nedeln, 1970), 407-8, 469-70; and London, British Museum, Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in the British Museum , pt. 8 (London, 1949), 80-81.
These books usually included the Grandes Chroniques to the 1380s and supplemented the chronicle with other histories to continue it to the late fifteenth century. Although the first edition was unillustrated, the 951 woodcuts from Antoine Vérard's edition in 1493 established the pictorial cycle for subsequent printed versions of the text. Few of the pictures in Vérard's densely illustrated book relate closely to their texts. Original pictures created for the book are repeated several times without alteration within the cycle of illustrations, but the majority of the images were adapted without change from sources that had absolutely no relationship to the chronicle. Illustrations come from sources as diverse as the Old Testament (Samson, or Absalom hanging from a tree by his hair), ancient history (Battle of Amazons), or Josephus. Even the title to the last printed edition of the chronicle confirms that Guillaume Eustache viewed it in a different light. He sought to present the chronicle as a universal history; the title includes a list of nations whose histories were described in the Grandes Chroniques . In place of Vérard's, "Le premier volume Des croniq[ue]s de france. nouuellement. Imprimez a paris," Eustache puts "Le premier volume Des grans croniq[ue]s de France. Nouuellement imprimees a Paris Avecques plusieurs incidences survenues durant les regnes des trescrestiens roys de France tant es royaulmes dytallie/ Dalmaigne/ Da[n]gleterre/Despaigne/ Hongrie/ Jherusalem/ Escoce/ Turquie/ Flandres et autres lieux circonvoisins. Avecques la Cronique frere Robert Gaugin contenue la cronique Martinienne." For these see Praet, Catalogue des livres imprimés , 5:88, 90-91.
13. B. N. fr. 4943, cited in Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 280.
APPENDIX I— ARTISTS IN GRANDES CHRONIQUES PRODUCED C. 1274–1422
1. Among books illustrated by one artist are Besançon, B.M. 863; B.R. Mss. 2 and 5; Cambrai, B.M. Ms. 682; Phillipps 1917; Geneva, B.M. Comites Latentes; London, B.L. Add. Mss. 15269, 21143, and Sloane 2433; Arsenal 5223; Paris, B.N. Mss. fr. 73, 2597, 2613, 2814, 6466-67, 17270, and 23140; Paris, Institut 324; Ste.-Gen, 783; Prague, Ms. 23 A 12; Reims, B.M. 1469; Switzerland, Private Collection; Toulouse, B.M. 512; and Vienna, ÖNB 2547 and 2564. I do not have enough information to classify Lyon 880.
2. By the libraires described by Rouse, "Parisian Book Trade," and the scribes and authors by Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 63-68.
3. Books in which artists worked independently include Ste.-Gen. 782; B.N. fr. 2615; B.N. fr. 10132; Castres, B.M.; Grenoble 407 Rés. (although two artists collaborated in one gathering and a new artist and scribe continued the manuscript in a second gathering); Valenciennes, B.M. 637 (although in one gathering one miniature was completed and a second executed by a later artist); B.N. 2604; W. 138; Guildhall 244; Oxford, Douce 217; Lyon continue
P.A. 30; Musée Condé 867; B.N. fr. 2606; B.N. fr. 2616-20; Mazarine 2028; B.R. 3; and B.R. 1.
Other manuscripts may belong in this first group. For instance, Royal 16 G VI, John the Good's Grandes Chroniques , contains 412 miniatures painted by at least six artists. Only once do two artists work in one gathering; Artist VI paints a bifolium in a gathering decorated by another artist. Similarly, Cotton Nero E II (a book from the early fifteenth century that contains the royal arms) contains only one gathering (no. 22) in which artists collaborated.
A third manuscript from this group may well belong in the other. The Virgil Master and a close follower collaborated on two gatherings in W. 139, a manuscript in which several different artists were at work. If the artist who collaborated with the Virgil Master (and emulated his style) was an assistant, they may have worked in the same shop.
4. The group of manuscripts in which artists collaborated on gatherings also includes B.N. fr. 20350, a late fourteenth-century manuscript whose arms suggest that it may have been royal, and B.N. fr. 20352-53, an early fifteenth-century book.
5. The artists of the highest caliber are published by Meiss, Boucicaut ; idem, Fourteenth Century ; Avril, Manuscript Painting ; and Paris, Grand Palais, Fastes du gothique . For discussion of some of the more summary styles, see Diamond, "Manufacture and Market."
6. On the Épistre Othéa in Cambridge, see Hindman, Épistre Othéa , 141-42.
7. For the Boucicaut Master, see Meiss, Boucicaut .
8. For the Egerton Workshop, see Meiss, Limbourg Brothers , 384-88.
9. On B.N. fr. 6465, see Avril, Gousset, and Guenée, Les Grandes Chroniques de France ; and Reynaud, Jean Fouquet , 60-64.
10. For Oxford, Douce 217, see O. Pächt and J. J. G. Alexander, Illustrated Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library Oxford (Oxford, 1966) 1:48; and for Jehan de Niziéres, see Boinet, Manuscrits à peintures , 122.
11. See Paris, Grand Palais, Fastes du gothique , 299-300 no. 247.
12. See Meiss, Fourteenth Century , 354; and idem, Limbourg Brothers , 368.
13. See Paris, Grand Palais, Fastes du gothique , 325-26 no. 247.
14. See Paris, Grand Palais, Fastes du gothique , 299.
15. See Meiss, Fourteenth Century , 356-57; and idem, Limbourg Brothers , 377-82.
16. See Avril, Manuscript Painting , 92-95.
17. See Avril, Manuscript Painting , 108-9.
18. See Meiss, Fourteenth Century , 358; and idem, Limbourg Brothers , 358-89.
19. See Avril's contribution in Roesner, ed., Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale MS fonds française 146 ; Smeyers and Cardon, "Brabant of Parijs?" and Chapter 4 of this text.
20. For the Luçon Master, see Meiss, Fourteenth Century , 358-59; and idem, Limbourg Brothers , 393-97.
21. See König, Französische Buchmalerei , 255; and John Plummer, Last Flowering , 19-20.
22. See Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 237-39.
23. See François Avril, "Trois manuscrits Napolitains des collections de Charles V et de Jean de Berry," Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes 127 (1969): 307-8; and Paris, Grand Palais, Fastes du gothique , 338-39 no. 294.
24. On the second artist of B.N. fr. 823, whom Avril suggests may be the illuminator Remiet, see Avril, "Trois manuscrits Napolitains."
25. On the Royal Master, see Udovitch, "The Papeleu Master," 172-73 and 247-48; and Diamond, "Manufacture and Market."
26. Branner, Manuscript Painting , 129, 236-38.
27. Meiss, Fourteenth Century , 359; and idem, Limbourg Brothers , 406-7.
28. Meiss, Fourteenth Century , 360; and idem, Limbourg Brothers , 408-12. break