The Royal Image "nsd0e835"

1. For a history of the last Capetian kings and the problems with royal succession, see Raymond Cazelles, La société politique et la crise de la royauté sous Philippe de Valois (Paris, 1958), 35-70; and Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long roi de France (1316-22) , (1897-1931; reprint, Geneva, 1975), 1:10-105. [BACK]

2. Indeed, even the pope made biblical references when seeking to persuade the French king. See Hervé Pinoteau, "Autour de la Bulle ' Dei Filius .'" Itinéraires 147 (1970): 99-123. [BACK]

3. Adolf Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Program of Chartres Cathedral: Christ, Mary, Ecclesia (New York, 1964), 27-36. Katzenellenbogen dates these galleries to the thirteenth century and cites examples at Notre-Dame in Paris, at Amiens, at Reims, and in the thirteenth-century additions to Chartres. See as well Johann Georg Prinz von Hohenzollern, Die Königsgalerie der französischen Kathedrale (Munich, 1965). [BACK]

4. The gallery of kings on the facade of Notre-Dame in Paris was thought to represent the succession of the kings of France as early as the thirteenth century and as recently as the French revolution. See Ferdinand Lot, Étude sur le règne de Hugues Capet et la fin du X^e siècle (Paris, 1903), 342. [BACK]

5. For prior discussion of the ceremony of coronation, see János Bak, ed., Coronations: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990). [BACK]

6. Cited by Donna Sadler in her work in progress, Art and Politics in Reims . [BACK]

7. For these commissions, see Hugo Buchthal, Historia Troiana: Studies in the History of Medieval Secular Illustration , Studies of the Warburg Institute, 32 (Leyden, 1971), 11-13; Grodecki, Les vitraux , 71-334; and especially Stahl, "Old Testament Illustration." [BACK]

8. Stahl, "Iconographic Sources," 88.

9. Numerous commissions executed for members of the Capetian family focus on the private devotions of the royal saint. Painting, stained glass, and manuscripts are the most popular media for these Capetian commissions. They have been extensively studied. For images from the altar in the lower church of Sainte Chapelle, see Auguste Longnon, Documents parisien sur l'iconographie de Saint Louis d'après un manuscrit de Peiresc conservé à la bibliothèque du Carpentras (Paris, 1887), 3-7. For the Convent des Cordeliers, commissioned by Saint Louis's widow and decorated with a fresco cycle, see ibid., 2-3.

For the window in the chapel of Saint Louis (often called the Old Sacristy) at Saint-Denis, see Longnon, 11 n. 2; Bernard de Montfaucon, Les monuments de la monarchie françoise . . . (Paris, 1729-33), 2:158; Georgia Sommers Wright, "The Tomb of Saint Louis," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 65-82; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis at Saint-Denis," Mediaevalia 10 (1984): 279-331. break

For cycles in manuscripts, see Marcel Thomas, "L'iconographie de Saint Louis dans les Heures de Jeanne de Navarre ," Septième centenaire de la mort de Saint Louis. Actes des colloques de Royaumont et de Paris. 21-27 mai 1970 (Paris, 1976), 209-231. For the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, see James Rorimer, The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux at the Cloisters (New York, 1957); Jeffrey M. Hoffeld, "An Image of Saint Louis and the Structuring of Devotion," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 29 (1971): 216-66; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, La librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1968), 69-70, no. 133.

For sculpted portraits and programs, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of Saint Louis," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 95-96 (1980): 175-87; Wright, "Royal Tomb Program"; and idem, "Tomb of Saint Louis." [BACK]

8. Stahl, "Iconographic Sources," 88.

9. Numerous commissions executed for members of the Capetian family focus on the private devotions of the royal saint. Painting, stained glass, and manuscripts are the most popular media for these Capetian commissions. They have been extensively studied. For images from the altar in the lower church of Sainte Chapelle, see Auguste Longnon, Documents parisien sur l'iconographie de Saint Louis d'après un manuscrit de Peiresc conservé à la bibliothèque du Carpentras (Paris, 1887), 3-7. For the Convent des Cordeliers, commissioned by Saint Louis's widow and decorated with a fresco cycle, see ibid., 2-3.

For the window in the chapel of Saint Louis (often called the Old Sacristy) at Saint-Denis, see Longnon, 11 n. 2; Bernard de Montfaucon, Les monuments de la monarchie françoise . . . (Paris, 1729-33), 2:158; Georgia Sommers Wright, "The Tomb of Saint Louis," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 65-82; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis at Saint-Denis," Mediaevalia 10 (1984): 279-331. break

For cycles in manuscripts, see Marcel Thomas, "L'iconographie de Saint Louis dans les Heures de Jeanne de Navarre ," Septième centenaire de la mort de Saint Louis. Actes des colloques de Royaumont et de Paris. 21-27 mai 1970 (Paris, 1976), 209-231. For the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, see James Rorimer, The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux at the Cloisters (New York, 1957); Jeffrey M. Hoffeld, "An Image of Saint Louis and the Structuring of Devotion," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 29 (1971): 216-66; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, La librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1968), 69-70, no. 133.

For sculpted portraits and programs, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of Saint Louis," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 95-96 (1980): 175-87; Wright, "Royal Tomb Program"; and idem, "Tomb of Saint Louis." [BACK]

10. For commissions of Philip III and Philip the Fair, see Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, "Le tombeau de Saint Louis," Bulletin Monumental 126 (1968): 7-36; Wright, "Tomb of Saint Louis"; Brown, "Philippe le Bel"; and Elizabeth Hallam, "Philip the Fair and the Cult of Saint Louis," Studies in Church History 18 (1982): 201-14. [BACK]

12. For the achievements of Abbot Suger, see Gabrielle Spiegel, "The Cult of Saint Denis and Capetian Kingship," Journal of Medieval History 1-2 (1975-76): 46-69; idem, Chronicle Tradition , 11-38; and Paula Gerson, ed., Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium (New York, 1986). On the oriflamme , see Philip Contamine, "L'oriflamme de Saint-Denis aux XIV^e et XV^e siècles," Annales de l'Est , 25 (1973): 179-244. [BACK]

13. See Félix Olivier-Martin, Étude sur les régences: I. Les régences et le majorité des rois sous les Capétiens directs et les premiers Valois (1060-1375) (Paris, 1931), 94-108. [BACK]

14. No documents concerning this commission survive. Wright believes that Matthew of Vendôme was solely responsible for the tombs, whereas Erlande Brandenburg speculates, on the basis of passages describing the renovation of the choir and the translation of the royal ashes in Guillaume of Nangis's Life of Saint Louis , that Louis IX played an active role in the commission as well. Sources give conflicting dates for translation of the bodies and hence for the completion of the project. These range from 1263-64 in the Annales Sancti Dionisii to 1267 in Guillaume of Nangis's text. For the program of tombs and the date of completion of the project, see Sommers, "Royal Tombs of Saint-Denis"; Wright, "Royal Tomb Program"; and Erlande-Brandenburg, Le roi est mort , 80-81, nos. 145, 150. [BACK]

15. On Giles of Pontoise and his manuscript commissions, see Charlotte Lacaze, The "Vie de Saint Denis" Manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Mss. fr. 2090-2092) (New York, 1979), 57-65; Ingeborg Bähr, Saint Denis und seine Vita im Spiegel der Bildüberlieferung der französischen Kunst des Mittelalters (Worms, 1984), 133-200, lxx-xciv; and Bernard Grémont, "La chronique d'Yves de Saint-Denis," in École Nationale des Chartes. Positions des thèses (Paris, 1952), 61-62. [BACK]

16. Wright, "Royal Tomb Program," 224. [BACK]

17. Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 64-65. [BACK]

18. The arrangement of tombs completed between 1264 and 1267 emphasized two points central to French political theory: first, that the Carolingian and Capetian races were founded by members of families that each had a tradition of governance in France, and second, that by virtue of their Carolingian blood, Louis VIII and Philip Augustus accomplished the Reditus regni Francorum ad stirpem Karoli Magni , the return of France to Carolingian rule, and thus were legitimate rulers, descendants of both the Carolingian and Capetian lines. The inclusion of Louis IX's tomb and subsequent rearrangement during the reign of Philip the Fair neglected these familial divisions and placed the tombs of Philip the Fair continue

and his parents on the Carolingian side of the choir, in close proximity to the tomb of Saint Louis. For this, see Gabrielle Spiegel, "The Reditus Regni ad Stirpem Karoli Magni : A New Look," French Historical Studies 7 (1971-72): 145-74; Lewis, Royal Succession 104-22; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Prince is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France, Medieval Studies 49 (1987): 317; and idem, "Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis," 279. [BACK]

19. For further discussion of the tomb arrangement and of Ivo's recueil in a dynastic context, see text pages 25, 35-36. [BACK]

20. This manuscript has been published most extensively in Amedée Boinet, Les manuscrits á peintures de la Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève de Paris (Paris, 1921), 39-47; Leopold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1907), 1:309-11; and with reproductions of all the miniatures, François Garnier, Le language de l'image au Moyen-Âge (Paris, 1982), commentary and plates 106-43.

In its original form, the manuscript contained the Grandes Chroniques through the life of Philip Augustus. Sometime in the early fourteenth century one folio (presumably blank) was excised following fol. 326, and the life of Louis IX was added. Still later, probably in the reign of Charles V, who signed the chronicle (fol. 374v), a map of the world with Jerusalem at its center was painted on fol. 374v at the end of the manuscript. [BACK]

21. Branner identified one of the artists who worked on the manuscript (Artist I in my Catalogue of Manuscripts) as an artist based in Paris, a member of the Main Line of the Sainte-Chapelle group. This group painted a number of religious books, ranging from an Evangeliary used in the Sainte-Chapelle and a Sequentiary for the king's capella , to Decretals and texts by Aristotle. For discussion of this style, see Robert Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of Saint Louis: A Study of Styles (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), 129, 236-37.

For the argument that Philip III's copy of the Grandes Chroniques was made at the abbey of Saint-Denis, see Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, La bibliothèque , 48-49, 310. I question the validity of Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda's attribution of Philip III's book to Saint-Denis because of the location of the artist's workshops in Paris. It seems much more likely that Matthew of Vendôme would have had the presentation manuscript made by the best scribes and artists who worked for the court, as Giles of Pontoise did later for the Vita et Passio of Ivo of Saint-Denis. For the presentation manuscript, see Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis . [BACK]

22. I would like to thank James M'Kenzie-Hall for drawing my attention to the affinity between the panel of glass from Saint-Denis and the Grandes Chroniques . For the similarity of compositional types (but not subjects) at Saint-Denis and Chartres, see Brown and Cothren, "Twelfth-Century Crusading Window" 38 n. 152. For reproductions of these images, see Garnier, Language de l'image , pl. 139; Brown and Cothren, "Twelfth-Century Crusading Window," pl. 7a, no. 6; and Clark Maines, "The Charlemagne Window at Chartres: New Considerations on Text and Image," Speculum 52 (1977): fig. 3, no. 11. [BACK]

23. For a reproduction of the representation of Charlemagne's Dream on the Châsse of Charlemagne, see Centrum voor Kunst en Cultuur, Abbaye Saint Pierre Gand, Santiago de Compostela: 1000 ans de pèlerinage européen (Ghent, 1985), 188; and for a general introduction to the reliquary, see Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , 169-77 and pls. 143-50. For representations of imagery from the four twelfth- and fourteenth-century copies of the Codex Calixtinus , see Alison Stones, "Four Illustrated Jacobus Manuscripts," in The Vanishing Past: Studies of Medieval Art, Liturgy, and Metrology Presented to Christopher Hobler , ed. Andrew Martindale and Alan Borg (Oxford, 1981), 167-222. For the Dream of Charlemagne, see pls. 14.6-14.10. [BACK]

24. A consideration of vernacular copies of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle supports this hypothesis. A review of the 32 thirteenth- to fifteenth-century copies of the Johannes translation of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle reveals that the scene of the vision of the starry continue

sky was fairly rare in vernacular copies of the chronicle. None of the nine illuminated books in that group incorporates this scene in its program. See Warpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin . [BACK]

25. See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:9-10. [BACK]

26. On the Roman de Troie , see Buchthal, Historia Troiana , 3-19; and Fritz Saxl, "The Troy Romance in French and English Art," Lectures (London, 1957) 1:125-38. [BACK]

27. See B.N. fr. 1610. Four leaves excised from this book are in the collection of Mr. J. H. A. van Heek at Stichting Huis Bergh in s'Heerenburg, Holland. Buchthal described this Roman de Troie as executed in Burgundy or Lorraine and suggested that it may be a "bad copy of a much better model"—a manuscript like the Old Testament Picture Book (M. 638). Buchthal, Historia Troiana , 9-11. [BACK]

28. For the Histoire ancienne , see Buchthal, Historia Troiana , 16-19. For an illustration pairing the rape of Helen and the slaughter of Greeks, see pl. 13, an image from B.L. Royal 20 D I (fol. 49v), the earliest surviving manuscript of the second recension (which first included the Roman de Troie en prose and illustrations of the Trojan story) dating to the mid-fourteenth century and executed in Naples. [BACK]

29. Quoted in the Introduction to this book. [BACK]

30. "Et pour ce que III generacions ont esté des rois de France puis que il commencierent à estre, sera toute ceste hystoire devisée en III livres principaus: ou premier parlera de la genealogie Merovée, ou secont de la generation Pepin, et ou tierz de la generation Hue Chapet. Si sera chascuns livres souzdevisez en divers livres, selonc les vies et les fais des divers rois; ordené seront par chapitres, por plus pleinement entendre la matiere et sanz confusion. Li commencemenz de ceste hystoire sera pris à la haute lignie des Troiens, dont ele est descendue par longue succession." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 1:3-4. For further discussion of this prologue, see text pages 4-6, 37. [BACK]

31. This French poem and its accompaniment (a second Latin poem) are preserved in a very small group of manuscripts: B.L., Add. 38128, an unillustrated manuscript written sometime after the death of Philip III in 1385 (poems at the end of the life of Philip Augustus—and the end of the manuscript); Cambrai, B.M. 682, an illustrated manuscript dating from the early fourteenth century (poems between the lives of Louis VII and Philip Augustus); Switzerland, Private Collection, an illustrated manuscript of c. 1330 (poems between the lives of Louis VII and Philip Augustus); and B.N. fr. 2813, Charles V's luxurious manuscript, written and painted in the 1360s and 1370s (poems between the lives of Philip Augustus and Louis VIII). For the French poetic colophon and the Latin poem that accompanies it, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:376-77.

In Ste.-Gen. 782 these poems are written on the verso of fol. 326, the last leaf of text in the book as it existed in the late thirteenth century, by a different scribe from the one who did the rest of the gathering. They were almost certainly an integral part of the original commission, however, because the picture that accompanies them is painted by one of the two artists who painted pictures in the rest of the manuscript. [BACK]

32. On the Mirror of Princes, see Wilhelm Berges, Die Fürstenspiegel des hohen und späten Mittelalters Schriften des Reichsinstituts für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde. Monumenta Germaniae historica (Leipzig, 1938); Josef Röder, Das Fürstenbild in des mittelalterlichen Fürstenspiegeln auf französischen Boden (Emsdetten, 1933); L. K. Born, "The Perfect Prince: A Study in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century Ideals," Speculum 3 (1928): 470-504; and Dora Bell, L'idéal éthique de la royauté en France au Moyen-Âge: D'après quelques moralistes de ce temps (Geneva, 1962). For a reference to the Grandes Chroniques as a Mirror of Princes, see Lewis, Royal Succession , 139. [BACK]

33. Genet argues for a more restricted definition of Mirrors of Princes and for consideration of the political contexts that generated them. His preliminary findings suggest that continue

the court of Henry II in England was the first to have a "renaissance" of political literature, but the French Mirrors of Princes seemed closely linked to Saint Louis. Most were written in Latin in the second half of the thirteenth century by mendicants who moved in the circle of scholars close to Louis IX. Though Genet's definition of a Mirror of Princes is narrow, his observations demonstrate at the very least that this class of text was quite popular in France during the latter half of the thirteenth century. See Jean-Philippe Genet, ed., Four English Political Tracts of the Later Middle Ages , Camden Fourth Series (London, 1977) 18:ix-xix. [BACK]

34. Jean, sire de Joinville, Histoire . . . de Saint Louis , ed. Natalis de Wailly (Paris, 1867), 291 n. 689, quoted by Brown, "Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair," 328. [BACK]

35. The poem begins: "Phelippes, rois de France, qui tant i es renomez,/ Ge te rent le romanz qui des rois est romez./ Tant a cis travallié qui Primaz est nomez/ Que il est, Dieu merci, parfaiz et consummez." See Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:376. For further discussion of this picture and poem, see Guenée, " Grandes Chroniques ," 190. [BACK]

36. This structure, which gives special importance to Charlemagne and Philip Augustus, was introduced in Primat's translation. As discussed in the introduction to this book, the secondary decoration in his Latin source (B.N. lat. 5925) expressed a different textual hierarchy. [BACK]

37. Compare miniatures in Ste.-Gen. 782 with the scenes of Charlemagne's vision of the starry sky, the apparition of Saint James, and the founding of Aix-la-Chapelle on the châsse of Charlemagne reproduced in Lejeune and Stiennon, Légende de Roland , pl. 145; Gand, Centrum voor Kunst en Cultuur, Santiago de Compostela , 188; and Garnier, Language de l'image , pls. 116-17. For comparable cycles in later copies of the Grandes Chroniques see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. [BACK]

38. Ste.-Gen. 782 is not unique in this precision; pictures in at least one other manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques make the same distinction (See Grenoble, 407 Rés.), and the illustrations of the Latin Pseudo-Turpin chronicle and its French translations, as well as monuments derived from it, present Charlemagne as king as well. [BACK]

39. Gaston Zeller, "Les rois de France, candidats à l'empire: Essai sur l'idéologie imperiale en France," Revue historique 173 (1934): 273-311, 497-534. [BACK]

40. For Charlemagne's importance to the French kings, see Zeller, "Rois de France," 280; and Robert Folz, Le souvenir et la légende de Charlemagne (Paris, 1950). [BACK]

41. For the abbey's interest in Charlemagne, see Spiegel, "The Cult of Saint Denis," 59-60; Contamine, "L'oriflamme," 3-68; Joseph Bédier, Les légendes épiques: Recherches sur la formation des chansons de geste (Paris, 1913) 4:121-79; Philippe Ménard, "Les Jongleurs et les chansons de geste," La chanson de geste et le mythe Carolingian: Mélanges René Louis (Saint-Père-sous-Vézelay, 1982), 1:33-47; and Annie Triaud, "Observations sur l'anonymat des plus anciennes chansons de geste." La chanson de geste et le mythe Carolingian: Mélanges René Louis (Saint-Père-sous-Vézelay, 1982), 2:755-74. [BACK]

42. For this interpretation of Philip Augustus's devotion to Charlemagne, see Spiegel, " Reditus ," 164-71. Spiegel examines the function of the cult of Charlemagne at the court of Philip Augustus. She notes its intrusion into an official register where, she suggests, the juxtaposition of the Sibylline and Valerian prophecies with an account of Philip's conquest of Bouvines was intended to legitimate Philip's conquests. Spiegel sees the presence of these texts in a royal register as a sign that "the cult of Charlemagne has passed from the level of poetry to that of politics." For further discussion of this register, see Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , 384-86; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "La notion de la légitimité et la prophétie à la cour de Philippe Auguste," in La France de Philippe Auguste. Le temps des mutations , ed. Robert-Henri Bautier, Colloques internationaux du CNRS, no. 602 (Paris, 1982), 77-110. break [BACK]

43. Léon Gauthier, "L'idée politique dans les chansons de geste," Revue des questions historiques 7 (1869): 84 n. 3; cited by Zeller, "Rois de France," 275. [BACK]

44. Charles of Anjou supported Philip III for emperor in 1272 but did not secure the election for him. See Zeller, "Rois de France," 287.

45. The first quotation comes from the Speculum juridicale of Guillaume Durant, the second from the Établissements de Saint Louis . Both were dated early in the reign of Philip III. Ibid., 292.

46. Ibid., 292. Zeller cites as his source the chronicle of Guillaume of Nangis, which did not mention the use of Charlemagne's sword in previous coronations. Schramm contends that Pseudo-Turpin traced the sword back to the time of Charlemagne, because his text says of Charlemagne, "Ante eius tribunal spata nuda, more imperiali, efferebatur." Schramm reports that this sword was carried in 1179 and 1180 in both coronations of Philip Augustus and cites the Gesta regis Heinrici II , and Gislebertus of Mons, both of whom describe the "king's sword," not the emperor's. See Percy Ernst Schramm, Der König von Frankreich. Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16. Jahrhundert, ein Kapital aus der Geschichte des abendlandischen Staates , (Weimar, 1939), 1:167, 2:81 ns. 4-8.

The sword seems to be first identified as Charlemagne's in the description of Philip III's coronation by Guillaume of Nangis. From there it entered the Grandes Chroniques , where Primat took the opportunity to promote the abbey, guardians of the royal regalia, in describing the coronation. Shortly after outlining the custom (Les roys de France ont accoustomé dès le temps Charlemaine, le grant roy de France et emperere, de faire porter Joieuse devant eulz le jour de leur coronement, en l'honneur et la puissance du roy Charlemaine qui tant de terres conquist et tant Sarrazins mata.) Primat added, "Celle espée qui a nom Joieuse et la corone et le ceptre royal et les autres aornements sont gardés ou tresor Saint Denis moult chierement." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 8:39. [BACK]