Chapter Nine— Popular Manuscripts and the Religion Royale
1. On the Parisian book trade in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see Delalain, Étude sur les libraires ; Schultz, "Artistic and Literary Patronage," 181; Françoise Baron, "Enlumineurs, peintres, et sculpteurs Parisiens des XIV e et XV e siècles d'après les Archives de l'Hôpital Saint-Jacques-aux-Pèlerins," Bulletin archéologique du comité des travaux historique et scientifique 6 (1970): 77-116; Patrick M. de Winter, "Copistes, éditeurs, et enlumineurs de la fin du XIV e siècle: La production à Paris de manuscrits à miniatures," Actes du 100 e congrès national des sociétés savantes (1975) (Paris, 1978): 173-98; idem, La bibliothèque de Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne 1364-1404: Étude sur les manuscrits à peintures d'une collection princière à l'époque du "style gothique international" (Paris, 1985); Hindman, "Role of Author and Artist"; and idem, Épistre Othéa , 61-77.
Although only two identifiable manuscripts produced for the book trade survive, other sources enable us to construct a broader picture of ownership for these books. Guenée rightly suggests that surviving inventories and other marks of ownership point to a restricted audience of kings and princes of France, close counsellors to the king, and nobles. Of those in government service, only members of the chancery demonstrated an interest in the Grandes Chroniques , and that was mostly in the late fifteenth century. Members of other governmental groups seem not to have owned these chronicles. Thus, in a study of libraries of members of Parlement during the reign of Charles VI, Autrand found only compendia (like that of Vincent of Beauvais), ancient history, and Trojan history. See Guenée, Histoire et culture historique , 321-23; idem, "Les Grandes Chroniques ;" and Françoise Autrand, "Culture et mentalité: Les librairies des gens du Parlement au temps du Charles VI," Annales. Économies, sociétés, civilisations 30 (1973): 1219-44. [BACK]
2. For the displacement of the scene of Dagobert's patronage of Saint-Denis, see Guildhall 244, fol. 65v; Oxford Douce 217, fol. 57v; B.N. fr. 2597, fol. 65; W. 139, fol. 83v; Besançon, B.M. 863, fol. 56v; and Musée Condé 867, fol. 63v.
The misrepresentation of Empress Richilda as an emperor occurs in four manuscripts: Guildhall 244, fol. 169v; Oxford Douce 217, fol. 153; Arsenal 5223, fol. 161; and B.N. fr. 2597, fol. 179. One book from this iconographical group suggests a possible textual source for this error; in the manuscript in the Arsenal Library, rubrics and text are changed to describe the emperor who presents the sword. [BACK]
3. On W. 138, fol. 269, a rubric describes Charles VI, "qui a present regne m.cccc." For this, see Lilian M. C. Randall, France, 875-1420, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery , vol. 1 (Baltimore, 1989), 213-15, no. 80. [BACK]
4. The two manuscripts from this group that include the beginning of the Grandes Chroniques (Valenciennes, B.M. 637 and Paris, B.N. fr. 2604) incorporate the four directions to the illuminator that first survive in Thomas of Maubeuge's Grandes Chroniques and that persistently appear in nonroyal copies of the text. See Chapter 2, note 38.
The notes to the illuminator in the Grandes Chroniques in Valenciennes were first published by J. Mangaert, Catalogue descriptif et raisonné des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Valenciennes continue
(Paris, 1860), 512-16. These are transcribed in the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. For discussion of notes to the illuminator in an earlier copy of the Grandes Chroniques , see the discussion of B.N. fr. 10132 in Chapter 2. [BACK]
5. See Valenciennes, B.M. 637, fol. 214v; and B.N. fr. 2604, fol. 236, both described by the note: "Comment le roy siet en une chere et pluseurs nobles deriere li et oussi devant lui et at un jeune homme en genoulz sans chapperon a cui il prent la main," and see Valenciennes, B.M. 637, fol. 252v; B.N. fr. 2604, fol. 278; and W. 138, fol. 31v, described by the note: "Le pape seant en une haulte chere engourdinée devant lequel il at un homme agnulie sur lequel il met sa main sur sa teste et est vestu d'une house et devant ledit pape at pluiseurs clers vestus de housses avec bonnets siur les testes." [BACK]
6. Fol. 134: "Comment le roy est tout droit accompaignies de deux nobles devant li tient son petit fils par la main et le present a ij evesque et le premier le benit et at deriere un chappellain." [BACK]
7. Fol. 237v: "Un roy tout armé sans heaume assis sur un peton plusieurs gens d'armes a tous leurs escus derriere li tous drois et iij hommes en genoulz nue les testes en presentant leur espée par les points en criant merci." B.N. fr. 2604, fol. 248v, illustrates this scene as well. [BACK]
8. Valenciennes, B.M. 637 does not have directions for the pictures on fols. 2, 14, 32, and 154. Miniatures in Paris, B.N. fr. 2604 (on fols. 1, 2v, 12v, 16v, 34, 145, 168v, 205, 330v, 349, 374, and 381) and in W. 138 (on fols. 87v, 107, 132, 133v, and 138v) illustrate scenes that either were not illustrated or did not have marginal directions in Valenciennes B.M. 637. For the subjects of these pictures, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. [BACK]
9. Valenciennes, B.M. 637, fol. 111: "Comment le roy est tout droit et plusieurs nobles devant lui et devant li un chastiaulx et petites gens qui machonnant a tour, et en at un sur une eschiele et lautre bas qui taille pierre." Both pictures illustrate the rubric, "Li premiers parole des eglises et des autres edifices que li empereres edifia; de ses fames et de ses enfanz, et comment il furent norri et entroduit, et puis parole d'un sien fil de bast, qui avoit non Pepins, coment il fist conspiration contre son pere et de la venjance des traitors," equally well. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:140. [BACK]
10. On the role of Clovis in the religion royale , see Bloch, Royal Touch , 77, 130-36; Beaune, "Saint Clovis"; idem, Naissance de la nation France , 55-77; Hindman and Spiegel, "Fleur-de-lis Frontispiece"; and Krynen, Idéal du prince , 214-15. [BACK]
11. The change of iconography for Clovis in this frontispiece may result from the separation of text and image. In the image of Clovis's baptism from the manuscript in Paris, the unction is brought to St. Remi by the dove described in the text of the Grandes Chroniques . In the manuscript in Valenciennes, an angel brings the unction. These interpretations were viewed as alternate solutions as early as the time of Charles V, when a document describes the unction as brought by "the Holy Spirit, or it may be an angel, appearing in the form of a dove." For this document, see Bloch, Royal Touch , 77. Varied readings continued in the fifteenth century when these manuscripts were produced. See Krynen, Idéal du prince , 221.
Only two other copies of the Grandes Chroniques contain two frontispieces. In B.N. fr. 17270 the second frontispiece marks the beginning of the life of Charlemagne, and in B.R. 5 it marks the beginning of the life of Louis the Pious.
12. For a discussion of Clovis as a model king and saint, see Beaune, "Saint Clovis." Beaune cites texts from the late fourteenth century that are as diverse as a universal chronicle written by the abbot of Moissac, Aimeri de Peyrac, and a poem written by Jean Gerson. Ibid., 148. [BACK]
11. The change of iconography for Clovis in this frontispiece may result from the separation of text and image. In the image of Clovis's baptism from the manuscript in Paris, the unction is brought to St. Remi by the dove described in the text of the Grandes Chroniques . In the manuscript in Valenciennes, an angel brings the unction. These interpretations were viewed as alternate solutions as early as the time of Charles V, when a document describes the unction as brought by "the Holy Spirit, or it may be an angel, appearing in the form of a dove." For this document, see Bloch, Royal Touch , 77. Varied readings continued in the fifteenth century when these manuscripts were produced. See Krynen, Idéal du prince , 221.
Only two other copies of the Grandes Chroniques contain two frontispieces. In B.N. fr. 17270 the second frontispiece marks the beginning of the life of Charlemagne, and in B.R. 5 it marks the beginning of the life of Louis the Pious.
12. For a discussion of Clovis as a model king and saint, see Beaune, "Saint Clovis." Beaune cites texts from the late fourteenth century that are as diverse as a universal chronicle written by the abbot of Moissac, Aimeri de Peyrac, and a poem written by Jean Gerson. Ibid., 148. [BACK]
13. The passage in the Songe du vergier used to legitimize Valois rule reads as follows: "Or est vray comme il a esté touchée, que le roy Pypin a esté esleü par le pueple, ne n'a pas, pour sez demerites, deservi estre deposé, ne aussi ceulx qui sont, jusques au jour d'uy, descendus de luy, mez sont lez roys de France oyns de la Saincte Ampoule envoïee par continue
l'Angre dez Cieulx. Et que dirons nous plus? Considerons la saincteté de ceste benoite lygnie; et premierement, lez fés et lez miracles de monsiegneur saint Charlemaigne, de monsiegneur saint Louys, roy de France, saint Louys de Marseille, saint Charles de Blais, jadiz duc de Bretaingne, et de plusieurs aultres Sainz qui sont descendus de ceste lygnie; considerons aussi lez graces, les vertus et lez miracles que Dieex a fais et ottroïés a Charles, le Quint de ce nom, qui a present regne; et certes nous trouverons, et pourons seürement conclurre, que le royaume de France qui a present est si est vary et naturel royaume, sanz violance, sanz force et sanz tyrannie, et de la volanté de Dieu establi." See Marion Schnerb-Lièvre, ed., Le songe du vergier (Paris, 1982), 1:153-54. [BACK]
14. See Smith, "Saint Augustine's City of God "; and Jackson, Traité du sacre . [BACK]