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Chapter Four— The Courtly Response in Manuscripts by the Master of the Roman de Fauvel

1. For this analysis of nonroyal manuscripts, see Guenée, "Les Grandes Chroniques ." [BACK]

2. For a complete list of artistically related manuscripts, see Appendix I. [BACK]

3. Avril provides the most comprehensive list to date of works grouped around artists collectively known as the Master of the Roman de Fauvel . Known patrons include royalty (Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne, wife of Philip of Valois), government offices (the royal archives), and courtiers (Louis, duke of Bourbon; Guillaume Flote, chancellor of France). Avril associates the style employed in these books with Geoffroy of Saint-Léger who, like Thomas of Maubeuge, operated a shop on the Rue Neuve Nostre-Dame in Paris. Geoffroy was documented as both a bookseller and an illuminator. Avril speculates that the location of Geoffroy's shop in the Rue Neuve Nostre-Dame rather than in the university quarter may reflect a desire for a bourgeois audience. For this, see Avril's contribution in Roesner, ed., Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fonds français 146 . The three copies of the Grandes Chroniques (B.R. 5; Castres, B.M.; and Switzerland, private collection) that I am discussing here are closest stylistically to the manuscripts that Avril groups as the late work of the Master of the Roman de Fauvel , datable in the 1330s.

For further discussion of Geoffroy of Saint-Léger, see Rouse, "Book Trade," 43, 53; and, for an analysis of notations made by Geoffroy in manuscripts that have made scholars question his role as illuminator, see Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon, "Brabant of Parijs? Aantekeningen bij een handschrift met vrome legenden, afkomstig uit het kartuizerklooster te Zelen, bij Diest," Handschriften uit Diestse Kerken en Kloosters , Dietsche Cronycke, no. 6 (Diest, 1983), 55-56.

Joan Diamond argues for a more restricted division of hands in the work attributed to the Master of the Roman de Fauvel . She identifies one artist whom she dubs the Royal Master (after a royal missal, B.L. Harley 2891), whose oeuvre * corresponds in large part to the work that Avril describes as early Fauvel. See Udovitch, "The Papeleu Master." She believes the painter of the Roman de Fauvel to be a follower of the Royal Master's style (letter of July 16, 1983). Her division of hands seems to be confirmed by the activity of both the Royal Master and the Master of Fauvel in separate gatherings of B.N. fr. 2615, a Grandes Chroniques of c. 1315 discussed in Chapter 2 of this book.

The closeness of style among different artists placed in this group is an example of what Joan Diamond describes as a period style. She demonstrates that individual artists worked together on temporary collaborations in styles that seemed to crystalize around particular text types. For example, she points out that the loose, rapid manner of the Royal Master seemed to be seen as particularly suited to vernacular books with text miniatures. See Joan Diamond, "Manufacture and Market in Parisian Book Illumination around 1300," Europäische Kunst um 1300. Akten des XXV Internationalen Kongresses für Kunstgeschichte Wien 4-10 september 1983 , ed. Elisabeth Liskar (Vienna, 1986), 6:101-10. [BACK]

4. For the provenance of the 1330s manuscripts, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. [BACK]

5. For the use of stock scenes in the Thomas of Maubeuge manuscript, see Chapter 2 of this book. [BACK]

6. For the other manuscripts that include the French and Latin poems, see Chapter 1, note 31. Of these, the placement and form of the poems in Cambrai, B.M. 682 is closest to those of the manuscript in Switzerland. [BACK]

7. The only exception to the practice of drawing the subject matter of illustrations from the text is the illustration to the last book of Philip Augustus's life. This puzzling scene in which an emperor supervises the coronation of a king has absolutely nothing to do with its text but may be an illustration for the life of Louis VIII, a text that follows the life of Philip Augustus in manuscripts that continue past 1223. If this image does represent John continue

of Brienne, king of Jerusalem and emperor of Constantinople, assisting at the coronation of Louis VIII, its use as an illustration for the third book of Philip Augustus's life would be a mistake on the part of the book's designer and might indicate the use of standardized models in this program. [BACK]

8. The text describing Louis VII, Emperor Conrad, and others riding on a crusade had special rubrics in Ste.-Gen. 782 and in many of the other early manuscripts of the Grandes Chroniques . [BACK]

9. There are 44 illustrations of Merovingian, 33 of Carolingian, and 52 of Capetian history. [BACK]

10. Fol. 1: "Ci commence les croniques de France. premierement des dux qui premier y furent. Et puis des Rois Sarrazins. Et après ensuivant de tous les Roys crestiens. Et tous leurs fais iusques au Roy charles fils le Roy Phelippe le Bel. et la descendue dont chascuns est descendus et leurs generacions." [BACK]

11. For the miniature in John the Good's manuscript, see text pages 61-62 and color plate 1. [BACK]

12. The description of Philip Augustus's death in B.R. 5 is very close to that given in B.N. fr. 2600, an unillustrated copy of the Grandes Chroniques that contains the continuation of Guillaume de Nangis similar to that in B.R. 5 and is dated by Guenée to the second quarter of the fourteenth century. See Guenée, "Les Grandes Chroniques ." 196: and, for the second description of Philip Augustus's burial, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 4:375. [BACK]

13. Men wear long hoods and tunics, combined with low-slung belts. For discussion and dating of comparable costumes, see Stella Mary Newton, Fashion in the Age of the Black Prince (Totowa, N.J., 1980). [BACK]

14. Fol. 353v: "Ces croniques sunt Madame Jeanne d'Amboise, dame de Revel et de Thyphauges." [BACK]

15. Père Anselme, Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France, des pairs, grandes officiers de la couronne, et de la maison du roy (Paris, 1726-33), 4:276. [BACK]

16. For other works commissioned by Guillaume Flote, see Avril's contribution in Roesner, ed., Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale MS fonds français 146 . [BACK]

17. For a discussion of Anseau de Chevreuse, see Contamine, "L'oriflamme," 21-22; and Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V , 399. [BACK]

18. Robert of Artois's arms were azur semé de fleurs-de-lis à un lambel rouge de trois pièces, chaque pièce chargée de trois châteaux d'or . [BACK]

19. For the fair of Lendit, see Léon Levillain, "Essai sur les origines du Lendit," Revue historique 155 (1927): 241-76; and Anne Lombard-Jourdan, "Les foires de l'Abbaye de Saint-Denis: Revue des données et révision des opinions admises," Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes 145 (1987): 273-338. For popular songs about the relics, see Bédier, Les légendes épiques , 4:121-79; Ménard, "Les jongleurs"; and Triaud, "Observations." [BACK]

20. The other illustration, at the beginning of the chapter in B.N. fr. 10132 (fol. 174), represents Agolant standing before Charlemagne.

The meeting of Charlemagne and Agolant was a popular illustration in the French translation of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, which also moralized the events at the banquet. Like B.N. fr. 10132, these manuscripts illustrate the meeting of the two leaders without evoking the dinner. See the entries on Bern, Burgerbibliothek Ms. 115, Paris, B.N. fr. 573, and Florence, Biblioteca Medicae Laurenziana Ashburnham Ms. 125 in Walpole, ed., Old French Pseudo-Turpin , vol. 2. [BACK]

21. "Se Karlemaines perdi ensi le roi Aygolant et sa gent que il ne fu baptiziez, pour ce que il vit les povres laidement traiter, que sera-il au jour de joise de ceus qui en cest mortel vie ont les povres en despit et malement les auront traitiez? . . . Et ausi come li rois païens refusa baptesme pour ce que il ne vit pas en Karlemaine droites ovres, ausi me dout-je que Nostre Sires ne refuse en nous la foi du baptesme au jour du joise, pour ce que il n'i trovera pas les ovres." Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:235-36. break [BACK]

22. Castres. B.M. fol. 263: "Comment le roi phelippe dieu donne ordena de son testament avant qu'il partist de france pour aler ou voyage d'outremer et comment il ordena des besoignes du roiaume au proffit de tout le commun pueple." [BACK]

23. For the text of the commentary on Ferrand's capture and punishment, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 4:360-62. [BACK]

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