1. Only one of the manuscripts that contain the prologue and poetic colophon has them frame the text as they did in Ste.-Gen. 782. This manuscript (B.L. Add. 38128) is unillustrated. [BACK]

2. For book production in Paris, see Paul Delalain, Étude sur les libraires Parisiens du XIII ^e au XV ^e siècle (Paris, 1891); Mary A. Rouse and Richard Rouse, "The Book Trade at the University of Paris, c. 1250-c. 1350," in La production du livre universitaire au Moyen-Âge: Exemplar et pecia , ed. Louis J. Bataillon, Bertrand G. Guyot, and Richard H. Rouse (Paris, 1988), 41-114. For studies of artists' roles in Parisian book production, see Patricia Stirnemann, "Nouvelles pratiques en matière d'enluminure au temps de Philippe Auguste," in La France de Philippe Auguste: Le temps des mutations , ed. Robert-Henri Bautier, Colloques internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, no. 602 (Paris, 1982), 955-80; Branner, Manuscript Painting , 1-21; and for a later period Sandra L. Hindman, "The Role of Author and Artist in the Procedure of Illustrating Late Medieval Texts," Acta 10 (1986): 27-62, expanded in idem, Christine de Pizan's "Épistre Othéa: Painting and Politics at the Court of Charles VI (Toronto, 1986), 61-77. [BACK]

3. In their concentration on succession to office rather than heredity, the libraires relate closely to the phenomenon that Guenée describes in "Les généalogies." [BACK]

4. In suggesting that the Grandes Chroniques in Cambrai was a royal recension, I do not mean to imply that it was based upon Philip III's copy, which was preserved in the royal library, because at least one other contemporary draft of the chronicle containing the poems survives in London (B.L. Add. 38128). An addition to the genealogy in ch. 16 of the first book of the life of Philip Augustus (fol. 270) of that unillustrated manuscript refers to the death of Philip III in 1285 but not to that of Philip IV in 1315.

The textual filiation between Ste.-Gen. 782; Cambrai, B.M. 682; and B.L. Add. 38128 has not been fully explored, but there is evidence that none of the three is totally dependent on either of the others. For example, Cambrai, B.M. 682 includes the Latin and French poems that appear in Ste.-Gen. 782 but places them in a different position in the text (fols. 289-290, before the life of Philip Augustus) from that of either B.L. Add. 38128 (fol. 308) or Ste.-Gen. 782 (fol. 326v), where the poems appear at the end of Philip Augustus's life. But B.L. Add. 38128 and Ste.-Gen. 782 are not identical either, because B.L. Add. 38128 and Cambrai, B.M. 682 include interpolated rubrics that were not present in Ste.-Gen. 782. Apparently these rubrics were a late thirteenth-century addition to the text of the chronicle; a later hand added them to the margins of Ste.-Gen. 782 when it served as a textual model for Charles V's Grandes Chroniques . For this, see Chapter 5 of this book. [BACK]

5. Lacaze identified one artist who painted a single folio in B.N. fr. 2615 (fol. 252) as Painter D (the Sisinnius Master) in the Vie de Saint Denis , which forms one part of Ivo of Saint-Denis's Vita et Passio . See Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 268 and fig. 222.

Joan Udovitch identified a second artist as the Royal Master who decorated court documents and a number of books whose coats of arms attest to his popularity at court between 1320 and 1330. See Joan Diamond Udovitch, "The Papeleu Master: A Parisian Manuscript Illuminator of the Early Fourteenth Century," (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1979), 1:172-82, 2:Appendix B, 247-80.

François Avril identified the production of a third hand as the early work of the Master of the Roman de Fauvel (perhaps Geoffroy de Saint-Léger). For manuscripts associated with him, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique: Le siècle de Charles V , ed. Françoise Baron et al. (Paris, 1981), 284-85, 255-56, 298; and François Avril's contribution to Edward H. Roesner, ed., Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, MS fonds français 146 (The Roman de Fauvel in the Edition of Mesire Chaillou de Pesstain): A Facsimile of the Manuscript with an Introduction by François Avril, Nancy Freeman Regalado, and Edward H. Roesner (New York, forthcoming). break [BACK]

6. For the style of B.N. fr. 2615, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 284-85. Earlier, Avril dated B.N. fr. 2615 c. 1315-25. For this see Carla Lord, "Three Manuscripts of the Ovide Moralisée ," Art Bulletin 57 (1975): 163. Textual evidence confirms this dating, because an interpolation in the genealogy in ch. 16 of the life of Philip Augustus (fol. 189) mentions the death of Philip IV in 1315. [BACK]

7. For a listing of all the miniatures in B.N. fr. 2615, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. In the original portion of the manuscript there were 52 coronations and 8 miniatures depicting other subject matter. [BACK]

8. For the division of hands in B.N. fr. 2615, see the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book. [BACK]

9. This inclusion of the correct number of brothers happens twice: at the coronations of Childebert (fol. 12v) and Caribert (fol. 24). [BACK]

10. Pepin's lion migrated from early histories into chansons de geste and then spread from popular literature into the representational arts. Thus Pepin stands on a lion in the galleries of kings at Notre-Dame, Chartres, and Saint-Denis. For the origin of Pepin's lion, see Gaston Paris, "La légende de Pepin 'Le Bref,'" Mélanges Julien Havet (Paris, 1898), 603-32. [BACK]

11. For an excellent historiographic study and analysis of the meaning of the montjoies , see Anne Lombard-Jourdan, "'Montjoies' et 'Montjoie' dans la plaine Saint-Denis," Mémoires de la Federation des sociétés historiques et archéologiques de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 25 (1974): 141-81, which refutes Branner's interpretation of the montjoies as propaganda for Louis IX's canonization. For Branner's discussion, see Robert Branner, "The Montjoies of Saint Louis," in Essays in the History of Architecture Presented to Rudolf Wittkower , ed. Douglas Fraser, Howard Hibbard, and Milton J. Lewine (London, 1967), 13-16. [BACK]

12. The exact number of montjoies was never mentioned by the sources that describe them. See Lombard-Jourdan, "'Montjoies,'" 163-66. [BACK]

13. For a discussion of the statues in the Grande Salle of the Palais de la Cité, see Claire Richter Sherman, The Portraits of Charles V of France (1338-1380) (New York, 1969), 57-58, and Brown, "Character of Philip the Fair," 314-15. Evrard d'Orléans, the peintre du roi , supervised the execution of the kings. All that remains of this program of sculpture is an engraving made by Jacques Andrenet de Cerceau before the destruction of the hall by fire in 1618. For this, see André Linzeler, Inventaire du fonds français, graveurs du seizième siècle (Paris, 1932-35) 1:16, 70-71; Noël Valois, address in Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 30 (1903): 81-90; and Jean Guerout, "Le Palais de la Cité . . . ," Mémoires de la Féderation des sociétés historiques et archéologiques de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 2 (1950): 131-38. [BACK]

14. "Par honneur pour leur glorieuse mémoire, les statues de tous les rois de France qui, jusqu'à ce jour, ont occupé le trône sont réuni en ce lieu; elles sont d'une ressemblance si expressive qu'à première vue on les croirait vivant." For this translation from the Latin, see Jean de Jandun, "Éloge de Paris" in Paris et ses historiens aux XIV ^e et XV ^e siècles: Documents et écrits originaux, ed. Antoine Jean Victor Leroux de Lincy and Lazare-Maurice Tisserand (Paris, 1867), 5, 49, cited by Raymond Cazelles, Nouvelle histoire de Paris de la fin du règne de Philippe Auguste à la mort du Charles V: 1223-1380 (Paris, 1972), 165. [BACK]

15. See Lewis, Royal Succession , 142-43, and Brown, "Character of Philip the Fair," 312-13. [BACK]

16. For a discussion of the complicated evolution of the presentation manuscript (now split into B.N. fr. 2090-92 and B.N. lat. 13836), see Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 57-87. Lacaze believes that the manuscript was executed c. 1314-19 in its Latin form and that the French translations were added in the margins c. 1319-22 when the book was prepared for Philip V. [BACK]

17. The Vita et Passio Sancti Dionysii of Ivo of Saint-Denis existed in at least two manuscripts that were available in the Parisian area in the early fourteenth century: one continue

version was split into two (B.N. fr. 2090-2092 and B.N. lat. 13836), and a second remained whole (perhaps B.N. lat. 5286). Both were cited by the monks of Saint-Denis in 1410 in the trial over the relic of Denis's head, which has led Delaborde to suggest that B.N. lat. 13836 was from the royal library and B.N. lat. 5286 from the abbey library. See Henri-François Delaborde, "Le procès du chef de Saint Denis en 1410," Mémoires de la Société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 11 (1884): 352-53.

Lacaze believes that B.N. lat. 5286 was a draft for the king's presentation manuscript. Bähr's position is diametrically opposed to that of Lacaze, suggesting that B.N. lat. 5286 postdates 1322 and copies the royal manuscript. For this, see Lacaze, Vie de Saint-Denis , 57-87; and Bähr, Saint Denis und seine Vita , 133-200, lxx-xciv. In an analysis of the history that forms the third part of the Vie de Saint Denis , Grémont suggested that B.N. lat. 5286 was an early fourteenth-century copy after B.N. fr. 2090-2092 and lat. 13836. For a summary of his findings, see Grémont, "Yves de Saint-Denis."

A comparison of the illustration of the historical portion of B.N. lat. 13836 and the portions of B.N. lat. 5286 that correspond to it led me to disagree with Lacaze. The style of the miniatures in B.N. lat. 5286 is related generically to that of Artist I in John the Good's Grandes Chroniques (B.L. Royal 16 G VI), a manuscript painted c. 1335-40, so it is unlikely that this manuscript was the model for B.N. lat. 13836.

To try to establish whether B.N. lat. 5286 copied B.N. lat. 13836, I compared the texts of 10 folios in B.N. lat. 13836 (fols. 87-97) with their equivalents in B.N. lat. 5286 (fols. 199-203). The results of this comparison make it unlikely that B.N. lat. 5286 copied the royal manuscript (B.N. lat. 13836) as Bähr and Grémont would have it. The Latin texts of the two manuscripts are not identical. However, because marginal corrections written in light brown ink in B.N. lat. 5286 relate to the text in B.N. lat. 13836, it is possible that the later copy was corrected after the royal manuscript. If this is true, then B.N. lat. 5286 is an important witness to the original cycle of B.N. lat. 13836, since some of the notes in B.N. lat. 5286 describe miniatures where pages are currently missing from B.N. lat. 13836 and where there is no illustration in B.N. lat. 5286. These notes and the pictures that illustrate the first portion of B.N. lat. 5286-a portion now lacking from B.N. lat. 13836-provide valuable insights into the appearance of the complete pictorial cycle of the copy presented to Philip V. [BACK]

18. The marginal notes of the Vita et Passio (B.N. lat. 5286) include representations of the fleur-de-lis (now excised, formerly between fols. 31 and 32 of B.N. lat. 13836), of Charlemagne offering four gold besants to Saint Denis (now excised, formerly between fols. 38 and 39 of B.N. lat. 13836), and of Saint Louis (B.N. lat. 13836, fol. 101v, illustrating his enseignments ).

For discussion of changes to the text and for analysis of some of these changes to the pictorial cycle, see Lacaze, Vie de Saint Denis , 374-76. [BACK]

19. B.N. lat. 5286, fol. 194v. The note that begins "hic deficit arbor" specifies that the genealogical tree preserved in the royal copy is missing in the later monastic copy being collated with it. [BACK]

20. For discussion of the diagram of Hugh Capet's descent, see Hervé Pinoteau, "Les origines de la maison Capétienne," in Vingt-cinq ans d'études dynastiques (Paris, 1982), 157. [BACK]

21. Fol. 75v: "Quomodo iste hugo de progenie karoli magni descendit et quomodo regni non fuerit usurpator," and "Comment cestui hue descendi de la droite lignie charlemaigne et comme [ sic ] il ne fu mie exurpeour du roiaume." [BACK]

22. The information regarding Thomas of Maubeuge's commission, appearing on fol. 1 in the introductory materials (fols. 1-6), is transcribed in the Catalogue of Manuscripts in this book.

Thomas of Maubeuge was well-known as an editor and as one of the few libraires jurés at Paris in 1316 and 1323. See Paul Delalain, Libraires Parisiens , 10-14, 18, 27; and Rouse, "Book Trade," 53-54, 102. His patrons came from the university and the nobility and even included continue

one king. Thomas sold books to Mahaut of Artois in 1313 and received a quittance from her in 1329. See Chrétien César Auguste Dehaisnes, Histoire de l'art dans la Flandres, l'Artois, et le Hainaut avant le XV ^e siècle (Lille, 1886), 432-33. Thomas sold a romance to the Count of Hainaut in 1323 and may have sold a "rommant de moralité sur le bible" to King John the Good in 1349. See Leopold Delisle, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Imperiale (Paris, 1868-81), 1:15 n. 9, 3:304 n. 2; and Rouse, "Book Trade," 53-54.

Elizabeth A. R. Brown's observation (letter of November 1989) that the colophon is written in the past tense raises some questions about the date of the manuscript's completion. The colophon refers to "Philip [V] who was the son of Philip the Fair and brother of Louis [X]" ( philippe qui fu filz phelippe li biaux ), and mentions the commission in the past tense as well, "Pierre Honnorez of Neufchâtel in Normandy had [this book] written [ fist escrire ]. . . . by Thomas of Maubeuge . . . the year of grace of our Lord 1318."

This colophon is written by the scribe (who completed the book through the life of Louis X) as the introduction to a genealogically structured table of contents on a gathering (fols. 1-6) added to the beginning of the book. Thus it is quite possible that the scribe might describe the task of producing the book, which was finished as he wrote the colophon, in the past tense. The reference in the past tense to Philip V, who died in 1322, may indicate that the book was not completed until after the king's death. This date may be supported by artistic evidence, because the artist who painted the first part of B.N. fr. 10132 also collaborated with the Master of the Roman de Fauvel on a Grandes Chroniques (Castres, B.M.) that can be dated to the 1330s. See text pages 82-90. [BACK]

23. B.N. fr. 10132 was later continued with a French translation and continuation of the chronicle of Jean de Saint-Victor for events from 1316 to 1329. The version of Guillaume of Nangis's Life of Saint Louis that Thomas of Maubeuge uses in Pierre Honnorez's manuscript is different from that used in a contemporary courtly manuscript (B.N. fr. 2615), or slightly later in the manuscript made in the 1330s for John the Good when he was still dauphin (B.L. Royal 16 G VI), or in the continuation added to Cambrai, B.M. 682. See Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 86 n. 157. For the identification of the text in B.N. fr. 10132 as the continuation of Guillaume de Nangis, see Delisle, "Guillaume de Nangis," 353. For the translation and continuation of Jean de Saint-Victor, see RHF , 21:676-89. [BACK]

24. For the relationship between the Grandes Chroniques and the Abrégé de l'histoire de France , see text pages 4-5. [BACK]

25. Fol. 2v: "Et pour avoir connoissance de trouver les generaciones p[ar] le nombre vous trouverez en la premier generacion en chascun fueillet .i. p[ar] nombre. En la second .ii. et en la tierce .iii. et ainsi trouverrez les choses qui i sont." [BACK]

26. The earliest copies of the Abrégé de l'histoire de France that I have consulted are from the thirteenth century; they include B.N. fr. 5700, whose text dates before 1285 (it contains a reference to Philip III, "Philippe qui ores et sera roi"); B.N. fr. 13565; and B.N. fr. 4961, which probably predates 1297, the date of the canonization of Saint Louis about whom it says, "et dist on qu'il est sainz." Fourteenth-century copies consulted include B.N. fr. 2815 (which contains the text of the Grandes Chroniques for descriptions of kings from Philip I to Philip III) and B.N. n. a. fr. 10043. [BACK]

27. When other illustrations are included in the Abrégé de l'histoire de France , they either reinforce the divisions of the text into three dynasties or focus on Clovis, the first Christian king of France. Thirteenth-century examples are simply illustrated. B.N. fr. 4961 begins with the genealogical diagrams. It has no illuminations, but vignetted initials mark the beginnings of the lives of Clovis (fol. 9), Pepin and Charlemagne (fol. 31), and Hugh Capet (fol. 67). B.N. fr. 13565 has a sequence of genealogical diagrams at the end of the manuscript and limits its illustration to an enthroned king at the prologue (fol. 1). B.N. fr. 5700 begins with genealogical charts, then prefaces the prologue with a full-page miniature continue

of four kings. This faces the page on which the prologue actually begins, which is illustrated by the baptism of Clovis.

In the fourteenth century, manuscripts of the Abrégé de l'histoire de France were revised to suppress a paragraph in the prologue that identifies the Ménestrel and to include a text close to the Grandes Chroniques for descriptions of reigns from Philip I through Philip III. For this, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 82; and Mandach, Chronique , 148-51.

Both fourteenth-century copies that I consulted suppress the genealogical charts common in the thirteenth-century redaction. One (B.N. n. a. fr. 10043) is an unillustrated book of small format. The other (B.N. fr. 2815) is of larger format and illustrated to reflect the two sources for its text. In the portion containing the Ménestrel's chronicle, combinations of miniatures and historiated initials mark the prologue (fol. 1, four kings) and the three races: the Merovingians (fol. 7, miniatures of Clovis's battle and baptism; historiated initial of an enthroned king), the Carolingians (fol. 25, miniature of the pope receiving a letter; historiated initial of King Pepin standing on a lion), and the Capetians (fol. 58v, miniature of Hugh Capet enthroned). In the portion derived from the Grandes Chroniques are miniatures for the lives of Philip I (fol. 60v), Louis VI (fol. 74v), Louis VII (fol. 101v), Philip Augustus (fols. 118v, 136, 156, 163v), Louis VIII (fol. 172v), Louis IX (fol. 174v), and Philip III (fol. 182). None of these pictorial cycles have affinities with Thomas of Maubeuge's Grandes Chroniques . [BACK]

29. For a discussion of explanatory rubrics in the prose Lancelot , see Alison Stones, "Written Guides and Pictorial Models in Secular Manuscript Illumination c. 1300," Artistes, artisans et production artistique au Moyen-Âge (Rennes, 1983), 2: 1571-79; and idem, "The Illustrations of the French Prose Lancelot in Flanders, Belgium, and Paris 1250-1340," (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1970). [BACK]

30. Thomas of Maubeuge's first model was a copy of the Grandes Chroniques , which terminated at the end of Philip Augustus's life, where B.N. fr. 10132 now has a red "Éxplicit" (fol. 362). This "Éxplicit" seems to have been the terminus for the model alone, since B.N. fr. 10132 continues to fol. 400 with discussions of the events of 1223 to 1316 taken from the amplified chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis. In the mid-fourteenth century another scribe appended a translation and continuation of Jean de Saint-Victor's text to describe events from the accession of Louis X to 1330. Though illuminated, this later section has no directions to the illuminator and is unrubricated. [BACK]

31. Directions to the rubricator and illuminator survive on fols. 159v (scraped), 160 (scraped), 168v (scraped?), 219v-20, 237, 240v-41, 252-52v, 255 (2 miniatures), 255-55v, 256, 299, 300v-301, 314, and 329v. [BACK]

32. See Samuel Berger and Paul Durrieu, "Les notes pour l'enlumineur dans les manuscrits du Moyen-Âge," Bulletin et mémoires de la Société nationale des antiquaires de France 53 (1892): 18-20. [BACK]

33. Gilbert Ouy made these observations in a conversation on December 12, 1980. He also noted that when the directions to the rubricator were copied into the text, the scribe often made the forms more archaic. Thus on fol. 255 the marginal note reads, "Ci commence la vie au roi hue chapet," but the rubric that copies it states, "Ci commence la vie le roy hue chapet." These archaic literary forms are also used in the colophon identifying Thomas of Maubeuge. break [BACK]

34. "Ci commence la vie le roi robert qui fu filz hue chapet qui tant estoit bons clers," and "Comment il asist clos et fors murs et diave tout entour et avec lui plent— —[trimmed]." [BACK]

35. In all but one case (fol. 299) where directions to the illuminator and rubricator appear on the same folio, the direction to the illuminator employs "il" to refer to "le roy," as described in the note to the rubricator, but the artist, who only read the direction addressed to him, neglected to include the king. See fols. 237, 256, 314, and 329v. [BACK]

36. One such direction survives on fol. 220: "Une grant bataille de chevaliers & de rois & d'autre gent." [BACK]

37. See for instance fol. 240v, "Ci commence l'istoire du roi qui fu filz loys le barbe qui out a non charlemaine." [BACK]

38. Several copies of the Grandes Chroniques incorporate into their texts four extra passages, which I have transcribed from B.N. fr. 10132:

I. Fol. 29v between Book I, chs. 15 and 16: "Ci devant raconte comment le roi cloovis fu Roys et comment il conquist soissons et mist empes tout son Royaume et comment .s. Remi li envoia .i. mesage pour requerre lui .i. ourcel que cil de soissons li avoient tolu par force et par mauvestie et comment li rois li envoia lourcel arrieres par son mesage. Et li apres raconterons comment il envoia au Roy gondebout querre sa niece pour avoir a fame & comment aureliens iala & laporta ioiaux de par le roy cloovis et comment la damoiselle les recut et comment elle sen vint en France et comment li rois cloovis l'espousa a soissons et ni ot onquel nullui de parente a la pucele." This rubric has no miniature, but it does have an elaborate five-line decorated initial.

II. Fol. 32 before Book I, ch. 20: "Ci apres devise comment le Roi cloovis fu baptisiez de mesire saint Remi de Rains et une partie du peuple qui la estoit et comment nostre sire li envoia le saint cresme par le saint esperit en semblance de coulon en .i. vessel qui portoit a son bec. et comment il fonda sainte genevieve du mont a la requeste crotilde sa fame." This rubric is illustrated by the baptism of Clovis.

III. Fol. 36 before Book II, ch. 1: "Ci devise comment le Roy cloovis et sa fame crotilde sont en leur pales et comment les iiij fils sont devant euls et comment le roy devisa le royaume en .iiij. parties se que chascun sot a sener an sien royaume." This rubric is illustrated by Clovis and Clotilda standing in the presence of their four sons.

IV. Fol. 57 before Book III, ch. 1: "Ci endroit raconte comment le Roy chilperich espousa la suer brunechaut mes a ce temps tenoit il pluseurs fames en soingnantage dont il avint que lune de ses soingnans fist tent envers le Roy desus dit quil estrangla en son lit sa fame quil avoit espousee en son dormant." This rubric is illustrated by King Chilperic strangling his wife in her bed.

These passages appear either as rubrics or as texts that precede or follow rubrics between Book I, chapters 15 and 16; and preceding Book I, chapter 20; Book II, chapter 1; and Book III, chapter 1. They first survive in Thomas of Maubeuge's manuscript and never appear in royal copies of the text, although they are quite common in books produced by the late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century book trade. Thus far I have seen combinations of these passages in Besançon, B.M. 863 (passages I-III, fols. 7v, 9-9v, 12v); B.R. 1 (passages I, IV, fols. 8, 24); B.R. 2 (passage IV, fol. 27v); B.R. 3 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 8v, 10, 26); Musée Condé, 867 (passages I-II, fols. 24, 25v, 27v); Geneva, B.M. Comites Latentes 182 . . . (passages I-IV, fols. 8, 8v, 9, 16v); Phillipps 1917 (passage II, fol. 10v); B.L. Add. 15269 (passages I-II, fols. 8v, 10v), Add. 21143 (passages I-IV, fols. 7v, 9v, 12v, 29v), Cotton Nero E II (passages I, II, IV, fols. 9v, 11v, 31), Sloane 2433 (first half of passage I, fol. 10v); Guildhall 244 (passages I-IV, fols. 8v, 10v, 14, 29v); Lyon, P.A. 30 (passages I-IV, fols. 9-9v, 11, 14, 29); Munich Cod. Gall. 4 (passage IV, fol. 31v); Oxford Douce 217 (passages I-IV, continue

fols. 8, 9v, 12v, 26v); B.N. fr. 73 (passages I-III, fols. 8v, 10, 13v), fr. 2597 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 2, 4, 24v), fr. 2604 (passages I-IV, fols. 10v, 12v, 16v, 34), fr. 2606 (passages I, II, fols. 8v, 10-10v), fr. 2616-20 (passages I-IV, fols. 10, 12, 15, 30), fr. 6466-67 (passage II, fol. 25), fr. 20352-53 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 4v, 5v, 26v [in the lower margin as a direction to the rubricator that was ignored]), fr. 10132 (passages I-IV, fols. 29v, 32, 36v, 57); Ste.-Gen. 783 (passages I, II, fols. 8, 9v); Toulouse, B.M. 512 (passages I, II, IV, fols. 8, 9v, 26); and Valenciennes B.M. 637 (passages I-IV, fols. 9, 11, 14v, 31v). [BACK]

39. Fol. 19: "Ci commence la genialogye des dux qui regnerent avant que il eust onq[ue]s Roy en France et puis apres des rois ensuiant qui apres eulz [two words are blotted out] regne." [BACK]

40. Fol. 20v: "Ci commence la genialogie des Rois de france et comment il descendirent premierement des fuitis de troies la grant." [BACK]

41. For discussion of the reditus , see Chapter 1 of this book. [BACK]

42. "Comment i rois espeuse une dame et la pluiseurs chevaliers et plente de clergie." [BACK]

43. For this text written c. 1286-87, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7: 2-7. It begins with a description of the death of Louis VII and the coronation of Louis VIII and then interjects an extensive passage that describes the reditus , provides a detailed genealogy of the French kings, and recounts the Valerian prophecy certifying that the translation of the realm was accomplished as the will of God. The version of the reditus included in this text depends heavily on Vincent of Beauvais. On this, see Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 96-98; and Brown, "Notion de la légitimité." [BACK]

44. The life of Louis VIII in this manuscript discusses the reditus very briefly: "Apres le roy phelippe dit auguste qui conquist normendie regna en france loys son filz qu'il avoit engendre en la royne ysabel fille le conte baudouin de henaut qui estoit descendue de la lignie charlemainne le grant iadis roy de france & emperiere de rome si comme nous avons dits desus (B.N. fr. 10132, fol. 362). [BACK]

45. They are fol. 23, King Clodion besieges a city (Book I, ch. 5); fol. 32, baptism of Clovis (Book I, ch. 20); fol. 102v, Dagobert cuts the beard of his teacher (Book V, ch. 3); fol. 127v, three barons kneel before Pepin, who stands on the back of a lion (Book V, ch. 28); fol. 159v, emperor of Constantinople sends messages to Charlemagne (Charlemagne, Book III, ch. 4); fol. 160, Charlemagne receives the messages (Charlemagne, Book III, ch. 5); fol. 165, Charlemagne leaves Constantinople with relics (Charlemagne, Book III, ch. 10); fol. 233v, vision of Charles the Bald (Charles the Bald, ch. 13); and fol. 301, departure for crusade (Louis VII, ch. 3). [BACK]

46. For later manuscripts that have a comparable focus, see those painted by the Master of the Roman de Fauvel in Chapter 4 of this book. [BACK]