1. See H.R. Kedward, Resistance in Vichy France: A Study of Ideas and Motivation in the Southern Zone, 1940-1942 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 229-248.

2. See, for example, G. William Skinner, ed., The City in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977); Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974); Rhoads Murphey, Shanghai: Key to Modern China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953); and William Rowe, Hankow: Conflict and Community in a Chinese City, 1796-1895 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989). Few of these works, however, deal with urban cultural activities.

3. See Rhoads Murphey, "The Treaty Ports and China's Modernization," in Elvin and Skinner, eds., Chinese City, pp. 17-71.

4. China Handbook, 1937-1943, comp. Chinese Ministry of Information (New York: Macmillan, 1943), p. 2; and China Year Book, 1936, ed. H.G.W. Woodhead (Shanghai: North China Daily News, 1936), pp. 382, 456.

5. For example, Emily Honig, in Sisters and Strangers: Women in the Shanghai Cotton Mills, 1919-1949 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986), pp. 4-5, has demonstrated that there were divisions and antagonisms between workers from Subei and those from Jiangnan.

6. Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies: Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth-Century Chinese Cities (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 40, 79.

7. George E. Sokolsky, "China and America: A Study in Tempos," New York Times Magazine, 2 August 1931, p. 8.

8. A case in point was the tragic death of actress Ruan Lingyu on 8 March 1935. Ruan's funeral drew tens of thousands of worshippers and spectators, and even the noted literary magazine Taibai (Venus) devoted a special section to her death. See Taibai 2.2 (5 April 1935): 74-88.

9. See, for example, Wu Zuguang, Wu Zuguang lunju (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1981), p. 211.

10. Wang Ying, "Wang Ying xie gei Yingzi de xin," XWXSL 30 (22 February 1986): 34.

11. See Sidney Monas, "St. Petersburg and Moscow as Cultural Symbols," in Art and Culture in Nineteenth-Century Russia, ed. Theofanis G. Stavrou (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), pp. 26-39.

12. Articles on the difference between Jing pai and Hai pai abounded in the 1930s and 1940s. See, for example, a series of discussions on the subject in Shen bao, January-March 1934; also Taibai 2.4 (5 May 1935): 165-166.

13. According to Rudolf Löwenthal of Yanjing University, writing in the 1930s, "practically all the [book] publications are printed in the six cities: Shanghai, Nanking [Nanjing], Peiping [Beiping], Tientsin [Tianjin], Canton [Guangzhou] and Hankow [Hankou]. Only 0.6 percent of the titles or 1.1 percent of the volumes; i.e., 1.4 percent of the aggregate value, are issued in other places. Shanghai's predominance is shown by the fact that there have been issued in that city alone 92.5 percent of the titles or 91.8 percent of the number of volumes, representing 85.3 percent of the aggregate value. The six leading publishing houses of China, all of which are located in Shanghai, control approximately 30 percent of the whole market representing 40 percent of the value" ("Public Communications in China Before July, 1937," Chinese Social and Political Science Review 22.1 [April-June 1938]: 43). See also Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, chap. 3.

14. An unofficial guide to Shanghai, for example, boasted of over one thousand female dancers from the southern province of Guangdong, describing vividly how these women were willing to perform any sexual service for their customers; see Amorous Shanghai (Shanghai fengqing) [N.p.: Lantian shubao zazhishe, n.d.], p. 22. And the Mysterious Guide to Shanghai (Shanghai shenmi zhinan [Shanghai: Datong tushushe, n.d.]) gave details of the city's notorious brothels and dance rooms.

15. See Zhang Jinglu, Zai chubanjie ershinian (Hankou: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1938), p. 3. See also Shanghai shenghuo (Shanghai life), 3.5 (17 May 1939): 5.

16. Zhang Jinglu, Zai chubanjie ershinian, pp. 111-116, 122-128.

17. Interview with Liao Bingxiong, 3, 4 January 1990, Guangzhou. See also Huang Mengtian (Huang Mao), "Liao Bingxiong jiushi," Dagong bao (Hong Kong), 17 September 1983, p. 6.

18. See Ouyang Yuqian, "Huiyi Chunliu," in ZGHJYD 1:13-46.

19. For Lin Shu's translation of La dame aux camélias, see discussion in Leo Ou-fan Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 44-46.

20. Ouyang Yuqian, "Huiyi Chunliu," p. 14.

21. According to a survey conducted by drama critic Tian Qin during the war, 387 translated titles of foreign plays were published in China from 1908 to 1938. Among the countries represented, France topped the list with 132, followed by England (127), Japan (84), Russia (70), the United States (43), Germany (42), and others. Shakespeare came in first on the individual authors' list with 20, followed by Chekhov (14), Shaw (12), and Ibsen (9). See Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1946), pp. 105-143, esp. pp. 105-107.

22. Hu Shi, of course, was not the first Chinese to write a modern play. Other attempts were made earlier, especially by the Nankai Middle School (after 1919, Nankai University) in Tianjin, which had an unusually early interest in Western-style plays. Among its distinguished graduates was the well-known playwright Cao Yu. See Wang Weimin, "Introduction," in Zhongguo zaoqi huajuxuan, ed. Wang Weimin (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1989), pp. 1-12.

23. Hsiao Ch'ien (Xiao Qian), The Dragon Beards Versus the Blueprints: Meditations on Post-War Culture (London: Pilot Press, 1944), p. 16.

24. Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi, ed. Hong Shen, vol. 9 (Shanghai: Liangyou tushu yinshua gongsi, 1935), p. 23; translation quoted from William Dolby, A History of Chinese Drama (London: Paul Elek, 1976), p. 205.

25. For a survey history of modern Western drama, see J. L. Styan, Modern Drama in Theory and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), esp. vol. 1.

26. See James R. Brandon, Theatre in Southeast Asia (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), esp. chap. 17.

27. Quoted from Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:24.

28. Ibid., pp. 16-23.

29. Ouyang Yuqian, "Tan wenmingxi," in ZGHJYD 1:48.

30. Xiong Foxi, "Wo de wenyi xizuo shenghuo," Wenyi chunqiu 4.2 (15 February 1947): 132.

31. Ibid., p. 135. For the decline of "civilized dramas," see also Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:14-15.

32. See Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:14-15; Xu Banmei, Huaju chuangshiqi huiyilu (Beijing: Xiju chubanshe, 1957), p. 28.

33. For detailed discussions of the traditional theater, see TaoChing Hsu, The Chinese Conception of the Theatre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1985).

34. Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:33-34.

35. Ibid., p. 27.

36. Quoted from Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1990), p. 50.

37. Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:23-33. See also Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 47-54.

38. See Tian Han's 1920 letter to Guo Moruo, in Tian Han (Tian Shouchang), Zhong Baihua, and Guo Moruo, San ye ji (Shanghai: Yadong tushuguan, 1923), pp. 80-81.

39. See Ouyang Yu-chien (Ouyang Yuqian), "The Modern Chinese Theatre and the Dramatic Tradition," Chinese Literature 11 (November 1959): 103-104. See also Xu Banmei, Huaju chuangshiqi huiyilu, p. 124. A recent study, however, suggests that it was Hong Shen who first proposed the term huaju in March 1928 in Shanghai during the celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Ibsen; see Ge Yihong, ed. Zhongguo huaju tongshi, p. 119.

40. Tian Han, "Women de ziji pipan," in Tian Han zhuanji (N.p.: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1984), p. 28.

41. For a history of the South China Society, see Tian Han's own account, "Nanguo she shilüe," in ZGHJYD 1:111-135.

42. See Constantine Tung's analysis, "Lonely Search into the Unknown: T'ian Han's Early Plays, 1920-1930," Comparative Drama 2.1 (Spring 1968): 44-54.

43. ZGHJYD 1:136-143; Chen Baichen, Shaonian xing (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1988), pp. 136-205; interview with Chen Baichen, 5 December 1989, Nanjing.

44. See ZGHJYD 1:142

45. Chen Baichen, Shaonian xing, p. 185.

46. See ZGHJYD 1:216.

47. See Liu Cunren, "Jin shinian lai woguo huaju yundong de niaokan," Dafeng 92 (20 June 1941): 3075-3076. See also Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 151-155.

48. For the ticket prices, see ZGHJYD 1:176. See also Xiju gangwei 1.1 (15 April 1939): 31; and Ge Yihong's letter to the author of 12 September 1991. A skilled worker in a Shanghai electricity company in 1929 earned between 1.2 to 2 yuan a day. A study in 1939 listed the average annual income of a four-member household at 252 yuan, or about 21 yuan per month, of which 64.3 percent was spent in food; 9.5 percent on clothing; 16.7 percent on rent; and the remaining 9.5 percent for miscellanies. See Tang Zhenchang, ed., Shanghai shi (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1989), p. 755. A female spinner earned about 0.327 to 0.432 yuan a day between 1931 to 1935, whereas a male packing worker's daily wages were 0.557 to 0.689 yuan during the same period; see Honig, Sisters and Strangers, p. 55.

49. According to Rudolf Löwenthal, by 1937 "there [were] some 300 cinema theatres in China with a seating capacity of about 300,000." The vast majority of them were located in Shanghai, Nanjing, Beijing, Tianjin, and Guangzhou. See Löwenthal, "Public Communications in China," pp. 47-48.

50. For the Venus Drama Society, see Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 107-108. For Chang'an Popular Drama Troupe, see ZGHJYD II, pp. 84-85. For the Nankai School Drama Club, see Lai Xinxia, ed., Tianjin jindai shi (Tianjin: Nankai daxue chubanshe, 1987), p. 318; see also Tianjin wenshi ziliao xuanji (Selected literary and historical materials on Tianjin) (Tianjin: Renmin chubanshe, 1985), esp. pp. 197-198.

51. Xia Yan, Lan xun jiu meng lu (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1985), p. 159.

52. See Gao Lihen, "Tan jiefang qian Shanghai de huaju," in Shanghai difangshi ziliao, vol. 5 (Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1986), pp. 124-147. See also Zhao Mingyi, "Wei zuoyi juyun kaipi dadao—ji 'Dadao jushe,'" Wenyi yanjiu 2 (25 April 1980): 69-71.

53. See, for example, Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong, chap. 1.

54. See Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960); and Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment: Intellectuals and the Legacy of the May Fourth Movement of 1919 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986).

55. See Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, p. 131; and Qianli, "Zhongguo xiju yundong fazhan de niaokan," Beidou 2.2 (20 January 1932): 52-54. Tian Han's Seven Women in the Tempest was not published as a separate work until mid-1932; see Wenxue yuebao 1.1 (10 June 1932): 43-77.

56. See ZGHJYD 1:9, 2:5. See also Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 164-165; and Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai Zhongguo de xiju yundong yu jiaoyu (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1948), pp. 147, 152, 160, 161.

57. A. C. Scott, Literature and the Arts in Twentieth-Century China (New York: Anchor Books, 1963), p. 44. See also XJSD 1.1 (16 May 1937): 22.

58. A Ying, "Shanghai ge huaju jituan chunji lianhe gongyan wenxian jiyao," XJSD 1.1 (16 May 1937): 243-254.

59. See, for example, Zhao Huishen's account, "Zai Zhongguo lüxing jutuan," Juchang yishu 6 (20 April 1939): 20-25.

60. Feng Zikai first used the term manhua in May 1925 when his "Zikai's Cartoons" ("Zikai manhua") appeared in Wenxue zhoubao (Literary weekly); the title was apparently suggested to him by Zheng Zhenduo, editor of the journal. See Zheng Zhenduo's preface to Feng's Zikai manhua (Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1931), pp. 3-5. The Chinese term manhua is a direct translation from the Japanese manga, which, according to Feng, was first used by the Tokugawa ukiyo-e painter Hokusai; see Feng, Manhua de miaofa (Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1948), p. 7.

61. See Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi (reprinted Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, 1964); and Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi, 2 vols. (Taibei: Guoli Zhengzhi daxue xinwen yanjiusuo, 1966).

62. For a discussion of Wang Tao and his time, see Paul A. Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T'ao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974). For Liang Qichao, see Lai Guanglin, Liang Qichao yu jindai baoye (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968).

63. The West had a long tradition of using illustrations such as cartoons in periodicals and newspapers. By the 1830s, for example, cartoons with strong political connotations were appearing regularly in French daily newspapers. See Irene Collins, The Government and the Newspaper Press in France, 1814-1881 (London: Oxford University Press, 1959).

64. Quote from Bi Keguan, "Jindai baokan manhua," XWYJZL 8 (November 1981): 69. Illustrations, of course, were nothing new in China; Chinese publications often contained meticulous, colorful illustrations, but they differed from modern cartoons in style and content. See Zheng Zhenduo, "Chatu zhi hua," Xiaoshuo yuebao 18.1 (10 January 1927): 1-20.

65. See Dianshizhai huabao, 10 vols., preface dated 1884; also XWYJZL 10 (December 1981): 149-181. Other well-known pictorials include Xiaohai yuebao (Child's monthly), first published in Shanghai in May 1875, and Qimen huabao (Primer pictorials), launched in Beijing in June 1902. See XWYJZL 30 (April 1985): 191-203 and 31 (July 1985): 168-175.

66. Qianyu (Ye Qianyu), "Manhua de minzu xingshi," Huashang bao, 1 October 1941, p. 3.

67. For a discussion of the meaning of the cartoon, see John Geipel, The Cartoon: A Short History of Graphic Comedy and Satire (Newton Abbot, Eng.: David & Charles, 1972), chap. 1: "What Is a Cartoon?"; also Edward Lucie-Smith, The Art of Caricature (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981), pp. 7-19.

68. Lin Jianqi, "Zhongguo de manhua yu muke," Yue bao 1.2 (15 February 1937): 453.

69. See Liu Zhenqing, Manhua gailun (Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1939), p. 3.

70. Feng Zikai, Manhua de miaofa, p. 37.

71. Lu Xun had argued that certain traditional Chinese paintings bore a close resemblance to modern cartoons—for example, the series by Luo Pin (Luo Liangfeng, 1733-1799), "The Delights of the Ghosts" ("Gui qu tu"). Luo, one of the eight famous "Yangzhou Eccentrics," used these eight ghost paintings to ridicule the absurdities of life and to satirize social corruption. See Lu Xun, ''Mantan 'manhua,'" in Xiaopinwen he manhua, ed. Chen Wangdao (Shanghai: Shenghuo shudian, 1935), p. 10.

72. Bi Keguan, "Jindai baokan manhua," p. 69.

73. See Bi Keguan and Huang Yuanlin, Zhongguo manhua shi (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1986), chaps. 2-4.

74. See, for example, Dongfang zazhi 21.19 (10 October 1924) and 21.22 (25 November 1924); LY 20 (1 July 1933): 722, and 22 (1 August 1933): 808; and YZF 2 (1 October 1935): 94; 4 (1 November 1935): 172.

75. See, for example, "Tougao guiyue" (Rules for submission), Taibai 1 (20 September 1934).

76. The term manhua was by no means universally accepted by Chinese artists. Other terms, such as the transliterated katun, were being used even as late as the mid-1930s. See, for example, LY 20 (1 July 1933): 722, and 22 (1 August 1933): 808.

77. Quote from Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1947), p. 26.

78. Another such group, for example, was the Cartoon Study Association (Manhua yanjiuhui), founded by Ye Qianyu, Zhang Guangyu, and Hu Kao. See SDMH 23 (20 November 1935): 37.

79. For cartoon training classes, see Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, pp. 164, 175. There were a few cartoon correspondence schools, the two most famous being the China First Art School (Zhongguo diyi huashe) and the China Cartoon Correspondence School (Zhonghua manhua hanshou xuexiao). See Liangyou 37 (July 1929): 38; also Duli manhua 4 (10 November 1935): 23, and 6 (10 December 1935): 40. At the China Cartoon Correspondence School, for one, it took six months to complete the entire training course. Some cartoonists, such as Lu Shaofei, Wang Dunqing, and Ye Qianyu, also offered private classes. See their advertisements in SDMH 17 (20 May 1935) and 18 (20 June 1935).

80. Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, esp. "Preface."

81. Lu Xun, "Mantan 'manhua,'" p. 12. The other article, "Manhua er you manhua," was published under his pen name, "Qiejie," in Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, p. 152.

82. See Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 94.

83. For example, Shidai manhua received contributions from Hangzhou, Guangzhou, Nanjing, and Tianjin, among other places; see 20 (20 August 1935), 22 (20 October 1935), and 35 (20 February 1937).

84. See Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 93. Banjiao manhua, edited by Ye Yinquan, was launched on 6 December 1929. Because of more advanced publishing technology in Hong Kong, the magazine was printed in Hong Kong and then distributed in Guangzhou. It cost five fen per issue. See Ming bao, 22 September 1987 (Hong Kong ed.), p. 22.

85. Huang Miaozi, "Kangzhan yilai de Zhongguo manhua," Preface to QGXJ, p. 4.

86. Huang Yao's "Niubizi" (Mr. Ox Nose), resembling Ye Qianyu's "Mr. Wang," and Lu Shaofei's "Tao Ger" (Little Tao), similar to Zhang Leping's "San Mao,'' were other memorable characters created at this time. For "Niubizi," see, for example, Duli manhua 1 (25 September 1935): 29; for "Tao Ger," see, Liangyou 36 (31 March 1929): 37.

87. This comic strip also appeared in a number of places, for example Liangyou 130 (July 1937): 56, and 132 (December 1937): 38. See also Ye Qianyu, Ye Qianyu manhua xuan—sanshi niandai dao sishi niandai (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1985).

88. Interview with Zhang Leping, 19 November 1989, Shanghai. See also Zhang Leping, "San Mao," Duli manhua 3 (25 October 1935): n.p.; SDMH 26 (20 February 1936): n.p. Although Zhang's comic strip "San Mao" appeared before the war, it did not become famous until after the war was over. See Zhang Leping, San Mao liulangji quanji (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984). "San Mao" also made it to the silver screen, released in 1948 as The Wanderings of San Mao (San Mao liulangji ) by the Kunlun Film Studio; see Dazhong dianying (Popular film) 21 (11 November 1953): 18-19.

89. Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 134.

90. Quoted in ibid., p. 125.

91. See, for example, SDMH 23 (20 November 1935): 25.

92. See Xiao Jianqing, Manhua Shanghai (Shanghai: Jingwei shuju, n.d.).

93. Ye Qianyu, "She yu furen," Shanghai manhua 4 (12 May 1928): cover.

94. See Duli manhua 4 (10 December 1935): 2-3; and Manhua he shenghuo 1.3 (20 January 1936): 34-36.

95. Zhang E, "Wo hua manhua de jingguo," in Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, pp. 146-147.

96. Interview with Zhang E, 30 September 1989, Beijing.

97. Wang Dunqing, "Seqing manhua de zanyang," SDMH 26 (20 February 1936): n.p.

98. See Liu Zhenqing, Manhua gailun, pp. 27-28.

99. See, for instance, LY 2 (1 October 1932): 13; Yue bao 1.1 (15 January 1937): 44-51; and YZF 67 (1 May 1938): 32.

100. Interview with Lu Shaofei, 26 October 1989, Beijing.

101. For Covarrubias, see SDMH 2 (20 February 1934); for Daumier, SDMH 18 (20 June 1935); and for Goya and Low, SDMH 30 (20 September 1936). Interview with Lu Shaofei, 26 October 1989, Beijing.

Goya, Daumier, Kollwitz, Grosz, Low, and Covarrubias were of course not the only cartoonists and painters to have been introduced into China before and during the war. Other familiar figures included the Soviet cartoonist Boris Efimov, America's Daniel Fitzpatrick and Carey Orr, and Germany's Henrich Zille, to name just a few. On Efimov, see Ye Qianyu, "Lüetan Zhongguo de manhua yishu," Renwen yikan, 12 December 1948, p. 30; and Yue bao 1.4 (15 April 1937): 719; 1.6 (16 June 1937): 1163. On Fitzpatrick and Orr, see Yue bao 1.4 (15 April 1937): 719; and China Weekly Review 85.6 (8 October 1938): 191. On Zille, see YZF 91 (1 January 1940): 214. See also Ou Mei manhua jingxuan, ed. Qian Gechuan (N.p.: Zhonghua shuju, 1943).

102. See, for example, SDMH 30 (20 September 1936): n.p.

103. See Lu Xun, "Mantan 'manhua,'" p. 12; and Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, pp. 3, 50.

104. See Huashang bao, 5 November 1941, p. 3.

105. See comments by Chen Yifan (Jack Chen) in Shen Qiyu, "Zhongguo manhuajia cong Sulian dailai de liwu," GM 1.9 (10 October 1936): 572.

106. See Lu Xun, "Tan muke yishu," Wenlian 1.1 (5 January 1946): 5-6; Li Hua, "Kangzhan qijian de muke yundong," Xin Zhonghua 4.8 (16 September 1946): 36-40; Wang Qi, Xin meishu lunji (Shanghai: Xin wenyi chubanshe, 1951), pp. 93-94, 137, 144; and Yu Feng, ''Yong yanshe poxiang Faxisi," Huashang bao, 16 July 1941, p. 3. See also Shirley Hsiao-ling Sun, "Lu Hsun and the Chinese Woodcut Movement, 1929-1936" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1974).

107. Lu Xun, "Kaisui Kelehuizhi muke 'Xisheng' shuoming," in Lu Xun quanji, vol. 8 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1981), p. 312; and Shirley Hsiao-ling Sun, Modern Chinese Woodcuts (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation, 1979), pp. 18-21.

108. Lu Xun, "Kaisui Kelehuizhi banhua," Zuojia 1.5 (15 August 1936): 1224-1227. Keenly aware of the prints' potential as a propaganda tool, the ailing Lu Xun, with the assistance of Agnes Smedley and Mao Dun, published Selected Prints of Käthe Kollwitz (Kaisui Kelehuizhi banhua xuanji) in July 1936, three months before his death. See Smedley, Battle Hymn of China (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1943), p. 81.

109. When Kollwitz died in 1945, Liberation Daily, the official newspaper of the CCP in Yan'an, paid her a great tribute by printing a number of commemorative articles. See, for example, JFRB, 2 July 1945, p. 4.

110. See, for example, Qiejie (Lu Xun), "Manhua er you manhua," p. 152; and Hu Kao, "Xiwang yu manhuajie," Qianqiu 15 (1 January 1934): 7-8. Grosz's cartoons appeared in such journals as Tuohuang zhe (Pioneer) 1.1 (10 January 1934) and Taibai 1.3 (20 October 1934).

111. Huashang bao, 3 September 1941, p. 3. See also Te Wei, "Faxisi he yishujia," Huashang bao, 16 July 1941, p. 3.

112. Zhang Ding, "Manhua yu zawen," JFRB, 23 May 1942, p. 4.

113. See Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 130. During my interview with Cai Ruohong (29 September 1989, Beijing), Cai admitted his artistic debt to Grosz.

114. Cai's cartoons appeared in such magazines as Shidai manhua (e.g., 22 [20 October 1935]: n.p.) and Manhua shenghuo (Cartoon life), among others.

115. In a letter (25 November 1988) to the author, Cai also admitted his debt to David Low.

116. Nothing linked to fascism was immune from Low's acerbic attack; see Low, Autobiography (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957), p. 254.

117. Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 4; and interview with Huang Mao, 13 September 1989, Hong Kong. On the introduction of Low to China, see, for example, Dongfang zazhi 22.16 (25 August 1925): 11.

118. Low's cartoons were widely reprinted in such journals as Shijie zhishi (e.g., 3.9 [16 January 1936]: cover), Guowen zhoubao (e.g., 14.24 [21 June 1937]), and Huashang bao, 20 July 1941, p. 3. See also Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, pp. 4, 50.

119. David Low, Years of Wrath: A Cartoon History, 1931-1945 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1946); and idem, A Cartoon History of Our Times (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1939), pt. 3.

120. See Huashang bao, 2 July 1941, p. 3; also Zazhi 7.5 (20 June 1940): 32-34.

121. On Low's influence on Te Wei, see Xinbo, "Wusheng de zhadan," Huashang bao, 7 May 1941, p. 3; and Huashang bao, 29 October 1941, p. 3.

122. See, for example, SDMH 35 (20 February 1937): n.p.; and JWRB, 5 January 1938, p. 4.

123. For a discussion of Covarrubias's work, see Beverly J. Cox and Denna Jones Anderson, Miguel Covarrubias Caricatures (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1985).

124. See, for example, LY 8 (1 January 1933): 265, and 14 (1 April 1933): 483-484. See also Marc Chadourne, China, illustrated by Miguel Covarrubias (New York: Covici Friede, 1932), passim.

125. Covarrubias was on his way to Bali for anthropological fieldwork, which later blossomed into an important second career. The Mexican artist was warmly received by his young admirers. Ye Qianyu ( Hua yu lun hua [Tianjin: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1985], p. 234) admits that he learned his famous sketch techniques largely from Covarrubias when he met the artist in Shanghai in September of that year

126. See Huang Mao's discussion in Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 30; and in Huang Mengtian (Huang Mao), Huajia yu hua (Hong Kong: Shanghai shuju youxian gongsi, 1981), pp. 67, 170.

127. Zhang's celebrated series "Folksongs of Love" ("Minjian qingge"), which appeared in Shidai manhua and Duli manhua in the early 1930s, was strongly marked by Covarrubias-esque geometrical abstraction. See, for example, SDMH 1 (20 January 1934); and Duli manhua 1 (25 September 1935): n.p.

128. See, for example, the work of the American cartoonist Daniel Fitzpatrick in JWMH 3 (30 September 1937): 4.

129. Chinese resisters were naturally not alone in realizing that the press could play a critical role in shaping public opinion. Their foes also utilized the press to their own advantage, cultivating the press and magazines as a channel of disinformation and a means of silencing discontented Chinese. Information about newspapers in Japaneseoccupied areas abound but has not yet been systematically studied. For example, the Japanese purchased Tianjin's Yong Post (Yong bao ); they also published several newspapers in Nanjing in 1939, including the New Nanjing Daily (Xin Nanjing bao ); and they of course ran numerous dailies and magazines in Manchuria. See Baoren shijie 7 (April 1937): 5-9; and KZWY 5.2-3 (10 December 1939): 36-37, 53.

130. Lin Yutang, A History of the Press and Public Opinion in China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), p. 94.

131. See Leo Ou-fan Lee and Andrew J. Nathan, "The Beginning of Mass Culture: Journalism and Fiction in the Late Ch'ing and Beyond," in Johnson, Nathan, and Rawski, eds., Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, pp. 360-395.

132. Quoted from Lin Yutang, History of the Press, p. 146.

133. China Handbook, 1937-1943, p. 697.

134. See Lin Yutang, History of the Press, p. 145; also Hu Daojing, Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai (Shanghai: Shijie shuju, 1946), p. 103.

135. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, p. 277.

136. Hu Daojing, Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai, p. 94; Yuan Changchao, Zhongguo baoye xiaoshi (Hong Kong: Xinwen tiandishe, 1957), p. 80.

137. Other new methods were introduced to improve newspapers' quality. For example, more white space was used to avoid uniformity and denseness, and different types of headings furnished an artistic touch. Some of the techniques, as Zeng Xubai, editor of Shanghai's Great Evening News (Dawan bao), admitted, were inspired by the Japanese; see Zeng Xubai zizhuan, vol. 1 (Taibei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1988), p. 111.

138. For the distribution of newspapers through the postal system, see Lin Yutang, History of the Press, p. 147.

139. Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi 1:386.

140. See Hu Daojing, Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai, pp. 95-96; Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye (N.p.: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940), pp. 21-22.

141. See Yao Jiguang and Yu Yifen, "Shanghai de xiaobao," XWYJZL 8 (November 1981): 223-244; Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, pp. 119-124; and Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye, pp. 101-111.

142. Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye, p. 103.

143. Ibid., pp. 102-103.

144. The supplement format went back to the turn of the century. See Hu Daojing, "Lun fukan" (On the supplement), in Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai, pp. 77-79.

145. Li Liewen during his tenure (1932-1934), for example, initiated over twenty debates, one of the most memorable being a discussion of the superiority of the "Shanghai style" versus "Beijing style." See Shen bao, January-March 1934.

146. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, pp. 286, 291.

147. Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhonggo xinwen shi 1:335-336.

148. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, p. 292. Huang Tianpeng indicated that the monthly advertising income for Shen bao was about 150,000 yuan in 1930, but since the annual budget and profit of the newspaper are not known, the exact meaning of this figure is unclear. Advertisement revenues at Xinwen bao, according to Huang, were "even higher," but he gave no figure. See Huang, Zhongguo xinwen shiye (Shanghai: Xiandai shudian, 1932), p. 138.

149. Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenxue dayi," in Xu Baohuang and Hu Yuzhi, Xinwen shiye (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1924), p. 1.

150. The term "a king without a crown" ( wumian huangdi ) was used commonly in reference to reporters. See, for example, Baoxue jikan 1.3 (29 March 1935): 124; and Xinwen zazhi 1.10 (25 September 1936): 45. For the low status of the journalists, see Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji (Shanghai: Guanghua shuju, 1930), p. 61.

151. Xu Zhuchang, Jiuwen zayi (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1982), p. 169.

152. Liu Zucheng, "Guangyu xinwen jizhe zhiye diwei queli wenti," Baoxue jikan 1.1 (10 October 1934): 59; Changjiang, "Zhanshi xinwen gongzuo de zhenyi," XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 18.

153. Changjiang, "Jiani xinwen jizhe de zhengque zuofeng," XWJZ 1.2 (1 May 1938): 5.

154. Wu Guanyin, "Xinwen zhiyehua yu kexuehua," in Xinwenxue minlunji, ed. Huang Tianpeng (Shanghai: Shanghai lianhe shudian, 1930), pp. 97-98; see also XWJZ 2.10 (16 March 1941): 24; and Xinwen zazhi 1.20 (20 February 1936): 1.

155. See Zhang Jinglu, Zhongguo de xinwen jizhe yu xinwenzhi (Shanghai: Xiandai shuju, 1932), pt. 1; pt. 2, sec. 4; and Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, esp. pp. 45-62.

156. Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenzhi yu shehui zhi xuyao," in Baoxue congkan, ed. Huang Tianpeng, vol. 1, no. 2 (Shanghai: Guanghua shuju, 1930), pp. 2-3; Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, pp. 17-18.

157. Changjiang, "Jianli xinwen jizhe de zhengque zuofeng."

158. See Xinwen zazhi 1.20 (20 February 1937): 1. Walter Williams had twice visited China, and his work "The Journalist's Creed," a Hippocratic oath for journalists, became a required text for Chinese journalism students.

159. Edgar Snow, Red Star over China (New York: Random House, 1938), p. 135.

160. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, chap. 6, sec. 13; Yuan Changchao, Zhongguo baoye xiaoshi, chap. 11. See also "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang," Baoxue jikan 1.2 (1 January 1935): 117-127 and 1.3 (29 March 1935): 147-150.

161. Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye, pp. 122-123, 126; Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, pp. 276-277; "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang," Baoxue jikan 1.2 (1 January 1935): 119-122.

162. See "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang," pp. 122-124.

163. Chinese journalism education continued to thrive, and by the 1930s it was having a major influence on the newspaper industry. More and more journalists were being trained in academic institutions, then going on to work as correspondents and editors in newspapers, magazines, and news agencies all over China. See "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang."

164. Zhang Jinglu, Zhongguo de xinwen jizhe yu xinwenzhi, pt. 1, p. 78.

165. See Baoxue jikan 1.3 (29 March 1935): 151-152.

166. "Qingzhu 'Jiuyi' jizhe jie," Xinwen zazhi 1.8-9 (5 September 1936): 1, 23; interview with Zhang Xiluo, 7 October 1989, Beijing.

167. Fan Changjiang, Tongxun yu lunwen (Chonqing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1981), pp. 263-273; Lu Yi, "Ji Zhongguo qingnian jizhe xuehui de chengli dahui," XWJZ 1.2 (1 May 1938): 17-18; and interview with Lu Yi, 16 November, 10 December 1989, Shanghai.

168. The founding of the Chinese Young Journalists Society was a particularly high moment in the history of modern journalism. It came at a time when the left and the right were still talking to each other in the name of national unity; their ideological differences soon split them asunder.

169. Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, p. 38. See also Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenzhi yu shehui zhi xuyao," pp. 1-4.

170. While Liang Qichao, one of modern China's foremost intellectual leaders and a skilled publicist, used his many journals (New Fiction [Xin xiaoshuo] included) as political forums in support of constitutional monarchism, Huang, a star reporter for Shanghai's Shishi xinbao and Shen bao in the 1910s, unearthed melodramas of political intrigue in Beijing in order to expose the corruption of the warlord government. Huang championed republicanism and was a severe critic of Yuan Shikai's plan for restoring the monarchy. For Liang Qichao, see Lai Guanglin, Liang Qichao yu jindai baoye; for Huang Yuansheng, see Huang, Yuansheng yizhu, 4 vols. (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1924).

171. See Jack R. Censer and Jeremy D. Popkin, eds., Press and Politics in Pre-Revolutionary France (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987).

172. Zhao Kunliang, "Xinwen jiujing shi shenme?" Baoxue jikan 1.4 (15 August 1935): 47-51.

173. Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenzhi yu shehui zhi xuyao."

174. Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, p. 38.

175. DGB (Tianjin), 22 May 1931, p. 1; Chen Jiying, Baoren Zhang Jiluan (Taibei: Wenyou chubanshe, 1957), p. 5; idem, Hu Zhengzhi yu Dagong bao (Hong Kong: Zhanggu yuekanshe, 1974), pp. 96-97; Howard L. Boorman, ed., Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, 4 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967-1971), 1:21.

176. Dong Sheng, "Fengjian shili zai baozhi shang," in Zheng Zhenduo, Haiyan (Shanghai: Xin Zhongguo shudian, 1932), pp. 139, 142.

177. Xie Liuyi, Bai longmenzhen (Shanghai: Bowen shudian, 1947), pp. 27-28.

178. Lin Yutang, "Suo wang yu Shen bao, " YZF 3 (16 October 1935): 115-116; idem, "Shen bao de yiyao fukan," YZF 18 (1 June 1936): 270-271.

179. Quoted in William L. Rivers, The Opinionmakers (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), p. 71.

180. Changjiang, "Zenyang fa zhanshi dianxun yu xie zhandi tongxun," XWJZ 1.4 (1 July 1938): 5.

181. Liu Zucheng, "Guanyu xinwen jizhe zhiye diwei queli wenti," p. 59.