Njuri Versus The "Mission Element"

By 1939 senior African members of both the colonial administration and the three regional Njuris had reached a truce. Elders from both sides, however, had grown increasingly concerned about their inability to deal effectively with the Meru young. Young men who before the conquest would have submitted eagerly to the discipline of warrior-

hood, now drifted aimlessly, drinking and brawling, alienated from colonial and tribal authority alike.

Within the Nithi Division this alienation manifested itself in a rising contempt for communal responsibilities, reflected in increasingly flagrant disregard of laws intended to protect the land, trees, and grazing areas belonging in common to all members of the tribe.

To regain control, one of Meru's senior chiefs, M'Ngaine of Imenti, proposed to integrate the younger generation more completely into tribal life by initiating every member of the "warrior" age-set directly into a regional Njuri. He argued that tribal integrity depended on the acceptance of communal obligations, specifically those imposed on youth through membership in their age-set, clan, local Kiama, and, ultimately, Njuri. Of these, only the Njuri had regained even a portion of its integrative power and thus, the authority to draw young men back under the authority of their ruling elders. To ensure that this occurred in fact, M'Ngaine proposed establishing an "initiation school," able to instruct the young on adherence to tradition and prepare them to assume their responsibilities as Njuri members.^[23]

The administration, controlled at this time by McKeag, enthusiastically agreed. Thereafter, a number of "initiation huts" were established at the time of harvest, first in Imenti and then elsewhere. In most areas the innovation was well received. Whereas tradition had restricted Njuri entry to a select few, it was now opened to every male adult who wished to join. Hundreds responded, expanding the ranks of all regional Njuris beyond counting. On one hand it could be argued that this dilution of the council system's selectivity diminished its authority and prestige. On the other almost every member of a youthful Meru age-set passed once more under the authority of schools run solely by their elders to learn traditions of the tribe.^[24]

One segment of Meru youth, however, categorically refused to join either the initiation schools or the Njuri itself. Meru's so-called mission element, whether Presbyterian, Methodist, or Catholic, had by this time reached early middle age. More than two decades of teaching by their respective mission fathers had eroded their respect for every aspect of the Meru past. Nor did they wish to violate the wishes of the mission heads themselves. In consequence not a single one stepped forth to join.

Their refusal irked McKeag and subsequently Lambert, who reassumed administration of the district at the end of 1939. Both men wished to continue what they regarded as the continued modernization of the Njuri system. To ensure continuation of this process, they had

hoped to dilute the ranks of all regional councils with as many progressive, mission-taught Christians as could be induced to join.^[25]

The missionaries did not agree. The Italian Catholic fathers, at least partially handicapped by their ignorance of English, proved unable to appreciate the subtleties of the issue and withdrew from all deliberations. The United Methodist Mission, under Hopkins, deliberated at length on the question, but ultimately refused to allow its members to join.

The founder of the Church of Scotland Mission, however, was more outspoken. Dr. Clive Irvine made no secret of his utter detestation of the Njuri, as well as his pronounced unwillingness to allow a single Christian convert to join its ranks: "Njuri is a secret society. It is essentially pagan. It has traditions of cruelty, murder, intrigue. . . . No European knows what Njuri stands for or what it does. No secret society reveals it activities. . . . It is abhorrent to the British nature and the exact opposite of the open methods of Christianity."^[26]

Irvine based his opposition on three points. The "pagan" nature of the Njuri, he believed, would obviously weaken Christian convictions by placing converts in situations in conflict with their religious doctrine. Its "tradition of secrecy" threatened the British administration itself, because its members would be required through their very membership to divide their loyalties. Irvine's strongest objection, however, was religious, based on differences in African and British ritual. Njuri rites of initiation, he pointed out, required the slaughter of a goat. Thereafter, new initiates were brought into physical contact with its blood. As Christians, members of his mission were permitted contact only with the "blood of Christ," and then only during periods of official church ritual. No African Christian could, therefore, be allowed to swear an oath that directly violated his religious teachings.

McKeag decided to focus his response upon Irvine's third objection, consulting initially with members of the Imenti and Tigania Njuris, then with the heads of both the Methodist and Presbyterian missions. In August 1938 he proposed a two-point compromise. He first suggested that membership in any European mission be considered the equivalent of joining a local Kiama. Thus Methodist Christians from Imenti would be excused from the preliminary obligation of "buying [membership in] Kiama Kia Nkomango." Presbyterian converts from Mwimbi would no longer need to join the corresponding Kiama system of Njuguma.

McKeag's second suggestion was to modify the Njuri oath so that mission converts could be allowed to join. To achieve this, he asked both sides to accept a dual initiation rite: traditional Njuri candidates

would be oathed on a goat, whereas their Christian counterparts would swear their oaths upon a Bible. Both sides could then agree to preserve the "secrets" of the Njuri in a manner acceptable to each.

Both Irvine and Hopkins agreed to McKeag's plan, each deciding to entrust a small number of their most faithful converts to Njuri membership as an experiment. In September 1938, McKeag responded by proclaiming a regional mass meeting, initially within Imenti, but intended for Njuri members throughout Meru. More than one thousand men are said to have appeared, a far cry from the days when membership was restricted only to the selected few.

McKeag presented both aspects of his proposal. Debate is said to have continued for two full days. Thereafter, spokesmen for the "Njuri of one thousand" appeared before the commissioner to inform him that in the future Christians would be accepted into their ranks on McKeag's terms.

The United Methodist Mission put forth five candidates, among them Filipo M'Inoti and Hezikiah M'Mukiri.^[27] The Church of Scotland chose two, Assistant Superintendent Erasto, from Mwimbi, and Evangelist Junius, from Muthambi. The Catholics, as before, refused to allow any form of participation.

Unfortunately, the first stage of the traditional Njuri ceremony required all candidates to remove their clothes and shoes, stepping forward "as children" to begin the rituals that would end with their acceptance into the fellowship as full adults. Initially every one of the Christian candidates refused. The impasse was resolved only after several hours' deliberation, by an Njuri decision to fine each Christian two shillings for the right to remain fully clothed during the rituals. The Christians, after impassioned deliberation of their own, submitted to this condition. They did so, however, with such obvious anger and bitterness that any feelings of unity that might have emerged from the rituals were entirely lost.^[28]