1. Salters was also known as Caroline Paris as well as Catherine Paris. HRCH, no. 819 (1830); Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 June 1836; Police Gazette , 30 June, 7 July 1849.

2. Police Gazette , 30 June 1849.

3. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 491.

4. Barbara Heyl, in her recent study, The Madam as Entrepreneur (1, 34, 191-95), reviews four theoretical perspectives on why women enter prostitution and summarizes the major explanations of cause exposed by these perspectives. These summary explanations are: (1) The pathological hypothesis: that women with certain personality characteristics enter prostitution in order to meet those personality needs, or because they cannot survive by legitimate means. (2) The social disorganization hypothesis: that women in certain negative social and economic circumstances enter in order to earn a better living. (3) The drift hypothesis: that women find themselves unattached (and perhaps unemployed or poorly paid) and end up, with the help of contacts, finding friends and a source of income in the prostitution world.

5. David M. Schneider, The History of Public Welfare in New York State, 1609-1866 , 213-14.

6. NYMS, First Annual Report , 9.

7. McDowall's Journal , March 1833.

8. Water Street Home for Women (WSHW), Third Annual Report , vol. 3, 44, 54.

9. From Advocate of Moral Reform as quoted in Smith-Rosenberg, Re ligion and the Rise , 121-22.

10. NYFBS, First Report; Advocate of Moral Reform, 1835-1845. Barbara Hobson argues that female moral reformers recognized the economic roots of prostitution in low wages and poor working conditions. But their ambivalence toward women working outside the home obscured the benefits and opportunities of the labor market and distorted the sexual dangers. As a result, the reformers emphasized lack of protection for women, rather than lack of equal rights, and diverted the focus of reform efforts away from the fundamental reasons for prostitution, i.e., socioeconomic and gender discrimination. See Hobson, Unequal Virtue , 49, 64; Advocate of Moral Reform , January-February 1835, 1 January 1838, 1 March 1844.

11. Genius of Temperance , 29 December 1830, quoted in J. R. McDowall, Magdalen Facts , January 1832, no. 1, 47; Smith-Rosenberg, "Beauty, the Beast;" WSHW, First Annual Report (1870), 12, and Second Annual Report (1871), 50; Foster, New York Naked , 159; Acton, Prostitution Considered , 161-69; NYMS , First Annual Report, 7-8, 20; Advocate of Moral Reform , February 1835; George Ellington, The Women of New York, or the Underworld of the Great City , 177. Some recent research on Victorian sexuality points out that one should not confuse prescriptive literature of the nineteenth century with actual nineteenth-century female behavior. Such literature does not reflect what women did, felt, or experienced, but rather what men or society thought women should do. The recent research demonstrates that women were not so sexually passive as the literature would have one believe. See Carl N. Degler, "What Ought to Be and What Was: Women's Sexuality in the Nineteenth Century," 1467-90; Gerda Lerner, "Placing Women in History: Definitions and Challenges," 5-14.

12. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 489; Parent-Duchatelet, De la prostitution ; Acton, Prostitution Considered ; Tait, Magdalenism .

13. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 676.

14. Ibid., 525.

13. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 676.

14. Ibid., 525.

15. Woods Hutchinson, "The Economics of Prostitution," 16, 19.

16. Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 101.

17. In addition to the most frequently cited causes discussed in this chapter, some reform literature also cited the evil influences of theaters, romantic novels, balls, ostentatious dress, and even "tight lacings," which critics also believed might lead one into a life of prostitution. See, for example, Advocate of Moral Reform , 1830s and 1840s.

18. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 492-93.

19. Sun , 1 April 1834. See Chapter 7 for a discussion of nineteenth-century infant abandonment.

20. New Era , 24 October 1837.

21. Sanger insisted that there were far more who had been seduced than the small percentage who listed it in replies to the questionnaire ( History of Prostitution , 488, 492).

22. Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835; HRCH, no. 1548, no. 1584 (1835); Ellington, Women of New York , 174-76. Joe Farryall was married for a short period in 1833 to a respectable woman. After seven months of marriage, she filed for divorce, citing as causes his consorting with prostitutes, abuse and assault, and abandonment. Court of Chancery, Divorce Proceedings, "Cordelia Farryall v. Joseph Farryall," 5 March 1835, New York County Clerk's Office, Hall of Records.

23. Advocate of Moral Reform , 8 February 1836.

24. Herald , 23 July 1836; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 517; Foster, New

York in Slices , 38-39; HRCH, 1830-1860 passim; Advocate of Moral Reform , 8 February 1836; NYMS, First Annual Report , 8; Ellington, Women of New York , 201-2, 306-9.

25. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488.

26. HRCH, no. 865 (1831).

27. HRCH, no. 875 (1831).

28. HRCH, no. 1548 (1835).

29. HRCH, no. 858 (1831); no. 1657 (1835). Sarah Buchanan later married and had a child but died shortly thereafter at age twenty-three.

30. HRCH, no. 728 (1830). See also similar case of Susan M. Badger, no. 4665 (1850); Sanger, History of Prostitution , 526.

31. Smith, Sunshine and Shadow , 387; Foster, New York Naked , 166-68; Marie Flaacke, Why Women Fall , 7; Ellington, Women of New York , 177; John H. Warren, Jr., Thirty Years' Battle with Crime; or, the Crying Shame of New York, As seen Under the Broad Glare of an Old Detective's Lantern , 108; Madeleine: An Autobiography , 326; WSHW, First Annual Report (1870), 8.

32. Bradford K. Pierce, Half Century With Juvenile Delinquents or New York House of Refuge and Its Times , 95.

33. Heyl, Madam as Entrepreneur , 191-95.

34. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 539-40. Sanger does not tell how many of the prostitutes had lost both parents. He states that 1,349 of their fathers and 1,234 of their mothers were dead.

35. HRCH, no. 1559 (1835). One might expect the House of Refuge to have a high percentage of girls from parentless or single-parent households. A primary reason for admission was that young girls lacked adequate supervision at home, often because they were orphaned or "half-orphaned," with the remaining single parent away from home most of the time working. See HRCH, 1830-1860 passim.

36. HRCH, no. 1603 (1835). See also case no. 1578 (1835).

37. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 544; HRCH, 1830, 1831, 1835, 1840.

38. HRCH, no. 2552 (1840).

39. HRCH, no. 1600 (1835), no. 2552 (1840).

40. See Chapter 4 on arrests of women unaccompanied on the streets at night.

41. HRCH no. 1536, no. 1596 (1835); Sun , 4, 25 June 1834, 17 August 1836; McBride, The Domestic Revolution , 104. Many House of Refuge inmates were committed to that institution either by parents or police because the young women were runaways or because they appeared to lack sufficient parental supervision.

42. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 518.

43. HRCH, no. 645 (1829); no. 932 (1831); Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835.

44. HRCH, no. 876 (1831).

45. HRCH, nos. 902-903 (1831).

46. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 July 1836.

47. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488. A number of case histories indicate that Refuge officials suspected but could not prove prostitution by some inmates. In other cases, records show girls practiced prostitution after leaving the Refuge. HRCH, 1830, 1831, 1840, 1850 passim.

48. Heyl, Madam as Entrepreneur , 212-13, 195. Like friends and relatives, environment was an important factor influencing girls to enter prostitution. When one grows up surrounded by prostitution, the "opportunity structure" is visible and readily available, and prostitution may seem to be an obvious or natural course of action. See Refuge case histories nos. 624, 625, 645 (1829), 830 (1830), 850, 851 (1831), 1524 (1835).

49. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488. Mary Ann Pitt told House of Refuge officials she "preferred prostitution to work." HRCH, vol. 29 (1866).

50. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488. See also HRCH, no. 329 (1829). Twentieth-century studies also deny sexual motivation or stimulation as a significant cause of prostitution.

51. Sanger, too, believed that giving "light and sedentary" positions, such as store clerk, to women also would be beneficial for men. It would force men "to obtain work situations suitable to their sex and strength, and [would drive] from the crowded cities into the open country some whose effeminacy is fast bringing them to positive idleness and ruin" ( History of Prostitution , 525). See also Virginia Penny, The Employments of Women: A Cyclopaedia of Women's Work , v, vii, 126, 296-97, 486, 488; [Matthew Carey], Plea for the Poor, Particularly Females. An Inquiry How Far the Charges Alleged Against Them of Improvidence, Idleness, and Dissipation Are Founded in Truth , 5-6, 39-42. Although the early 1850s was a time of increasing wages for artisans and laborers, women's wages, especially in the needle trades, rose little, and some actually declined. Tribune , 8 June 1853; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 150.

52. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 524, 528. Stansell, City of Women , 226, 228, 155-68, 106-54.

53. Penny, Employments of Women , 308-10, 350-52. New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, Ninth Annual Report (1852), 26. The U.S. Census of 1860 recorded only 593 hat makers (205 female) and 2700 female shirtmakers, but 16,000 females in other sewing trades. Carol Groneman-Pernicorn and Edith Abbot point out that many women sewed in their homes or worked jointly as tailoresses with husbands and, thus, were not enumerated in official censuses. See U.S., Census, 1860, 379-84; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 95, 140-41; Edith Abbot, Women In Industry: A Study in American Economic History , 223, 353-54. Groneman-

Pernicorn, in "Bloody Ould Sixth," tracks changes in wages and prices in the decade after 1850; using an index value of 100 for 1851 prices and wages in New York City, 1861 figures can be calculated at 94.5 for wages but 104.1 for prices, suggesting steadily increasing economic difficulties for poor workers (95).

54. [Carey], Plea for the Poor, 5, 39; Smith Hart, The New Yorkers: The Story of a People and Their City , 65; Tribune , 8 June 1853; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 139-43.

55. Tribune , 8 June 1853; Foster, New York in Slices , 50-51; Penny, Employments of Women , 308-310, 350.

56. Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 142; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 527, 533; Penny, Employments of Women , 308-10. For information on fur sewers and vest, hoopskirt, umbrella, and artificial flower makers see: Penny, 293-94, 301-5; and U.S., Census, 1860, 379-84.

57. Tribune , 14 August 1845.

58. Penny, Employments of Women , 425-26; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 527, 531, 623; Tribune , 6 November 1845, 16 September 1846; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 145-46, 155; HRCH, no. 728, no. 758 (1830).

59. Penny, Employments of Women , 425-28.

60. Tribune , 16 September 1846; Ernst, Immigrant Life , 65-68; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 145-46; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 527.

61. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 524, 527-29.

62. [Carey], Plea for the Poor , 6, 11.

63. Ibid. Carey calculated the $48.94 salary by figuring that the woman takes one day a week off for her children and does not work on Sundays; hence 2 × 52 = 104 and 365 less 104 = 261 work days.

62. [Carey], Plea for the Poor , 6, 11.

63. Ibid. Carey calculated the $48.94 salary by figuring that the woman takes one day a week off for her children and does not work on Sundays; hence 2 × 52 = 104 and 365 less 104 = 261 work days.

64. Sun , 13 January 1834; Tribune , 19 August 1845; Hart, The New Yorkers , 106; Penny, Employments of Women , 488. In 1851 Horace Greeley estimated that a working man's family needed $539.24 a year, supported by a salary of $10.37 per week, and in 1853 the New York Times estimated a laborer's family of four could live moderately on $600 a year, supported by a weekly salary of $11.54. Times , 10 November 1853, quoted in Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 91.

65. On reformers' restrictions see: Magdalen Society of New York, Annual Reports (1814-1815); NYMS, Annual Reports ; WSHW, Annual Reports . For economic information see: New Era , 21 January 1837; Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor Report quoted in Hart, The New Yorkers , 117; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 150.

66. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 526-27, 533; McBride, Domestic Revolution , 99-105. An 1839 brothel directory claimed that at one point in the

1830s, 49 percent of all working women resorted to prostitution to supplement their incomes, a very high figure. Ender, Prostitution Exposed .

67. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 583.

68. Nell Kimball, Her Life as an American Madam , ed. Stephen Long-street, 11.

69. HRCH, no. 925 (1831). In the first half of the nineteenth century the term "shilling" was used often and had an approximate value of 12-1/2 cents. Stansell, City of Women , 262 n. 26.

70. Since each woman had to pay the brothel manager a $1 fee per visitor, one can further assume that the charge per customer would be above $1. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 551, 554, 606.

71. The estimated cost to the customer probably included some allowance for buying wine; [Smith], Madam Restell , 30; HRCH, no. 1548 (1835); "T.C. to Helen J.," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834). An 1839 brothel directory noted that some establishments might charge customers from $10 to $25 an evening, with breakfast included. Ender, Prostitution Exposed .

72. Ellington, Women of New York , 201.

73. HRCH, no. 1613 (1835).

74. HRCH, nos. 1556, 1559, 1641 (1835). Police Gazette , 7 April 1849, notes $1-$2 as a price for staying with a prostitute.

75. HRCH no. 783 (1830), no. 920, no. 922(1831), no. 1337(1834), nos. 1548, 1584, 1623 (1835); Sun , 3 October 1835; Police Gazette , 3 October 1846; NYMS, First Annual Report , 17.

76. Ellington, Women of New York , 200. On the 1850s see Sanger, History of Prostitution , 550-54. Assignation houses may have been higher at approximately $12 per week. See case in Police Gazette , 7 April 1849.

77. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 551; Penny, Employments of Women , 278. Penny notes that saleswomen also were required to be well dressed. Because they seldom earned more than $6 a week, they were often obliged to eat unwholesome food and live in damp cellars or crowded attics in order to save enough money to dress attractively. See 126 ff.

78. [Carey], Plea for the Poor , 5, 15; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 549-57.

79. Acton, Prostitution Considered , 165-69; Stansell, City of Women , 180-90; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 103-4; and cases in the early years of HRCH, 1830-1840. "Pin money" also was put forth as the reason many women worked in general, and thus served as an excuse for keeping women's wages low. See Penny, Employments of Women , 83; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 150.

80. NYMS, First Annual Report , 7; Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 81.

81. James D. McCabe, New York By Sunlight and Gaslight , 506-7.

82. See especially Longworth's City Directory, 1855. The uninformed user of city directories in the nineteenth century and now would have no way of knowing if locations were not ordinary boarding establishments. Most census officials did not note the distinction between boardinghouse and prostitution-house keeper if they made any occupational notation at all. (A number of brothels were noted as such in the 1855 census, however.) The position of boardinghouse keeper has not been fully explored as an occupation of nineteenth-century women. Not only is there the problem of defining what constitutes a boardinghouse, but also the position has probably been greatly undercounted in censuses or official surveys. This especially appears to have been the case when the head of a household was a male who listed another occupation while his wife took in boarders. In the 1855 New York census, houses with as many as fifteen boarders are not classified as boardinghouses and the wife's occupation is left blank. On the other hand, a house with as few as three or four boarders might be listed as a boardinghouse, usually when a woman was listed as head of the household. Many nineteenth-century families did take in a few boarders, and the wife and daughters provided the meals and took care of washing and cleaning. By taking in only one boarder, a family could earn as much as if the wife worked as a low-paid seamstress. Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 152, 160, 175-76 nn. 48-50.

83. Sanger made a special point of noting when the manager of a particular type of prostitution house was a man, not a woman ( History of Prostitution , 509, 561, 563). See also Ellington, Women of New York , 198. A German visitor in the 1850s also noted that women were managers of New York's brothels (Griesinger, Lebende Bilder , 148-56). See Chapters 6 and 7 for related discussions.

Tim Gilfoyle has analyzed, by gender, owners of identified prostitution establishments in the mid-nineteenth century. This analysis included saloons and other leisure establishments that offered entertainments in addition to prostitution.

These establishments were located in brothel directories and court records, but their numbers may distort management figures by indicating an overall underrepresentation of females, especially in the 1840s. Parlor-house brothels, which were mostly female managed, were less frequently harassed by police than other types of prostitution/disorderly houses, so fewer women probably appear in court statistics. Also, even though the extant directories from this era list mostly female-operated brothels and assignation houses, the lack of a

directory from the 1840s makes it impossible to identify many female-managed establishments during that decade, leading to the erroneous impression of a decline in female-managed establishments during the 1840s. By the end of the century, female managers no longer dominated the prostitution business in New York. See Gilfoyle, ''City of Eros," 186, 523, 541-42; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 109.

84. J. R. McDowall, in NYMS, First Annual Report , 18, uses the word "pimp" and says that in some prostitution houses pimps physically abused the women, especially those wishing to leave the profession. Most other early and mid-nineteenth-century sources (before 1870) do not use the term, and their discussions of the male associates of prostitutes describe them in roles more akin to protectors and watchmen than brokers of sex. Procurers, such as Joseph Farryall, are mentioned earlier in this chapter. Lovers are discussed in Sanger, History of Prostitution , 486, 556; [Smith], Madam Restell , 34-36; Police Gazette on Jewett affair, February-June 1849. See also Chapter 8.

85. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 555, 558; Martin, Secrets , 286; Ellington, Women of New York , 165-66, 199, 235-39; Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 5-20; Police Gazette , 7 April 1849; Tribune , 18 July 1842.

86. Tracing individuals is most easily done with addresses. Since one had to be a resident of a particular ward to be assessed for personal property but did not have to live on one's property in a ward to be assessed for real estate, personal property is used as a basis for comparison. When known and pertinent, real estate holdings will be noted. It is virtually impossible, however, to trace a person's total real estate holdings, since they might be scattered throughout the city and are grouped and listed by street address, not owner's name. Furthermore, evaluating real estate holdings is problematic because a person may be listed several times on a street, within a ward, and in different wards, leading to a likely overcount of the number of real-estate owners.

Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 108, challenges the idea that prostitutes accumulated assets or invested their capital wisely, thus making considerable sums of money.

87. See Sanger survey for distribution of prostitution in the 1850s. Contemporary newspapers also noted that prostitution existed in all parts of the city ( History of Prostitution , 580-81). See Chapter 6 for a discussion of New York's community-wide distribution. See Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," for an analysis of the sixth ward population as family-oriented, hardworking, and respectable.

88. Only 2 percent of the brothels listed were from ward six. Sanger's study, however, showed that ward five led in the number of prostitution and assignation establishments (with seventy), and was followed by wards eight and six, which had fifty-eight each. Ward six's establishments were most likely excluded

from the directories either because they were considered to be "lower class" or because they were not thought to be stable businesses.

After the Civil War the center of brothel activity again shifted to the north. See Chapter 6 for a discussion of prostitute mobility and migration patterns.

89. The remaining wards will not be used in the comparative study. Though ward three had some prostitutes on its northern edge, it was primarily a commercial and financial business district, not a residential/small business area. Its population stabilized and then declined from 1830 to 1850. Wards one and two were already primarily business districts by 1830, and wards four and seven had poorer residents and a large concentration of seamen and other transients. Wards nine, eleven, and thirteen were on the edges of the island, not along the commercial thoroughfares, and wards twelve, sixteen, and eighteen through twenty-two were frontier wards, or were just within the concentrated population limits at the end of the period of comparison. See map, p. 97, for relative placement of wards.

90. The following economic analysis is the result of a selective sampling of tax-record data. Information is taken from five wards at five-year intervals from 1835 to 1855 (although tax records were studied for the entire period from 1830 to 1860). Because of the way in which tax records were kept, numbers of taxpayers had to be determined by a tedious counting of ledger entries. I ascertained the amount of personal property owned by New York women by adding sums of individuals' assessed property. A property holder was determined to be female only if the name was unambiguously a woman's. First names such as Allison, Stacey, and Lowerie were not counted because they might also be nineteenth-century male names, and Francis or Frances is counted as a male name unless a female title is included. Neither were initials regarded as female unless they were preceded by a female designation such as "widow," "Mrs." or "Miss." Furthermore, if a woman was counted as a prostitute, she had to have been clearly identified as one in some source such as a newspaper, census, or brothel directory. Even though a building is known to have been occupied for years as a brothel, the resident or owner is not counted as a prostitute unless the female owner's name or occupant's name in a particular year has been identified in some source as a prostitute. Such a method of determining prostitute property-owners probably undercounts them, but it avoids making exaggerated claims.

In addition to these limitations, there are other reasons why prostitutes and non-prostitute women may not be fully enumerated in the records. A woman usually assumed a new name, a professional name, on becoming a prostitute, but she may have continued to hold property in her legal name. Maria Ashby, who owned 102 Church Street from 1848 through 1859, may be the same person as Mary Ann Burr, who first appeared at this time and operated the property as a brothel for the decade, but one cannot assume this. Neither can

Maria Ashby be assumed to be or to have been a prostitute just because she owns brothel property. A second reason prostitutes and other women property owners may not be fully accounted for is that tax assessing was not a very precise bureaucratic skill in the nineteenth century. Property owners' names are hand written in ledger books and, consequently, are often illegible. Tax assessors also misspelled many names. For example, prostitute DuBois may be listed at various times as Debar, Debair or Depois, and one may miss the fact that all refer to the same person; also, tax assessors sometimes carelessly omitted names from ledger books. For example, Church Street has nine female property-owners in 1830, and from three to nine in every year surveyed from 1840 to 1859. In 1835, however, one of the years selected for study, no female property owners are listed on Church Street.

Church Street serves as an example of another way in which the random five-year selection may not reflect the full extent of property holdings over the entire twenty-year period. Church Street had nine female property owners in both 1845 and 1848. In 1845, a selected year of study, four of the nine assessed property holders were prostitutes, yet in 1848, a year that is not counted, eight of the nine property-owners were prostitutes. A final reason some female property-owners may have been excluded from the tax rolls is that they may not have wished to declare and pay taxes on their property: unless property was visible or known to assessors, they did not disclose their assets. Edward Pessen points out that many nineteenth-century New York residents were known not to declare the true value of their possessions. Records also show that a number of prostitutes appealed their assessments and either had the amounts sworn down or removed from the tax rolls.

Finally, in an effort to determine if there was any correlation between names in tax records and other prostitution records, I cross-checked tax records with the 1850 and 1855 censuses and with the 1853 brothel directory. The results were not conclusive, though the names on tax records correlated a little more closely with censuses than they did with the brothel directory. Both public surveys, census and tax, were taken in the same years, while the directory was printed halfway between the survey dates. The closest correlation between the census and the tax assessments is found in 1850 in ward five. Nineteen prostitutes were assessed for property in ward five, and eleven of them are listed as heads of households in the census. (However, eight prostitute property-owners were not found in the census, and two prostitute heads of households in the census were not assessed for taxes.)

91. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 554.

92. Ellington, Women of New York , 165.

93. Record of Assessments, 1829-1859, Wd. 5; U.S., 5th Census, 1830; 6th Census, 1840; City Directories, 1830-1851. See Chapter 2 for a brief profile of Berger.

94. See Chapter 2, n. 10 on Pessen's method of calculating current value of assets.

95. Record of Assessments, 1830-1859, Ward 5; Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 June 1836.

96. City Directories, 1830-1863; U.S., 5th Census, 1830, 5:277; 6th Census, 1840, 5:23; N.Y., Census, 1855, Ward 8; Sun , 30-31 January, 1835; Commercial Advocate , 6 June 1836; Herald , 15 October 1852.

97. Record of Assessments, 1830-1859, Wards 5 and 8; U.S., 5th, 6th, 7th, Censuses, 1830, 1840, 1850; N.Y., Census, 1855; City Directories 1830-1860; Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 21; Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 6; Ender, Prostitution Exposed , 8, 10.

98. Julia Brown also appears to have lived in a house run by Rosina Townsend and then managed a house owned by Adeline Miller before taking over an establishment of her own. Several women were listed in newspapers as "superintendents" of multiple houses of prostitution which meant they, in turn, hired women as brothel keepers, thus giving them a start in the managerial side of the business. Charlotte Briggs ran a house on Thomas Street and superintended another at 159 Church which was managed by her "deputy keeper," Sarah Fisher. Sun , 10 March 1840. According to the Advocate of Moral Reform , two sisters, Wilson and Harley, superintended fourteen prostitution establishments in different parts of the city, and the editors had heard that another set of sisters supervised thirty houses of assignation. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 March 1837, 15 April 1838.

99. Life and Death of Fanny White, Being a Complete and Interesting History of the Career of that Notorious Lady , 16; Record of Assessments, 1851-1859. White's association with Dan Sickles is discussed in Chapter 8.

100. For other information on Tuttle, White, Hastings, Englis, and Gordon see Record of Assessments, 1830-1859, Wards 5 and 8; City Directories, 1830-1860; U.S., 5th, 6th, 7th Censuses, 1830, 1840, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 5-6, 17; Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios .

101. Walkowitz and Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 202-3; Stansell, City of Women , 180. The issue of reintegrating into respectable society after practicing prostitution is discussed in Chapter 8.