1. Judith R. Walkowitz, "'We Are Not Beasts of the Field': Prostitution and the Campaign Against the Contagious Diseases Acts, 1869-1886" (Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 1974); idem, Prostitution in Victorian Society: Women, Class, and the State ; Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 ; Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in

New York , 1789-1860. Two especially interesting works on nineteenth-century American prostitution in the West that have expanded the geographic perimeters of the topic are Marion S. Goldman, Gold Diggers and Silver Miners: Prostitution and Social Life on the Comstock Lode , and Anne M. Butler, Daughters of Joy, Sisters of Misery: Prostitutes in the American West , 1865-90. Other studies related to the question in New York City are Timothy J. Gilfoyle, "City of Eros: New York City, Prostitution, and the Commercialization of Sex, 1790-1920" (Ph. D. diss., Columbia University, 1987); Barbara Meil Hobson, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition ; Barbara Berg, The Remembered Gate: Origins of American Feminism ; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Religion and the Rise of the American City: The New York City Mission Movement , 1812-1870.

2. Rosen, Lost Sisterhood .

3. Stansell, City of Women , 221.

4. Ibid., 191.

3. Stansell, City of Women , 221.

4. Ibid., 191.

1. New York Herald , 11 April-30 June 1836; Lewis Tappan, The Life of Arthur Tappan , 119.

2. Herald , 11 April 1836.

3. New York Commercial Advertiser , 2-11 June 1836; Herald , 7-11 June 1836; The Sun (New York), 3-4 June 1836; New York Transcript , 3-8 June 1836; Oliver Carlson, The Man Who Made News: James Gordon Bennett , 143-67; Patricia Cline Cohen, "The Helen Jewerr Murder: Violence, Gender, and Sexual Licentiousness in Antebellum America," 374-89.

4. Herald , 12 and 13 April 1836.

5. Herald , 11-15 April 1836; Morning Courier and Enquirer , 29 June 1830.

6. Patrica Cline Cohen has an excellent summary of the various versions of Jewett's life story in "The Helen Jewett Murder." I am indebted to Cohen for sharing her article with me.

7. There are many sources describing Jewett's background, many of which contain fabricated material. The most accurate information on Jewett appears to be from court documents and the local press at the time of the murder. See Sun , April, June 1836; Herald , April, June 1836; Transcript , 30 June 1834; CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836; Coroner's Inquest, 10 April 1836, in CGS, People v. Robinson . At the coroner's inquest, Rosina Townsend said Jewett was born in Hallowell, Maine.

Other sources on Jewett and the murder include An Authentic Biography of

the Late Helen Jewett, A Girl of the Town . . . by a Gentleman Fully Acquainted with her History ; Carlson, The Man Who Made News ; Joseph Holt Ingraham, Frank Rivers: or the Dangers of the Town; The Life of Ellen Jewett: Illustrative of Her Adventures . . . Together with Various Extracts from Her Journal, Correspondence, and Poetical Effects ; Richard P. Robinson, Letter From Richard P. Robinson as Connected With the Murder of Ellen Jewett, Sent in a Letter to his Friend Thomas Armstrong; A Sketch in the Life of Francis P. Robinson, the Alleged Murderer of Helen Jewett, Containing Copious Extracts from his Journal; A Sketch in the Life of Miss Ellen Jewett, Who Was Murdered in the City of New York on Saturday Evening, April 9, 1836; The Truly Remarkable Life of the Beautiful Helen Jewett Who Was So Mysteriously Murdered ; George Wilkes, The Lives of Helen Jewett and Richard P. Robinson .

8. Sun , 11 April 1836.

9. Herald , 12 April 1836; Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun, 6 June 1836.

10. Though there is no indication of Jewett's weekly earnings except for a comment in the National Police Gazette that she "could get $50-$100 a week for Betty's establishment" (24 February 1849), she must have made enough over and above her living expenses and clothing costs to accumulate savings, because on one occasion Mrs. Berry asked her for a loan. "Berry to Jewett," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Estimated earnings for an establishment like Berry's are based on information from a variety of contemporary sources. See Chapter 3.

11. There is no evidence that Jewett was ever personally fined or incarcerated. The arrest of the women in her brothel and other court cases are discussed in Transcript , 30 June 1834; 12 April, 4 June 1836; Sun , 28 June 1834; Herald , 13 April 1836; Commercial Advertiser , 4 June 1836; The Life of Ellen Jewett , 19, 24, 29-30; Wilkes, The Lives .

12. Sun , 6-8 June 1836; Herald , 13 April 1836.

13. "Edward to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835). The use of correspondence with clients may not have been unique to Jewett. In the Corless murder case in 1843, a porter testified that he had carried letters between the murdered victim and a prostitute. Daily Tribune , 29 March 1843. See Appendix 2 for a full explanation and description of the Jewett correspondence.

13. "Edward to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835). The use of correspondence with clients may not have been unique to Jewett. In the Corless murder case in 1843, a porter testified that he had carried letters between the murdered victim and a prostitute. Daily Tribune , 29 March 1843. See Appendix 2 for a full explanation and description of the Jewett correspondence.

15. Information on urban changes in New York City can be found in Robert G. Albion, The Rise of the New York Port, 1815-1860 ; Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic: Antebellum New York and the Origins of Machine Politics ; Robert Ernst, Immigrant Life in New York City, 1825-1863 ; Douglas T. Miller, Jacksonian Aristocracy: Class and Democracy in New York, 1830-1860 ; Edward Pessen, Riches, Class and Power Before the Civil War; Edward Spann, The New Metropolis: New York, 1840-1857 ; Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New

York City and the Rise of the Working Class, 1788-1850 ; James Grant Wilson, ed., The Memorial History of the City of New York .

16. On the activities and position of women in the nineteenth century, especially in New York City, see Berg, Remembered Gate ; Nancy Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835 ; Smith-Rosenberg, Religion and the Rise ; Stansell, City of Women ; Barbara Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood," 151-74.

Many young women and girls found employment in industry or as domestics and seamstresses. Sources noted that women frequently moved from the last two professions into prostitution. House of Refuge case histories include numerous examples of young girls in service having practiced casual prostitution before they were admitted to the Refuge. New York House of Refuge Case Histories (HRCH), 1829-1860, New York State Archives, State Education Department, Albany. See also: NYMS, First Annual Report of the Executive Committee of the New York Magdalen Society, Instituted January 1 , 1830, 8; William W. Sanger, The History of Prostitution — Its Extent, Causes and Effects Throughout the World , 526; Theresa M. McBride, The Domestic Revolution: The Modernization of Household Service in England and France, 1820-1920 , 22, 99-107; Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 62-63; Stansell, City of Women , 167, 178; Margaret Hewitt, Wives and Mothers In Victorian Industry , 59. A. J. B. Parent-Duchatelet and Henry Mayhew also noted this as a problem in France and England.

17. The term social evil began to be used in the last half of the nineteenth century and became increasingly common in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with the work of Progressive reformers, especially the New York Committee of Fifteen and the Vice Commission of Chicago, both of whom published research reports under the title The Social Evil . See James D. McCabe, Lights and Shadows of New York Life; or, the Sights and Sensations of the Great City , 579; Matthew Hale Smith, Sunshine and Shadow in New York , 371; Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 14, 40.

18. Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Lewis Tappan and the Evangelical War Against Slavery , 66; Tappan, The Life of Arthur Tappan , 111-12; Smith-Rosenberg, Religion and the Rise , 98-103; idem, "Beauty, the Beast, and the Militant Woman: A Case Study in Sex Roles and Social Stress in Jacksonian America," 562-84; Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 January 1837; NYMS, First Annual Report , 4-9.

19. Philip Hone, The Diary of Philip Hone, 1828-1851 , 45 (general entry for summer 1831); John R. McDowall, Magdalen Facts , no. 1; Tappan, Life of Arthur Tappan , 113-18; Wyatt-Brown, Lewis Tappan , 68.

20. Wyatt-Brown, Lewis Tappan , 70; McDowall, Magdalen Facts .

21. John R. McDowall, McDowall's Journal , January 1833. Many sources refer to the existence of this list threatened by McDowall, but none documents

where it is found where it is found. Only two volumes of McDowall's Journal were published, covering the period from January 1833 to December 1834. Some issues contain letters with initials of seducers. See Paul Boyer's discussion of McDowall's threatened list in his analysis of New York moral reformers' attempts at social control, in Paul S. Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 , 17-21.

22. NYFBS, First Report of the Female Benevolent Society of the City of New York: Presented January 13, 1834 , 6-7.

23. Sun , 15 March 1834.

24. Smith-Rosenberg, Religion and the Rise , 102-12; Keith Melder, " La dies Bountiful: Organized Women's Benevolence in Early Nineteenth-Century America," 231-54.

25. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 January 1837; Herald , 11 and 14 April 1836; Tappan, Life of Arthur Tappan , 119; [Phebe McDowall], Memoir and Select Remains of the Late Rev. John R. McDowall, the Martyr of the Seventh Commandment, in the Nineteenth Century , 1-89, 153-54.

26. A. J. B. Parent-Duchatelet, De la prostitution dans la ville de Paris ; William Tait, Magdalenism: An Inquiry into the Extent, Causes, and Consequences of Prostitution ; William Acton, Prostitution Considered in Its Moral, Social, and Sanitary Aspects in London and Other Large Cities and Garrison Towns, with Proposals for the Control and Prevention of its Attendant Evils ; [Charles Smith], Madam Restell, An Account of her Life and Horrible Practices, Together with Prostitution in New York, Its Extent, Causes, and Effects Upon Society ; Sanger, History of Prostitution . Some of the "popular writers" of the 1840s were George G. Foster, New York in Slices by An Experienced Carver: Being the Original Slices Published in the New York Tribune and New York Naked ; Solon Robinson, Hot Corn: Life Scenes in New York Illustrated ; Ned Buntline [E. Z. C. Judson], The Mysteries and Miseries of New York . See Chapter 7 for a further discussion of popular literature.

27. Sanger has a full discussion of Parent's data in his History of Prostitution , 139-54. Judith Walkowitz has an excellent analysis of the best-known nineteenth-century writers on prostitution in "We Are Not Beasts," 44-97. I am indebted to both Walkowitz and Jill Harsin for their discussions of Parent-Duchatelet, for whom there is no translation. Jill Harsin, Policing Prostitution In Nineteenth-Century Paris .

28. [Smith], Madam Restell , 24; Tait, Magdalenism ; Acton, Prostitution Considered .

29. [Smith], Madam Restell , 5-24, 27-48.

30. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 27-34, 450-52, 575-676.

31. Most of those interviewed used prostitution as a sole means of support, and many of them probably lived in known houses of prostitution. See ibid., 523.

32. Ibid., 617.

30. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 27-34, 450-52, 575-676.

31. Most of those interviewed used prostitution as a sole means of support, and many of them probably lived in known houses of prostitution. See ibid., 523.

32. Ibid., 617.

30. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 27-34, 450-52, 575-676.

31. Most of those interviewed used prostitution as a sole means of support, and many of them probably lived in known houses of prostitution. See ibid., 523.

32. Ibid., 617.

33. The tacit acceptance of prostitutes and their integration into neighborhoods will be discussed in Chapter 6.

Reformer Charles Loring Brace noted that prostitutes understood well the types of explanations for prostitution that would evoke either sympathy or criticism from reformers or police: ''They usually relate, and perhaps even imagine, that they have been seduced from the paths of virtue suddenly and by the wiles of some heartless seducer. Often they describe themselves as belonging to some virtuous, respectable, and even wealthy family." He went on to point out: "Their real history is much more commonplace and matter-of-fact. They have been poor women's daughters and did not want to work as their mothers did." Charles Loring Brace, The Dangerous Classes of New York, and Twenty Years' Work Among Them , 118.

34. HRCH, 1829-1860. For a collective intake profile for the Houses of Refuge in 1835, see Appendix 1.

35. The Jewett correspondence was printed in the National Police Gazette from April-June, 1849. Copies of letters also were referenced or printed in other sources in the 1830s. For a detailed discussion of the Jewett correspondence, see Appendix 2.

36. The discussion of definition will be concerned with female prostitution only. Various nineteenth- and twentieth-century definitions of prostitution are discussed in Acton, Prostitution Considered , 2; Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 93; [Smith], Madam Restell , 25; Abraham Flexner, Prostitution in Europe , 11; Barbara S. Heyl, The Madam as Entrepreneur: Career Management in House Prostitution , 2; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "Politics and Culture in Women's History—Response," 62; Vern L. Bullough, The History of Prostitution , 1-5.

37. Some of the sources claiming that officials maintained lists of prostitutes or prostitution houses are McDowall's Journal , May 1833; Sun , October 1834; New York Daily Times , 3 January 1855; George W. Walling, Recollections of a New York Chief of Police: An Official Record of Thirty-Eight Years as Patrolman, Detective, Captain, Inspector and Chief on the New York Police , 580. Police also were said to have records of all persons who boarded in or moved in and out of a ward. New York City, Police Department Reorganization Committee Report , in Documents of the Board of Aldermen (DBA), doc. 53 (1844): 808.

38. For information on New York City prostitution in the half century before 1830 see Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," chs. 1 and 2; New York City, Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, 1781-1831 ; Magdalen Society of New York, Second and Third Annual Reports , 1814-1815. In 1818, the Columbian reported that the city watch had found 1,200 prostitutes in New

York City. See Stansell, City of Women , 172, 276, n. 2. See also Tappan, Life of Arthur Tappan , 110-14.

39. Courier and Enquirer , 22 August 1831. According to the Working Man's Advocate , the City Watch conducted a ward by ward survey for the Grand Jury and discovered only 1,388 prostitutes. There is a discrepancy of 50 women between the Courier and Enquirer's estimate and that of the Workingman's Advocate. Workingman's Advocate , 20 August 1831. McDowall's estimate is found in NYMS, First Annual Report , 7-9. In calculating his estimates of New York's prostitutes, McDowall referred to the estimates of an alderman and a resident physician at the almshouse, who had both estimated 5,000 prostitutes in New York City. On visits to the Five Points, McDowall had counted 104 notorious places of lewdness. He speculated that each of these places had five females (possibly three times more than that), for a total of 520 lewd women. One could safely double this number and have 1,040 notorious females in the vicinity of the Five Points in the sixth ward. Admitting only 1,000, "a humble estimate," for the entire sixth ward, one could then estimate for the whole city. If each of the other thirteen wards had only one-fourth as many as the sixth, they would together account for 3,250, which added to the 1,000 in the sixth produces a total of 4, 250 public women. To this figure, add 400 who are usually in the penitentiary, and the result is 4,650, only 350 less than the alderman had computed. One also should add to these public women those females who reside in houses of higher reputation, who work as domestics, and who take lodgings in private families and boarding houses of respectability. These clandestine prostitutes were "doubtless more numerous than the girls abroad on the town," but if they were estimated at the same number, one would get a total of 10,000! See also [Phebe McDowall], Memoir and Select , 153-54.

The one in seventy females identified as prostitutes by the grand jury, as well as McDowall's one in ten, are based on the U.S. Census of 1830. A figure of 101,295 assumes the 1830 female population at roughly 50 percent of the total city population (202,589). U.S., 5th Census, 1830.

40. The estimated figures for prostitution in the period 1830-1847 have come from a variety of sources. See: NYMS, First Annual Report , 7-9; Ad vocate of Moral Reform , 15 May 1840; Daily Tribune (New York), 14 March 1844; Herald , 4, 7, 9, 20 January 1844; Samuel I. Prime, Life In New York , 164, 166; Licentiousness: Its Effects, Extent and Causes , 7; DBA, Police Reorganization , 53 (1844), 104; Foster, New York in Slices , 4; Tait, Magdalenism . The Herald estimated there were 9,000 prostitutes and 3,000 houses of ill fame. Prime stated that there were 10,000 prostitutes, one out of seven women of "sexually active age" (16 to 36), and 400 brothels.

41. Police Gazette , 12 June 1847. Smith offered a simple method of checking these calculations. Assuming the population at about 400,000 and the

number of females at about 200,000, one could exclude all females under 14 and all over 40, and the number left capable (italics mine) of prostitution was 60,000. Subtract from this all virtuous wives and daughters and all respectable women and girls (a number he must have assumed to be around 57,500) and one would have about the same number as the police returns showed. [Smith], Madam Restell , 26.

The female population reported in the 1845 census was 190,751. New York State, Secretary of State, Census, 1845, 29.

42. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 616.

43. Ibid., 575-79, 582-84. Sanger calculated the number of prostitutes as follows: To Chief Matsell's number of "not over five thousand," he added a 20 percent increase to adjust for population growth in the years leading up to 1858 and for the economic slump, which he believed caused women to turn to prostitution when they were laid off in other occupations. To test the accuracy of this figure of 6,000, Sanger asked precinct police to estimate the number of prostitutes in their precincts, and their reports totaled 3,857. To this number he added another 1,500 for the "floating prostitute population of station-houses, city and district prisons, hospitals, work-house, alms-house and penitentiary." The resulting total was 5, 357, and the difference between that and 6,000 could be accounted for by those who had escaped the eyes of the officers taking the census. To the number of 6,000 he added those whose calling was "effectively disguised"—or approximately 1,260 women who frequented assignation houses for sexual gratification, 400 who visited assignation houses to augment their incomes, and 200 who were assumed to represent half of the kept mistresses (the other half being included in those who visited assignation houses). Taken together, these figures totaled 7,860 public and private prostitutes, or about 2.1 percent of the female population.

In order to compare Sanger's figures with the total female population, I have estimated the number of females as 50 percent of the total population. Thus the female total for 1855 would be 314,952, and for 1860, 416,679. By averaging these two figures together, we get an estimated female population of 365,815 for 1858, for comparison with Sanger's prostitution figure for that year. U.S., 8th Census, 1860, 337; and N.Y., Census, 1855, table 1:2.

42. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 616.

43. Ibid., 575-79, 582-84. Sanger calculated the number of prostitutes as follows: To Chief Matsell's number of "not over five thousand," he added a 20 percent increase to adjust for population growth in the years leading up to 1858 and for the economic slump, which he believed caused women to turn to prostitution when they were laid off in other occupations. To test the accuracy of this figure of 6,000, Sanger asked precinct police to estimate the number of prostitutes in their precincts, and their reports totaled 3,857. To this number he added another 1,500 for the "floating prostitute population of station-houses, city and district prisons, hospitals, work-house, alms-house and penitentiary." The resulting total was 5, 357, and the difference between that and 6,000 could be accounted for by those who had escaped the eyes of the officers taking the census. To the number of 6,000 he added those whose calling was "effectively disguised"—or approximately 1,260 women who frequented assignation houses for sexual gratification, 400 who visited assignation houses to augment their incomes, and 200 who were assumed to represent half of the kept mistresses (the other half being included in those who visited assignation houses). Taken together, these figures totaled 7,860 public and private prostitutes, or about 2.1 percent of the female population.

In order to compare Sanger's figures with the total female population, I have estimated the number of females as 50 percent of the total population. Thus the female total for 1855 would be 314,952, and for 1860, 416,679. By averaging these two figures together, we get an estimated female population of 365,815 for 1858, for comparison with Sanger's prostitution figure for that year. U.S., 8th Census, 1860, 337; and N.Y., Census, 1855, table 1:2.

44. James D. McCabe, The Secrets of the Great City: A Work Descriptive of the Virtues and Vices, the Mysteries, Miseries and Crimes of New York City , 284-85. Female population statistics for 1865 and 1870 are based on an estimated 50 percent of the total population for those years as reported in N.Y., Census, 1875, table 1, p. 2.

45. New York State, Board of Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police (BCMP), Annual Report of the Board of Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police (New York: Berger & Tripp, 1867-1870), 86 (1866), 103 (1867), 93 (1868), 106 (1869).

46. Edward Crapsey, The Nether Side of New York; or, the Vice, Crime, and Poverty of the Great Metropolis , 24, 146.

47. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 579.

48. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 580; Police Gazette , 20 January 1849. Also, see Chapter 6.

49. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 580. New York City, Municipal Manuscripts (MM), Police Dockets (1849-1851), New York Municipal Archives and Record Center (NYMA).

There are many problems in trying to locate names in the 1855 census. The census has not been indexed, so one must read through pages of old ledgers that do not identify houses by number or street name. In addition, the names are handwritten in ink and often illegible. Furthermore, prostitutes usually went by pseudonyms but may have given census officials their legal names. Despite these difficulties, a survey of wards five and eight did verify the existence of many prostitutes said to have been in New York City at that time. In the 1850 census, 131 prostitutes were identified in ward five and 179 in ward eight for a total of 310. By the 1855 census, there were 46 fewer prostitutes found in these two wards (264, as opposed to 310)but 4 more houses (42, as opposed to 38).

In comparing the number of houses identified in the 1855 census and other sources with the number said by Sanger to exist in wards five and eight, the proportion that can be located is again significant: 44 houses in ward eight (76 percent of Sanger's estimate) and 29 in ward five (41 percent). Because it is difficult to identify assignation houses that were operating discreetly, many have probably been overlooked. New York State, Manuscript Census, 1855, New York City Population Schedules, 5th and 8th Wards, County Clerk's Office, Hall of Records (CCHR); U.S., 7th Census, 1850, New York City Population Schedules, 5th and 8th Wards, NYPL.

50. Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 3; Richard J. Evans, "Prostitution, State, and Society in Imperial Germany," 106-29.

51. Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 3. An appendix to the 1897 edition of Sanger's study noted that if Sanger's ratio of prostitutes to general population had kept pace with the city's growth, the number of prostitutes in that year would be 15,500. According to the editors, "these figures, startling as they are, would seem to fall far short of the calculations of many intelligent investigators of the subject, who place the number as high as 25,000 or even 30,000. The latter was the figure given by a high police official about a year ago. The sensational estimate, tacitly accepted by the committee of the State Senate during its late inquiry, putting the number at 50,000, bears on its face the mark of exaggeration, as it would show one prostitute in every 36 inhabitants, including men, women, and children." The editors accepted the police official's 30,000 as reasonable. Sanger, History of Prostitution , Appendix, 677-78.

52. Data related to prostitutes' ages is discussed in detail in Chapter 2 and

its notes. Age structure of the female population of New York in 1850 is based on the 1850 census. See U.S. 7th Census, 1850, 396.

1. George Templeton Strong, The Diary of George Templeton Strong , vol. l, 15 (entry for 12 April 1836).

2. See June 1836 in the Sun, Advocate of Moral Reform, Herald, Commercial Advertiser , and Transcript . For articles at the time of the murder see the same newspapers for 11 April 1836 and the days following. New York City, Court of General Sessions (CGS), File Papers, NYMA, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836.

Two good sources allow closer glimpses of the lives of prostitutes over time. Documents generated by the most notorious incident involving prostitutes in the era, the Helen Jewett murder case, offer much data about women in the upper levels of prostitution. Case records kept by the House of Refuge provide important facts about some of the more ordinary young prostitutes in New York City. HRCH, 1829-1860. For a collective intake profile for the Houses of Refuge in 1835, see Appendix 1.

3. Herald , 12 April 1836.

4. Ibid., 23 June 1836.

5. Ibid., 23, 24 June 1836.

3. Herald , 12 April 1836.

4. Ibid., 23 June 1836.

5. Ibid., 23, 24 June 1836.

3. Herald , 12 April 1836.

4. Ibid., 23 June 1836.

5. Ibid., 23, 24 June 1836.

6. Sun, 21 June 1836.

7. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 June 1836.

8. Record of Assessments, 1828-1836, Wd. 5; CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836; Transcript , 3 June 1836; Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 June 1836; Sun , 3 June 1836; Police Gazette, 4 August 1849.

9. Herald , 29 April 1836; Transcript , 22 April 1836.

10. According to Edward Pessen, both personal and real property were assessed in the 1830s and 1840s at one-fifth to three-fifths of their actual worth, with the three-fifths evaluation rarely used. By this standard, Townsend's property probably would have been worth $25,000 but possibly as little as $8,300. Pessen also states that it was an "open secret that residents did not reveal the true worth of their possessions in the city." Furthermore, it is not known if Townsend had personal or real property elsewhere in New York, which would not have been listed along with the Thomas Street property in tax records.

To calculate the value of mid-nineteenth-century property in current dollars, a formula can be derived from Pessen's data and indexed for inflation. In light of Pessen's observation that the three-fifths property assessment rate was

seldom used, we might obtain a rough approximation of 1840 property values by using an average of the one-fifth and two-fifths rates, or. 3. (Assessed valuation divided by. 3 = 1840 market value.) Pessen calculated the value of an 1840 dollar as $6.50 in 1970, yielding 1970 values that can be adjusted for inflation since then by multiplying by 2.3 for personal property and 3 for faster-appreciating real property (based on 1989 prices). Thus, the 1836 market value of Townsend's property might be estimated at $16,667 ($17,000), or approximately $250,000 in 1989 dollars. See Edward Pessen, Riches, Class and Power Before the Civil War , 12, 17, 19.

A New York Times editorial on 6 December 1990 stated that according to "historical indices" a 1990 dollar is worth 24.5 times as much as an 1849 dollar, an inflation rate that would yield about a 40 percent greater valuation on the dollar than the above formula.

11. Herald , 19 July 1836.

12. Sun , 12 August 1836.

13. Advocate of Moral Reform, January 1836; Sun , 26 October 1835. Tax records for the mid-1820s mention a Rossana Cisco at 30 Anthony, possibly the mother of Mary (Cisco) Berry. Record of Assessments, 1824-1826, Wd. 6.

14. Advocate of Moral Reform , January 1836; Sun , 26 October 1835.

15. Herald , 30 June 1834; 2 August 1836; Sun , 21 June 1836.

16. Record of Assessments, 1835, Wd. 5. A $2,000 assessment suggests her actual worth at approximately $6,700 in 1835.

17. Police Gazette , 24 February 1849.

18. "Mary Berry to Helen Jewett," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849.

19. Robert Taylor, "Diary," entries for 4 March, 1 August, 20 November 1846; Record of Assessments, 1840, 1845, Wd. 5.

20. A brothel directory published in 1839 stated that: "Mother Miller . . . usually dresses in black, with a plaid handkerchief tied round her head to conceal her grey hairs from view." Her actress daughter was supposedly named Miss Josephine Clifton, and the one "who died mysteriously while under the guardianship of Hamblin" was Miss Missouri Miller (Butt Ender, Prostitution Exposed , 5). Other information in U.S., Census, 1830, 1840, 1850; N.Y., Census, 1855; Record of Assessments, 1821-1859, Wards 5 and 6; City Directories, 1830-1860; Taylor, "Diary," entries for 1, 29 August, 16 October, 18, 21-23 November 1846; Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 December 1836; Sun , 22, 29 November 1836, 19 April 1837; CGS, People v. Furman , 13 December 1821, People v. Lozier , 14 June 1831; PCR, Mary Hamilton v. Mary Adams , no. 7441 (1829).

21. See n. 20. Miller's addresses included 167 Church Street (1821); 32 Orange Street (1822-1826); 53 Crosby Street (late 1820s-early 1830s); 39 Elm Street and 44 Orange Street (1831); and 44 Orange Street, 133 Reade Street, and Mott Street (1835-1836).

22. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 December 1836; CGS, People v. Lozier , 14 June 1831.

23. Sun , 22, 29 November 1836, 19 April 1837; Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 December 1836.

24. Ender, Prostitution Exposed , 5; Record of Assessments, 1830s.

25. Tribune , 18 July 1842; Herald , 11 September 1845.

26. Taylor, "Diary," entries for 1, 29 August, 16 October, 18, 21-23 November 1846; Police Gazette , 3 March, 7 April 1849.

27. Record of Assessments, 1855, Ward 5. The $16,500 is under the name Adeline Miller. Another entry lists an Adelaide Miller (William H. Boyd, Boyd's New York City Tax Book; Being a List of Persons, Corporations, and Co-Partnerships Resident and Non-Resident, Who Were Taxed According to the Assessor's Books, 1856 and 1857 ).

28. HRCH, nos. 747, 748 (1830). Prior to the admittance of the Utter sisters to the Refuge, a woman named Eunice Utter was tried and convicted for running a disorderly house. The Refuge case history said the Utters' mother was in prison, so it is possible that Eunice Utter was their mother. See CGS, People v. Eunice Utter , 7 July 1830.

29. HRCH, nos. 747, 748 (1830).

30. See, for example, collective intake data for 1835 in Appendix I.

31. HRCH, no. 1596 (1835).

32. HRCH, no. 1559 (1835).

33. Ibid.

32. HRCH, no. 1559 (1835).

33. Ibid.

34. HRCH, no. 867 (1831).

35. Abby Meade/Meyer was a well-known New York City madam from the 1820s through the 1850s. Several of the young girls at the House of Refuge had stayed at her house. Her name appeared in newspapers in the 1830s and 1840s half-a-dozen times for pressing charges against others, usually servants who allegedly stole from her. An 1839 source asserted that her house at 134 Duane Street was "decidedly A. No. 1, for respectability . . . [and] the proprietor, Mrs. M, lives principally at her country seat on Long Island" (Ender, Prostitution Exposed , 9). See also HRCH, no. 867 (1831), no. 1613 (1835); Sun , 30 November 1833, 19 September 1835, 30 October 1840; Tribune , 31 August 1842; U.S., Census, 1830, Wd. 8; U.S., Census, 1850, Wd. 5:1; City Directories, 1830-1850.

36. HRCH, no. 867 (1831).

37. HRCH, no. 1534 (1835).

38. All quotes and information are from HRCH, no. 1534 (1835).

39. Advocate of Moral Reform, December 1835, 15 June 1836; City Directories, 1830-1850 passim; Record of Assessments, 1830-1859, Wd. 5; U. S., Census, 1830, 1840, Wd. 5.

40. HRCH, no. 1641 (1835).

41. HRCH, no. 4687 (1850).

42. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 450- 548. Parent-Duchatelet found that the average French prostitute was young (overwhelmingly between the ages of 20 and 26), from the laboring class, and poor. If previously employed, she had worked in one of the low-paying employments open to women—as a seamstress, domestic servant, factory worker, or shop girl. William Acton, in his London study, also found that women who practiced prostitution were part of the respectable poor, who had entered the profession when they were young because they had experienced some hardship. These women usually had worked in poorly paid professions where they were "exposed to temptation." Specifically mentioned as likely to become prostitutes were actresses, milliners, shop girls, domestic servants, and women employed in factories or "agriculture gangs." Acton asserted that prostitution was a "transitory state through which an untold number of British women are ever on their passage," and that it was not uncommon for them to marry and become housewives. See: Acton, Prostitution Considered , 44-45, 49, 180-85; Parent-Duchatelet, De la prostitution , quoted in Sanger, 138-54. See Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 44-97, for a general summary of nineteenth-century writers.

43. [Smith], Madam Restell , 27-28.

44. Current researchers have also found that youth and a working-class or poor background characterized a majority of nineteenth-century prostitutes. Judith Walkowitz noted that most of the English prostitutes registered in the dock towns were single women born in the area where they worked, and the youngest of them (those under nineteen) still lived in the family household. It is not clear how many had had children, but few had offspring living with them, perhaps because they sent children away to live, though it is also possible that they used abortion and infanticide as methods of birth control. The majority of the women remained very much a part of their lower-class communities.

Ruth Rosen's collective profile of the turn-of-the-century urban prostitute emphasized the role played by a prior economic, family, or social hardship. Most prostitutes were native and were urban-born, and contemporary data indicates that native-born women of foreign parentage were more likely to become prostitutes than foreign-born women.

The women of the American West studied by Anne Butler were poor, uneducated, and drawn from all the racial and ethnic groups living in the area—white, black, Chinese, and Mexican. Many prostitutes were married, and some had children, but their marital and domestic relationships were highly unstable. On the frontier, a prostitute's economic situation was at least as precarious as that of the new settlers in general: jobs were scarce, wages poor, and prices inflated. See Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts"; Rosen, Lost Sisterhood ; Butler, Daughters of Joy.

45. Using census data for wards five and eight, 310 prostitutes can be

identified in 1850 and 264 in 1855. Police arrest statistics are taken from dockets for the lower wards of Manhattan for the years 1849, 1850, and 1855; U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; MM, Police Docket, 1849-1855.

46. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 452; U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8.

47. Calculations are based on data found in the U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; and N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8. Although brothels and prostitutes were researched in the 1870 census, I did not do a full analysis of data for that year comparable to those for 1850 and 1855. Tim Gilfoyle has noted that his study of the 1870 census supports the same general profile of brothel-keepers found in the 1850s. He located three madams over fifty and two under twenty. See Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 194.

48. The exact averages of ages for prostitutes for these years were 23.3 for 1850 and 22.3 for 1855.

49. At this time, menarche occurred at approximately fifteen, or possibly even later. See Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost , 87, 285-86 n. 95. Housing juvenile prostitutes put a brothel at greater risk of legal and social repercussions. Since census data and probably Sanger's data are primarily from brothels, juvenile prostitutes are likely to be underrepresented. Sanger's undercounting of child prostitution is discussed in Chapter 1.

50. See HRCH, 1830, 1831, 1835, 1840.

51. MM, Police Docket, 17 September 1849. Mangren (or Mangin) also had two of her own daughters working in her prostitution establishment. See Police Court Records (PCR), Box 7953, Pease v. Mangren , 1 August 1855, in NYMA. On Farryall see Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835.

52. [Smith], Madam Restell , 28.

53. Advocate of Moral Reform , November 1835.

54. Sun , 9 October 1835. Other examples of young girls found in houses of prostitution are: Herald , 22 October 1842 (house at Mott and Cross streets); Sun , 8 March 1843 (house at 138 Church Street).

55. Sun , 20 April 1837.

56. Semi-Annual Report of the Chief of Police , DBA, vol. 17, pt. 1 (1850), 58-59.

57. Ibid., 63.

56. Semi-Annual Report of the Chief of Police , DBA, vol. 17, pt. 1 (1850), 58-59.

57. Ibid., 63.

58. Pedophilia among Victorian men is discussed in Ronald Pearsall, The Worm in the Bud: The World of Victorian Sexuality , 350-63. Stansell has an excellent discussion of child prostitution in New York City at mid-century and notes its relationship to working-class culture, family-reform movements, and Victorian pedophilia (City of Women , 180-85). Tim Gilfoyle also emphasizes the juvenile aspect of New York's prostitution as one feature that distinguishes

sexual commerce in this period from that in the preceding and succeeding centuries (Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," chap. 4).

Both Stansell and Gilfoyle have done studies of rape cases and found a significant percentage of child victims. Stansell notes that of a random sampling of 101 rape cases between 1820 and 1860 in New York's Court of General Sessions, 26 (also 26 percent) involved complainants who were under 16 years of age. Of these, 19 were under 12 years old (the youngest was 4), 5 were between the ages of 12 and 16, and 2 were of unknown age (Stansell, City of Women , 278 n. 33). Gilfoyle found that of 259 rape eases between 1830 and 1870, 98 victims (38 percent) were between 12 and 16 years of age, and 80 (31 percent) were under 12. See Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," Table XIII, 180. Rapes of children actually may not have represented such a high percentage of total rapes; such eases were more likely than others to be prosecuted because the courts would accept more readily the likelihood of "unwillingness" of girls 12 and under.

Child prostitution is discussed further in Chapter 6.

59. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 460; Times , 10 November 1858. In 1861, Samuel Halliday stated that many of New York's prostitutes were immigrants ( The Little Street Sweeper : or Life Among the Poor, 235-36).

60. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 459. See also: Evening Tattler , 17 August 1839, and Protestant Vindication , 17 June 1835.

61. Report from Mayor Fernando Wood to Board of Aldermen, DBA, 5 (1855), 18.

62. Ernst, Immigrant Life , 187-88; Smith-Rosenberg, Religion and the Rise , 173; Albion, Rise of the New York Port , 418-419; U.S., Census, 1850; N.Y., Census, 1845, 1855.

63. The daily entries in the lower Manhattan docket for 1849 and 1850 indicate that the overwhelming majority of those arrested for vagrancy/ prostitution had Irish names. The same is true of the 220 streetwalkers arrested on five evenings in the spring of 1855, and of New York City prison commitments for all crimes in the 1850s. There were more than three times as many foreigners as native-born persons committed to prison from 1850 to 1858, and the Irish accounted for 76 percent of the foreigners, or more than 50 percent of the total number arrested. MM, Police Docket, 1849-1850; Times , March-May 1855; Report of the Warden of the City Prison, Annual Report of The Governor of the Almshouse, quoted in Ernst, Immigrant Life , 202-204.

One other arrest statistic that appears to support Wood's association of prostitution and "crime" was for panel-house arrests. A study analyzing panel-house prostitution from 1840 to 1869 has found that of 68 women prosecuted, 65 percent were foreign, and 39 percent of the total were from Ireland. Again, however, court officials' biases could have meant that foreign women were pursued more aggressively (Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 193 n. 18).

64. Some professions were dominated by the foreign-born. The 1855 census lists 29,470 of the 31,749 domestic servants in New York City as foreign-born. Carol Groneman-Pernicorn states that Irish and German women were preferred as domestics, but some newspaper ads for domestic help in this period reflect a different attitude with statements such as, ''Irish need not apply." As I argue in Chapter 3, domestic work was among the lowest paid of women's occupations. Ads are from Truth Teller , 28 December 1833, and Daily Sun , 11 May 1853, quoted in Ernst, ImmigrantLife , 67. See also Ernst, 215; Carol Groneman-Pernicorn, "The 'Bloody Ould Sixth': A Social Analysis of a New York City Working Class Community in the Mid-Nineteeth Century," 155. Hasia Diner takes a contrasting point of view, arguing that Irish women in American cities seldom turned to prostitution ( Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century , 106-7, 114-18).

65. See Chapter 4 for more on immigrant arrests.

66. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 460.

67. Ernst, Immigrant Life , 193; U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8.

68. Ernst, Immigrant Life , 193; U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; U.S., Census, 1860.

69. Theodor Griesinger, Lebende Bilder aus Amerika (Stuttgart, 1858), 148-56. Barbara Hobson has found in her study of Boston prostitutes that brothel-keepers who were immigrants were overrepresented in the prostitute population. Forty percent of the brothel-keepers in the Boston House of Correction were immigrants. It is also possible that a high foreign percentage indicates police bias in arrests and incarcerations of foreign brothel-keepers (Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 44-45).

70. In 1844, the Herald estimated there were 9,000 prostitutes in New York City and 4,000, or almost half, were said to be African-American. This number was determined by the writer's "many years observation of crime," and there is no other data to support the estimate. In fact, 4,000 black prostitutes would have represented over 60 percent of all black females in the city at that time. Herald , 4, 9 January 1844. An 1839 brothel directory estimated there were 1,970 black prostitutes. Black prostitutes were listed separately from the 9,291 full-time prostitutes—again, a number that seems exaggerated (Butt Ender, Prostitution Exposed ).

71. Black women faced the same population imbalance as did Irish women. In 1860, they outnumbered black men in New York by one-third, a statistic that probably reduced their chances for marriage. See Spann, The New Metropolis , 27; Paul O. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues: The New York Response to Collective Violence in the Early Nineteeth Century , 140-42; Ernst, Immigrant Life , 40-41, 67, 104-5, 173, 217; U.S., Census, 1860.

72. There were probably more black prostitutes than records indicate, but they operated discreetly in an effort to avoid incidents of racism and/or legal harassment. Case histories from the House of Refuge illustrate that black women chose prostitution for the same reasons as white women, and that their histories and family backgrounds are comparable. HRCH, no. 1641 (1835), no. 2629 (1840), no. 4895 (1850).

73. H.D. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory and Lover's Guide to the Ladies of Fashion and Houses of Pleasure in New York and Other Large Cities , 15.

74. U.S., Census, 1850, Ward 8:31. Nineteenth-century censuses use mulatto as a description of race, and I have followed this terminology in discussing census data.

75. Free Loveyer [ sic ], Directory to the Seraglios in New York, Philadelphia, Boston and All the Principal Cities in the Union , 20, 24, 27.

76. Ibid., 20-21.

75. Free Loveyer [ sic ], Directory to the Seraglios in New York, Philadelphia, Boston and All the Principal Cities in the Union , 20, 24, 27.

76. Ibid., 20-21.

77. The fact that Sweet is not found in the 1855 census does not mean she had moved. There is no index to this census, and names can be found only by skimming ward listings. Because she is at the same address in the 1854-55 city directory and in the 1859 brothel directory, her name was probably overlooked. U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8.

78. MM, Police Docket, 1849-1850.

79. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 12, 10.

80. Ibid., 17.

79. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 12, 10.

80. Ibid., 17.

81. Herald , 17 January 1846.

82. Newspaper articles repeatedly noted contemporaries' opposition to interfacial sex and their blatant expressions of racism. For references to black and white brothels see New Era and American Courier (New York), 28 March 1837; Sun , 4 June 1834, 27 March, 7 October 1835, 25 May 1836, 4 May, 27 February 1840; Tribune , 7 March 1842; Herald , 10 June 1836. For additional sources, see discussion of racism and prostitution in Chapter 8 and notes there.

83. Sun , 5 October 1840.

84. Ibid., 26 February 1840.

83. Sun , 5 October 1840.

84. Ibid., 26 February 1840.

85. U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8. William Sanger discussed black women only as servants in brothels ( History of Prostitution , 554).

86. The Gentleman's Directory: The Gentleman's Companion, New York City in 1870 , 24.

87. Ibid., 29.

86. The Gentleman's Directory: The Gentleman's Companion, New York City in 1870 , 24.

87. Ibid., 29.

88. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 473-75; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; Times , 23-24 May 1855.

89. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 477-80. It is not possible to say how many of the census prostitutes had had children, since only those children living

in the household were included in the survey. There were, however, a number of children listed as residents of the brothels.

90. Ibid., 477-83. Mortality for children under five was very high for New York as a whole. In 1850 and 1860, 52 percent of children died before they reached age five. Robert Ernst noted that, according to the City Inspector, 67 percent of the city's total mortality for 1857 represented children under five, mostly of foreign parentage ( Immigrant Life , 53). See also Spann, The New Metropolis , 135; John Duffy, The History of Public Health in New York City , vol. 1, 1625-1866 , 259, 532-38.

The use of abortion by prostitutes will be discussed in Chapter 7.

89. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 477-80. It is not possible to say how many of the census prostitutes had had children, since only those children living

in the household were included in the survey. There were, however, a number of children listed as residents of the brothels.

90. Ibid., 477-83. Mortality for children under five was very high for New York as a whole. In 1850 and 1860, 52 percent of children died before they reached age five. Robert Ernst noted that, according to the City Inspector, 67 percent of the city's total mortality for 1857 represented children under five, mostly of foreign parentage ( Immigrant Life , 53). See also Spann, The New Metropolis , 135; John Duffy, The History of Public Health in New York City , vol. 1, 1625-1866 , 259, 532-38.

The use of abortion by prostitutes will be discussed in Chapter 7.

91. Smith, Sunshine and Shadow , 424; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 523-31.

92. Times , 24-25 May 1855. It is possible that some of these women were not prostitutes but were arrested merely for being on the street after dark. See Chapter 4 for a discussion of false arrests.

93. Sanger believed that a woman who continued in another occupation after she began working as a prostitute did so to "deceive the world as to her own pursuits, or else to satisfy her conscience that she was not entirely depraved" ( History of Prostitution , 528, 523-24). In the Sanger study, 75 percent of interviewees had been employed previously. Barbara Hobson has pointed out that 75 percent is very high in light of the low rate of women's participation in the labor force in this era, which she estimates roughly at between 10 percent and 15 percent. The New York Census of 1855, however, stated that 24 percent of women were employed in the workforce. Carol Groneman-Pernicorn's study of New York women in the sixth ward has challenged official estimates on female employment, demonstrating that in this ward, at least, women workers were greatly undercounted. See Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 96; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 149, 162, 169; N.Y., Census, 1855.

94. N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8.

95. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 535-36. Approximately one-third of the women were daughters of skilled workers, and almost one-fourth were daughters of farmers. Hobson speculates that these women may have had "expectations of economic and social well-being that could not be fulfilled in a world [where their fathers were facing] narrowing opportunities" ( Uneasy Virtue , 92-93).

96. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 455; NYMS, First Annual Report , 9; Tait, Magdalenism ; Prime, Life in New York , 164.

97. [Smith], Madam Restell , 28; Parent-Duchatelet, De la prostitution ; Acton, Prostitution Considered , 27, 28-33, 300-302.

98. New York City, Dept. of Health, Register of Deaths , 1850-1855; N.Y., Census, 1855.

99. In her research on prostitutes in Boston, Barbara Hobson has sketched a partial portrait of foreign prostitutes. According to Hobson, immigrant women

typically entered the profession later, stayed longer, were more often married, and were usually less literate than native-born prostitutes ( Uneasy Virtue , 91). No such analysis exists for New York immigrant prostitutes.

1. Salters was also known as Caroline Paris as well as Catherine Paris. HRCH, no. 819 (1830); Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 June 1836; Police Gazette , 30 June, 7 July 1849.

2. Police Gazette , 30 June 1849.

3. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 491.

4. Barbara Heyl, in her recent study, The Madam as Entrepreneur (1, 34, 191-95), reviews four theoretical perspectives on why women enter prostitution and summarizes the major explanations of cause exposed by these perspectives. These summary explanations are: (1) The pathological hypothesis: that women with certain personality characteristics enter prostitution in order to meet those personality needs, or because they cannot survive by legitimate means. (2) The social disorganization hypothesis: that women in certain negative social and economic circumstances enter in order to earn a better living. (3) The drift hypothesis: that women find themselves unattached (and perhaps unemployed or poorly paid) and end up, with the help of contacts, finding friends and a source of income in the prostitution world.

5. David M. Schneider, The History of Public Welfare in New York State, 1609-1866 , 213-14.

6. NYMS, First Annual Report , 9.

7. McDowall's Journal , March 1833.

8. Water Street Home for Women (WSHW), Third Annual Report , vol. 3, 44, 54.

9. From Advocate of Moral Reform as quoted in Smith-Rosenberg, Re ligion and the Rise , 121-22.

10. NYFBS, First Report; Advocate of Moral Reform, 1835-1845. Barbara Hobson argues that female moral reformers recognized the economic roots of prostitution in low wages and poor working conditions. But their ambivalence toward women working outside the home obscured the benefits and opportunities of the labor market and distorted the sexual dangers. As a result, the reformers emphasized lack of protection for women, rather than lack of equal rights, and diverted the focus of reform efforts away from the fundamental reasons for prostitution, i.e., socioeconomic and gender discrimination. See Hobson, Unequal Virtue , 49, 64; Advocate of Moral Reform , January-February 1835, 1 January 1838, 1 March 1844.

11. Genius of Temperance , 29 December 1830, quoted in J. R. McDowall, Magdalen Facts , January 1832, no. 1, 47; Smith-Rosenberg, "Beauty, the Beast;" WSHW, First Annual Report (1870), 12, and Second Annual Report (1871), 50; Foster, New York Naked , 159; Acton, Prostitution Considered , 161-69; NYMS , First Annual Report, 7-8, 20; Advocate of Moral Reform , February 1835; George Ellington, The Women of New York, or the Underworld of the Great City , 177. Some recent research on Victorian sexuality points out that one should not confuse prescriptive literature of the nineteenth century with actual nineteenth-century female behavior. Such literature does not reflect what women did, felt, or experienced, but rather what men or society thought women should do. The recent research demonstrates that women were not so sexually passive as the literature would have one believe. See Carl N. Degler, "What Ought to Be and What Was: Women's Sexuality in the Nineteenth Century," 1467-90; Gerda Lerner, "Placing Women in History: Definitions and Challenges," 5-14.

12. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 489; Parent-Duchatelet, De la prostitution ; Acton, Prostitution Considered ; Tait, Magdalenism .

13. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 676.

14. Ibid., 525.

13. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 676.

14. Ibid., 525.

15. Woods Hutchinson, "The Economics of Prostitution," 16, 19.

16. Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 101.

17. In addition to the most frequently cited causes discussed in this chapter, some reform literature also cited the evil influences of theaters, romantic novels, balls, ostentatious dress, and even "tight lacings," which critics also believed might lead one into a life of prostitution. See, for example, Advocate of Moral Reform , 1830s and 1840s.

18. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 492-93.

19. Sun , 1 April 1834. See Chapter 7 for a discussion of nineteenth-century infant abandonment.

20. New Era , 24 October 1837.

21. Sanger insisted that there were far more who had been seduced than the small percentage who listed it in replies to the questionnaire ( History of Prostitution , 488, 492).

22. Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835; HRCH, no. 1548, no. 1584 (1835); Ellington, Women of New York , 174-76. Joe Farryall was married for a short period in 1833 to a respectable woman. After seven months of marriage, she filed for divorce, citing as causes his consorting with prostitutes, abuse and assault, and abandonment. Court of Chancery, Divorce Proceedings, "Cordelia Farryall v. Joseph Farryall," 5 March 1835, New York County Clerk's Office, Hall of Records.

23. Advocate of Moral Reform , 8 February 1836.

24. Herald , 23 July 1836; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 517; Foster, New

York in Slices , 38-39; HRCH, 1830-1860 passim; Advocate of Moral Reform , 8 February 1836; NYMS, First Annual Report , 8; Ellington, Women of New York , 201-2, 306-9.

25. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488.

26. HRCH, no. 865 (1831).

27. HRCH, no. 875 (1831).

28. HRCH, no. 1548 (1835).

29. HRCH, no. 858 (1831); no. 1657 (1835). Sarah Buchanan later married and had a child but died shortly thereafter at age twenty-three.

30. HRCH, no. 728 (1830). See also similar case of Susan M. Badger, no. 4665 (1850); Sanger, History of Prostitution , 526.

31. Smith, Sunshine and Shadow , 387; Foster, New York Naked , 166-68; Marie Flaacke, Why Women Fall , 7; Ellington, Women of New York , 177; John H. Warren, Jr., Thirty Years' Battle with Crime; or, the Crying Shame of New York, As seen Under the Broad Glare of an Old Detective's Lantern , 108; Madeleine: An Autobiography , 326; WSHW, First Annual Report (1870), 8.

32. Bradford K. Pierce, Half Century With Juvenile Delinquents or New York House of Refuge and Its Times , 95.

33. Heyl, Madam as Entrepreneur , 191-95.

34. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 539-40. Sanger does not tell how many of the prostitutes had lost both parents. He states that 1,349 of their fathers and 1,234 of their mothers were dead.

35. HRCH, no. 1559 (1835). One might expect the House of Refuge to have a high percentage of girls from parentless or single-parent households. A primary reason for admission was that young girls lacked adequate supervision at home, often because they were orphaned or "half-orphaned," with the remaining single parent away from home most of the time working. See HRCH, 1830-1860 passim.

36. HRCH, no. 1603 (1835). See also case no. 1578 (1835).

37. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 544; HRCH, 1830, 1831, 1835, 1840.

38. HRCH, no. 2552 (1840).

39. HRCH, no. 1600 (1835), no. 2552 (1840).

40. See Chapter 4 on arrests of women unaccompanied on the streets at night.

41. HRCH no. 1536, no. 1596 (1835); Sun , 4, 25 June 1834, 17 August 1836; McBride, The Domestic Revolution , 104. Many House of Refuge inmates were committed to that institution either by parents or police because the young women were runaways or because they appeared to lack sufficient parental supervision.

42. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 518.

43. HRCH, no. 645 (1829); no. 932 (1831); Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835.

44. HRCH, no. 876 (1831).

45. HRCH, nos. 902-903 (1831).

46. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 July 1836.

47. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488. A number of case histories indicate that Refuge officials suspected but could not prove prostitution by some inmates. In other cases, records show girls practiced prostitution after leaving the Refuge. HRCH, 1830, 1831, 1840, 1850 passim.

48. Heyl, Madam as Entrepreneur , 212-13, 195. Like friends and relatives, environment was an important factor influencing girls to enter prostitution. When one grows up surrounded by prostitution, the "opportunity structure" is visible and readily available, and prostitution may seem to be an obvious or natural course of action. See Refuge case histories nos. 624, 625, 645 (1829), 830 (1830), 850, 851 (1831), 1524 (1835).

49. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488. Mary Ann Pitt told House of Refuge officials she "preferred prostitution to work." HRCH, vol. 29 (1866).

50. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 488. See also HRCH, no. 329 (1829). Twentieth-century studies also deny sexual motivation or stimulation as a significant cause of prostitution.

51. Sanger, too, believed that giving "light and sedentary" positions, such as store clerk, to women also would be beneficial for men. It would force men "to obtain work situations suitable to their sex and strength, and [would drive] from the crowded cities into the open country some whose effeminacy is fast bringing them to positive idleness and ruin" ( History of Prostitution , 525). See also Virginia Penny, The Employments of Women: A Cyclopaedia of Women's Work , v, vii, 126, 296-97, 486, 488; [Matthew Carey], Plea for the Poor, Particularly Females. An Inquiry How Far the Charges Alleged Against Them of Improvidence, Idleness, and Dissipation Are Founded in Truth , 5-6, 39-42. Although the early 1850s was a time of increasing wages for artisans and laborers, women's wages, especially in the needle trades, rose little, and some actually declined. Tribune , 8 June 1853; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 150.

52. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 524, 528. Stansell, City of Women , 226, 228, 155-68, 106-54.

53. Penny, Employments of Women , 308-10, 350-52. New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, Ninth Annual Report (1852), 26. The U.S. Census of 1860 recorded only 593 hat makers (205 female) and 2700 female shirtmakers, but 16,000 females in other sewing trades. Carol Groneman-Pernicorn and Edith Abbot point out that many women sewed in their homes or worked jointly as tailoresses with husbands and, thus, were not enumerated in official censuses. See U.S., Census, 1860, 379-84; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 95, 140-41; Edith Abbot, Women In Industry: A Study in American Economic History , 223, 353-54. Groneman-

Pernicorn, in "Bloody Ould Sixth," tracks changes in wages and prices in the decade after 1850; using an index value of 100 for 1851 prices and wages in New York City, 1861 figures can be calculated at 94.5 for wages but 104.1 for prices, suggesting steadily increasing economic difficulties for poor workers (95).

54. [Carey], Plea for the Poor, 5, 39; Smith Hart, The New Yorkers: The Story of a People and Their City , 65; Tribune , 8 June 1853; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 139-43.

55. Tribune , 8 June 1853; Foster, New York in Slices , 50-51; Penny, Employments of Women , 308-310, 350.

56. Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 142; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 527, 533; Penny, Employments of Women , 308-10. For information on fur sewers and vest, hoopskirt, umbrella, and artificial flower makers see: Penny, 293-94, 301-5; and U.S., Census, 1860, 379-84.

57. Tribune , 14 August 1845.

58. Penny, Employments of Women , 425-26; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 527, 531, 623; Tribune , 6 November 1845, 16 September 1846; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 145-46, 155; HRCH, no. 728, no. 758 (1830).

59. Penny, Employments of Women , 425-28.

60. Tribune , 16 September 1846; Ernst, Immigrant Life , 65-68; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 145-46; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 527.

61. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 524, 527-29.

62. [Carey], Plea for the Poor , 6, 11.

63. Ibid. Carey calculated the $48.94 salary by figuring that the woman takes one day a week off for her children and does not work on Sundays; hence 2 × 52 = 104 and 365 less 104 = 261 work days.

62. [Carey], Plea for the Poor , 6, 11.

63. Ibid. Carey calculated the $48.94 salary by figuring that the woman takes one day a week off for her children and does not work on Sundays; hence 2 × 52 = 104 and 365 less 104 = 261 work days.

64. Sun , 13 January 1834; Tribune , 19 August 1845; Hart, The New Yorkers , 106; Penny, Employments of Women , 488. In 1851 Horace Greeley estimated that a working man's family needed $539.24 a year, supported by a salary of $10.37 per week, and in 1853 the New York Times estimated a laborer's family of four could live moderately on $600 a year, supported by a weekly salary of $11.54. Times , 10 November 1853, quoted in Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 91.

65. On reformers' restrictions see: Magdalen Society of New York, Annual Reports (1814-1815); NYMS, Annual Reports ; WSHW, Annual Reports . For economic information see: New Era , 21 January 1837; Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor Report quoted in Hart, The New Yorkers , 117; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 150.

66. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 526-27, 533; McBride, Domestic Revolution , 99-105. An 1839 brothel directory claimed that at one point in the

1830s, 49 percent of all working women resorted to prostitution to supplement their incomes, a very high figure. Ender, Prostitution Exposed .

67. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 583.

68. Nell Kimball, Her Life as an American Madam , ed. Stephen Long-street, 11.

69. HRCH, no. 925 (1831). In the first half of the nineteenth century the term "shilling" was used often and had an approximate value of 12-1/2 cents. Stansell, City of Women , 262 n. 26.

70. Since each woman had to pay the brothel manager a $1 fee per visitor, one can further assume that the charge per customer would be above $1. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 551, 554, 606.

71. The estimated cost to the customer probably included some allowance for buying wine; [Smith], Madam Restell , 30; HRCH, no. 1548 (1835); "T.C. to Helen J.," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834). An 1839 brothel directory noted that some establishments might charge customers from $10 to $25 an evening, with breakfast included. Ender, Prostitution Exposed .

72. Ellington, Women of New York , 201.

73. HRCH, no. 1613 (1835).

74. HRCH, nos. 1556, 1559, 1641 (1835). Police Gazette , 7 April 1849, notes $1-$2 as a price for staying with a prostitute.

75. HRCH no. 783 (1830), no. 920, no. 922(1831), no. 1337(1834), nos. 1548, 1584, 1623 (1835); Sun , 3 October 1835; Police Gazette , 3 October 1846; NYMS, First Annual Report , 17.

76. Ellington, Women of New York , 200. On the 1850s see Sanger, History of Prostitution , 550-54. Assignation houses may have been higher at approximately $12 per week. See case in Police Gazette , 7 April 1849.

77. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 551; Penny, Employments of Women , 278. Penny notes that saleswomen also were required to be well dressed. Because they seldom earned more than $6 a week, they were often obliged to eat unwholesome food and live in damp cellars or crowded attics in order to save enough money to dress attractively. See 126 ff.

78. [Carey], Plea for the Poor , 5, 15; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 549-57.

79. Acton, Prostitution Considered , 165-69; Stansell, City of Women , 180-90; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 103-4; and cases in the early years of HRCH, 1830-1840. "Pin money" also was put forth as the reason many women worked in general, and thus served as an excuse for keeping women's wages low. See Penny, Employments of Women , 83; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 150.

80. NYMS, First Annual Report , 7; Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 81.

81. James D. McCabe, New York By Sunlight and Gaslight , 506-7.

82. See especially Longworth's City Directory, 1855. The uninformed user of city directories in the nineteenth century and now would have no way of knowing if locations were not ordinary boarding establishments. Most census officials did not note the distinction between boardinghouse and prostitution-house keeper if they made any occupational notation at all. (A number of brothels were noted as such in the 1855 census, however.) The position of boardinghouse keeper has not been fully explored as an occupation of nineteenth-century women. Not only is there the problem of defining what constitutes a boardinghouse, but also the position has probably been greatly undercounted in censuses or official surveys. This especially appears to have been the case when the head of a household was a male who listed another occupation while his wife took in boarders. In the 1855 New York census, houses with as many as fifteen boarders are not classified as boardinghouses and the wife's occupation is left blank. On the other hand, a house with as few as three or four boarders might be listed as a boardinghouse, usually when a woman was listed as head of the household. Many nineteenth-century families did take in a few boarders, and the wife and daughters provided the meals and took care of washing and cleaning. By taking in only one boarder, a family could earn as much as if the wife worked as a low-paid seamstress. Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 152, 160, 175-76 nn. 48-50.

83. Sanger made a special point of noting when the manager of a particular type of prostitution house was a man, not a woman ( History of Prostitution , 509, 561, 563). See also Ellington, Women of New York , 198. A German visitor in the 1850s also noted that women were managers of New York's brothels (Griesinger, Lebende Bilder , 148-56). See Chapters 6 and 7 for related discussions.

Tim Gilfoyle has analyzed, by gender, owners of identified prostitution establishments in the mid-nineteenth century. This analysis included saloons and other leisure establishments that offered entertainments in addition to prostitution.

These establishments were located in brothel directories and court records, but their numbers may distort management figures by indicating an overall underrepresentation of females, especially in the 1840s. Parlor-house brothels, which were mostly female managed, were less frequently harassed by police than other types of prostitution/disorderly houses, so fewer women probably appear in court statistics. Also, even though the extant directories from this era list mostly female-operated brothels and assignation houses, the lack of a

directory from the 1840s makes it impossible to identify many female-managed establishments during that decade, leading to the erroneous impression of a decline in female-managed establishments during the 1840s. By the end of the century, female managers no longer dominated the prostitution business in New York. See Gilfoyle, ''City of Eros," 186, 523, 541-42; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 109.

84. J. R. McDowall, in NYMS, First Annual Report , 18, uses the word "pimp" and says that in some prostitution houses pimps physically abused the women, especially those wishing to leave the profession. Most other early and mid-nineteenth-century sources (before 1870) do not use the term, and their discussions of the male associates of prostitutes describe them in roles more akin to protectors and watchmen than brokers of sex. Procurers, such as Joseph Farryall, are mentioned earlier in this chapter. Lovers are discussed in Sanger, History of Prostitution , 486, 556; [Smith], Madam Restell , 34-36; Police Gazette on Jewett affair, February-June 1849. See also Chapter 8.

85. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 555, 558; Martin, Secrets , 286; Ellington, Women of New York , 165-66, 199, 235-39; Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 5-20; Police Gazette , 7 April 1849; Tribune , 18 July 1842.

86. Tracing individuals is most easily done with addresses. Since one had to be a resident of a particular ward to be assessed for personal property but did not have to live on one's property in a ward to be assessed for real estate, personal property is used as a basis for comparison. When known and pertinent, real estate holdings will be noted. It is virtually impossible, however, to trace a person's total real estate holdings, since they might be scattered throughout the city and are grouped and listed by street address, not owner's name. Furthermore, evaluating real estate holdings is problematic because a person may be listed several times on a street, within a ward, and in different wards, leading to a likely overcount of the number of real-estate owners.

Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 108, challenges the idea that prostitutes accumulated assets or invested their capital wisely, thus making considerable sums of money.

87. See Sanger survey for distribution of prostitution in the 1850s. Contemporary newspapers also noted that prostitution existed in all parts of the city ( History of Prostitution , 580-81). See Chapter 6 for a discussion of New York's community-wide distribution. See Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," for an analysis of the sixth ward population as family-oriented, hardworking, and respectable.

88. Only 2 percent of the brothels listed were from ward six. Sanger's study, however, showed that ward five led in the number of prostitution and assignation establishments (with seventy), and was followed by wards eight and six, which had fifty-eight each. Ward six's establishments were most likely excluded

from the directories either because they were considered to be "lower class" or because they were not thought to be stable businesses.

After the Civil War the center of brothel activity again shifted to the north. See Chapter 6 for a discussion of prostitute mobility and migration patterns.

89. The remaining wards will not be used in the comparative study. Though ward three had some prostitutes on its northern edge, it was primarily a commercial and financial business district, not a residential/small business area. Its population stabilized and then declined from 1830 to 1850. Wards one and two were already primarily business districts by 1830, and wards four and seven had poorer residents and a large concentration of seamen and other transients. Wards nine, eleven, and thirteen were on the edges of the island, not along the commercial thoroughfares, and wards twelve, sixteen, and eighteen through twenty-two were frontier wards, or were just within the concentrated population limits at the end of the period of comparison. See map, p. 97, for relative placement of wards.

90. The following economic analysis is the result of a selective sampling of tax-record data. Information is taken from five wards at five-year intervals from 1835 to 1855 (although tax records were studied for the entire period from 1830 to 1860). Because of the way in which tax records were kept, numbers of taxpayers had to be determined by a tedious counting of ledger entries. I ascertained the amount of personal property owned by New York women by adding sums of individuals' assessed property. A property holder was determined to be female only if the name was unambiguously a woman's. First names such as Allison, Stacey, and Lowerie were not counted because they might also be nineteenth-century male names, and Francis or Frances is counted as a male name unless a female title is included. Neither were initials regarded as female unless they were preceded by a female designation such as "widow," "Mrs." or "Miss." Furthermore, if a woman was counted as a prostitute, she had to have been clearly identified as one in some source such as a newspaper, census, or brothel directory. Even though a building is known to have been occupied for years as a brothel, the resident or owner is not counted as a prostitute unless the female owner's name or occupant's name in a particular year has been identified in some source as a prostitute. Such a method of determining prostitute property-owners probably undercounts them, but it avoids making exaggerated claims.

In addition to these limitations, there are other reasons why prostitutes and non-prostitute women may not be fully enumerated in the records. A woman usually assumed a new name, a professional name, on becoming a prostitute, but she may have continued to hold property in her legal name. Maria Ashby, who owned 102 Church Street from 1848 through 1859, may be the same person as Mary Ann Burr, who first appeared at this time and operated the property as a brothel for the decade, but one cannot assume this. Neither can

Maria Ashby be assumed to be or to have been a prostitute just because she owns brothel property. A second reason prostitutes and other women property owners may not be fully accounted for is that tax assessing was not a very precise bureaucratic skill in the nineteenth century. Property owners' names are hand written in ledger books and, consequently, are often illegible. Tax assessors also misspelled many names. For example, prostitute DuBois may be listed at various times as Debar, Debair or Depois, and one may miss the fact that all refer to the same person; also, tax assessors sometimes carelessly omitted names from ledger books. For example, Church Street has nine female property-owners in 1830, and from three to nine in every year surveyed from 1840 to 1859. In 1835, however, one of the years selected for study, no female property owners are listed on Church Street.

Church Street serves as an example of another way in which the random five-year selection may not reflect the full extent of property holdings over the entire twenty-year period. Church Street had nine female property owners in both 1845 and 1848. In 1845, a selected year of study, four of the nine assessed property holders were prostitutes, yet in 1848, a year that is not counted, eight of the nine property-owners were prostitutes. A final reason some female property-owners may have been excluded from the tax rolls is that they may not have wished to declare and pay taxes on their property: unless property was visible or known to assessors, they did not disclose their assets. Edward Pessen points out that many nineteenth-century New York residents were known not to declare the true value of their possessions. Records also show that a number of prostitutes appealed their assessments and either had the amounts sworn down or removed from the tax rolls.

Finally, in an effort to determine if there was any correlation between names in tax records and other prostitution records, I cross-checked tax records with the 1850 and 1855 censuses and with the 1853 brothel directory. The results were not conclusive, though the names on tax records correlated a little more closely with censuses than they did with the brothel directory. Both public surveys, census and tax, were taken in the same years, while the directory was printed halfway between the survey dates. The closest correlation between the census and the tax assessments is found in 1850 in ward five. Nineteen prostitutes were assessed for property in ward five, and eleven of them are listed as heads of households in the census. (However, eight prostitute property-owners were not found in the census, and two prostitute heads of households in the census were not assessed for taxes.)

91. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 554.

92. Ellington, Women of New York , 165.

93. Record of Assessments, 1829-1859, Wd. 5; U.S., 5th Census, 1830; 6th Census, 1840; City Directories, 1830-1851. See Chapter 2 for a brief profile of Berger.

94. See Chapter 2, n. 10 on Pessen's method of calculating current value of assets.

95. Record of Assessments, 1830-1859, Ward 5; Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 June 1836.

96. City Directories, 1830-1863; U.S., 5th Census, 1830, 5:277; 6th Census, 1840, 5:23; N.Y., Census, 1855, Ward 8; Sun , 30-31 January, 1835; Commercial Advocate , 6 June 1836; Herald , 15 October 1852.

97. Record of Assessments, 1830-1859, Wards 5 and 8; U.S., 5th, 6th, 7th, Censuses, 1830, 1840, 1850; N.Y., Census, 1855; City Directories 1830-1860; Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 21; Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 6; Ender, Prostitution Exposed , 8, 10.

98. Julia Brown also appears to have lived in a house run by Rosina Townsend and then managed a house owned by Adeline Miller before taking over an establishment of her own. Several women were listed in newspapers as "superintendents" of multiple houses of prostitution which meant they, in turn, hired women as brothel keepers, thus giving them a start in the managerial side of the business. Charlotte Briggs ran a house on Thomas Street and superintended another at 159 Church which was managed by her "deputy keeper," Sarah Fisher. Sun , 10 March 1840. According to the Advocate of Moral Reform , two sisters, Wilson and Harley, superintended fourteen prostitution establishments in different parts of the city, and the editors had heard that another set of sisters supervised thirty houses of assignation. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 March 1837, 15 April 1838.

99. Life and Death of Fanny White, Being a Complete and Interesting History of the Career of that Notorious Lady , 16; Record of Assessments, 1851-1859. White's association with Dan Sickles is discussed in Chapter 8.

100. For other information on Tuttle, White, Hastings, Englis, and Gordon see Record of Assessments, 1830-1859, Wards 5 and 8; City Directories, 1830-1860; U.S., 5th, 6th, 7th Censuses, 1830, 1840, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 5-6, 17; Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios .

101. Walkowitz and Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 202-3; Stansell, City of Women , 180. The issue of reintegrating into respectable society after practicing prostitution is discussed in Chapter 8.

1. Times , 29 March, 2 April 1855.

2. In 1854 Fernando Wood was elected mayor of New York on a platform promising municipal reform and a crackdown on vice. Citizens had increasingly

voiced their concern about the rise of corruption and vice, including "the shameful disgrace of prostitution." Letters to the editor of the Times early in 1855 reflect this heightened citizen concern about the public visibility of prostitution. Writers complained about the constant parade of prostitutes seen on Broadway and other respectable thoroughfares at all hours of the night and day. These letters called for the new mayor to "act to end the disgrace" ( Times , 3, 20 January, 2 February 1855).

In the months following the public's appeal, on order of the mayor, police arrested large numbers of alleged streetwalkers under the vagrancy law. The first arrests of the mayor's campaign against the streetwalkers occurred on two evenings in the last week of March 1855 in a simultaneous "surprise attack" in four of the city's wards. Seventy-nine women were arrested for walking in the major thoroughfares in wards 3, 4, 8 and 14. The press referred to this as a "limited number of arrests" and attributed the small number to the fact that "word had spread as by telegraph" among the streetwalkers as soon as the first arrests were made ( Times , 28-30 March 1855). See table 7, Chapter 2.

3. From 1674 until 1895, the mayor's office functioned as a court of law when necessary or when a mayor wished to act in that capacity. See "Appraisal Recommendations for New York County Court Records."

4. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 599.

5. Times , 2 April 1855.

6. On women's position in society see Stansell, City of Women ; Cott, Bonds of Womanhood ; Berg, Remembered Gate .

7. Times , 2 April 1855.

8. In addition to prostitutes, vagrants included the unemployed or poor who were identified as "beggars, loafers, and the diseased."

9. Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 218 (entry for 31 March 1855).

10. Times , 23 May 1855.

11. Ibid., 30 March 1855.

10. Times , 23 May 1855.

11. Ibid., 30 March 1855.

12. See James Hurst, The Growth of American Law: The Law Makers , for a discussion of law within a cultural context.

13. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 November 1841. For a full discussion of the vagrancy law see New Era , 20 July to 15 August, 1838; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 25, 634-35, 638-40; Times , 29 March-15 June 1855.

14. New Era , 20, 28 July, 6, 7 August 1838; Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 November 1841; Arthur Barnett Springarn, Laws Relating to Sex and Morality in New York City , 10.

15. McDowall's Journal , June 1833; New Era , 20 July, 6, 7, August 1838; Times , 30 March 1855.

16. Police Gazette , 24 February 1849; New Era , 20 July, 6, 7 August 1838.

17. Ernst, Immigrant Life , 191. A greater population increase is shown by Albion in Rise of the New York Port , 418-19.

18. Times , 30 March 1855. For some examples of arrests, see Sun , 31 May 1834; 24 January, 27 March 1835; 27 January, 27 February, 30 April, 4 May 1840; 1 September 1841; Tribune , 14, 21 June 1841; Courier and Enquirer , 29 June, 26 July 1830; Herald , 23 April, 10 June 1836, 23 January 1844; Police Gazette , 18 July, 16 December 1846; Times , 28 March-15 June 1855.

19. Semi-Annual Report of the Chief of Police , DBA, Doc. 3:55-63, 70:1131-45, 54:851-60 (1850); 26:545-47, 42:729-35, 55:1041-44 (1851); 7:116-19 (1852); 14:2 (1854); 22:2, 32:2 (1855); 16:2-13 (1856).

20. It is certain that the two volumes of arrest records in the New York City Archives for this period do not represent all the wards in New York, but it is not certain that they contain all the arrests for the wards they do include. (Apparently only wards 1-6 are covered.) However, by comparing docket statistics with the police chiefs' semi-annual reports for 1850, one can make a relative comparison of the arrests for vagrancy and prostitution, especially in ward 6. For example, the two available dockets list approximately 400 prostitute/vagrants arrested from January to December 1850 in ward 6. The semiannual police report for April-September 1850 (only six months) lists a total of 1,234 male and female vagrancy arrests in ward 6. (Ward 3 listed 127 vagrants, ward 5 had ninety-nine, and ward 4 had eighty-four in this same six-month period.) For all of New York City during this period, there were 1,889 vagrancy arrests, so ward 6 accounted for over sixty-five percent of all vagrancy arrests in the city.

21. From late March through June 1855, with Mayor Wood's reform program in effect, one could expect a change in vagrancy arrests. At this time police were concentrating on the wards bordering Broadway--wards 3, 5, 8, and 14.

22. Robert H. Morris (1802-1855), the son of a New York merchant, was one of the city's most successful lawyers and a major presence in the local Democratic party. He served as district attorney, state legislator, and city recorder before being elected mayor in 1841. After three one-year terms as mayor, he served as postmaster of New York, and in his last years, as a justice of the State Supreme Court (Spann, The New Metropolis , 54).

23. New Era , 20 July 1838.

24. Ibid., 20 July-15 August i838.

23. New Era , 20 July 1838.

24. Ibid., 20 July-15 August i838.

25. Tribune , 7 August 1841.

26. Ibid., 7 August 1841.

25. Tribune , 7 August 1841.

26. Ibid., 7 August 1841.

27. Police Reorganization , DBA, Doc. 53:975-77 (1844).

28. Tribune , 18 August 1843.

29. Police Reorganization , DBA, Doc. 53:975.

30. Ibid., 53:976.

29. Police Reorganization , DBA, Doc. 53:975.

30. Ibid., 53:976.

31. Tribune , 18 August 1843.

32. Police Reorganization , DBA, Doc. 53:978-80.

33. Tribune , 20-21 November 1843; CGS, People v. Alexander Hoag and Melinda Hoag , 24 November 1843.

34. Tribune , 21 November, 14, 16, 23 December 1843; Herald , 17 January 1844. In November 1845, the Police Gazette reported there was no truth in the rumor that Melinda Hoag, "the famous panel thief," had been pardoned from state prison. A few months later, in April 1846, a special justice with the city courts noted in his diary that he had seen Alexander Hoag while on an official visit to Sing Sing. Police Gazette , 1 November 1845; Taylor, "Diary," 9 April 1846; CGS, People v. Hoag , 24 November 1843; CGS, People v. Hoag , 5 August 1844.

That the Hoags were recipients of public comment indicates that they had achieved some degree of notoriety with New Yorkers who seemed fascinated by the prostitute, her paramour, and their involvement in a life of crime. Newspapers reported to curious readers on their status as prisoners and one book included them throughout its discussion of New York's criminals. Several years after they were sent to prison, the press referred to crimes similar to theirs as robberies "a la Hoag" ( Police Gazette , 17, 24 January 1846; George Wilkes, The Mysteries of the Tombs , 16-18, 21-23, 37, 53-58, 64 ff.).

35. Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:692-93.

36. Police Gazette , 8 August 1846.

37. MM, Police Docket, 7 November 1850.

38. Herald , 10 January 1849.

39. See n. 13 above on sources that discuss the vagrancy law and proposed changes in the law.

40. Times , 3 April 1855.

41. Ibid., 23, 24 May 1855.

42. Ibid., 23 May 1855.

43. Ibid., 15 June 1855. An 1855 grand jury investigating corruption and misconduct of city government officials brought an indictment against Justice Connelly for allowing prisoners charged with assault and battery to be discharged on their own recognizance (James F. Richardson, The New York Police: From Colonial Times to 1901 , 74).

40. Times , 3 April 1855.

41. Ibid., 23, 24 May 1855.

42. Ibid., 23 May 1855.

43. Ibid., 15 June 1855. An 1855 grand jury investigating corruption and misconduct of city government officials brought an indictment against Justice Connelly for allowing prisoners charged with assault and battery to be discharged on their own recognizance (James F. Richardson, The New York Police: From Colonial Times to 1901 , 74).

40. Times , 3 April 1855.

41. Ibid., 23, 24 May 1855.

42. Ibid., 23 May 1855.

43. Ibid., 15 June 1855. An 1855 grand jury investigating corruption and misconduct of city government officials brought an indictment against Justice Connelly for allowing prisoners charged with assault and battery to be discharged on their own recognizance (James F. Richardson, The New York Police: From Colonial Times to 1901 , 74).

40. Times , 3 April 1855.

41. Ibid., 23, 24 May 1855.

42. Ibid., 23 May 1855.

43. Ibid., 15 June 1855. An 1855 grand jury investigating corruption and misconduct of city government officials brought an indictment against Justice Connelly for allowing prisoners charged with assault and battery to be discharged on their own recognizance (James F. Richardson, The New York Police: From Colonial Times to 1901 , 74).

44. Times , 18 June 1855.

45. Wilber R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 1830-1870 , 150-51; Richardson, New York Police , 76.

46. MM, Police Docket, 1849-1855.

47. Semi-Annual Reports of the Chief of Police , DBA, Doc. 7:119 (1852), Doc. 16:12-13 (1856); BCMP, Annual Reports , no. 9:81-82 (1866), no. 13:98-99 (1867), no. 13:88-89 (1868), no. 14:102-103 (1869); Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 255.

48. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 565; Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835.

49. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 March 1840.

50. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 565.

51. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 August 1836; New Era , 30 January 1837; Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

52. Sun , 12 February, 29 June 1842; Police Gazette , 4 July 1846, 13 January 1849; Tribune , 29 July 1841, 12 February 1842. See also disorderly house cases, CGS, Case Records, 1830-1870, NYMA.

53. CGS, People v. Rosina Townsend (Thompson), 13 July 1830.

54. Ibid.

53. CGS, People v. Rosina Townsend (Thompson), 13 July 1830.

54. Ibid.

55. CGS, People v. Rosina Townsend (Thompson), 13 July 1830; People v. Valentine , 11 March 1833; and Jewett murder case, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836.

56. CGS, People v. Julia Brown , 13 October 1834.

57. CGS, People v. Mary Louise Clark, et al ., 17 October 1834.

58. Ibid.

57. CGS, People v. Mary Louise Clark, et al ., 17 October 1834.

58. Ibid.

59. Herald , 20 September 1842.

60. Ibid.

61. Ibid.

59. Herald , 20 September 1842.

60. Ibid.

61. Ibid.

59. Herald , 20 September 1842.

60. Ibid.

61. Ibid.

62. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 March 1840.

63. Ibid., Sun , 14 February 1840.

62. Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 March 1840.

63. Ibid., Sun , 14 February 1840.

64. Police Gazette , 20 January 1849; U.S., Census, 1840; City Directory, 1838; James Monaghan, The Great Rascal: The Life and Adventures of Ned Buntline , 184.

65. Police Gazette , 20 January 1849.

66. Ibid.; Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 23; PCR, People v. Ella , 1841. Prostitution was considered a legal offense only on public streets. Prostitutes who solicited indoors had legal problems only if they were disorderly.

65. Police Gazette , 20 January 1849.

66. Ibid.; Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 23; PCR, People v. Ella , 1841. Prostitution was considered a legal offense only on public streets. Prostitutes who solicited indoors had legal problems only if they were disorderly.

67. Police Gazette , 13, 20 January 1849.

68. See Chapter 3 on changing attitudes. See also Police Gazette , 12 May 1849.

69. Tribune , 1 April 1843.

70. Herald , 22 April, 21 October 1849; Police Gazette , 28 April 1849; MM, Police Docket, 20 April, 9 July 1849. On Delaplaine's extensive property holdings that were occupied by prostitutes, see Records of Assessments, 1840s-1850s, and Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 131.

71. Herald , 7 April 1849.

72. In 1857, on behalf of a Committee on Immigration, a bill was presented to Congress to make it a penal offense for an officer or sailor on an immigrant ship to have carnal intercourse with a passenger, with or without the passenger's consent (Sanger, History of Prostitution , 462).

73. See Claudia D. Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier: Prostitution in

Nineteenth-Century American Theaters," 579; Meade Minnigerode, The Fabulous Forties: 1840-1850; A Presentation of Private Life , 154-55; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 557.

74. Herald , 29 October, 1, 6 November 1842.

75. Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:799, 844.

76. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 557; Johnson, "Guilty Third Tier," 579.

77. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 644, 671.

78. Times , 5 April 1855.

79. Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:692-93; [Smith], Madam Restell , 40.

80. Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:692-93.

81. [Smith], Madam Restell , 40.

82. Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 49-50; John Griscom, The Sanitary Conditions of the Laboring Population of New York , 5.

83. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 627-76, 573, 586-89.

84. Aaron Powell, State Regulation of Vice: Regulation Efforts in America , 48-52; Lois W. Banner, Elizabeth Cady Stanton: A Radical for Women's Rights , 96; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 598-99. Sanger noted that: "Every resident of New York will remember the excitement caused in the spring of the year 1855 by the arrest of a large number of prostitutes in the public streets, their committal to Blackwell's Island, and their subsequent discharge on writs of habeas corpus , on account of informality in the proceedings; but it is not generally known that of those arrested at that time a very large proportion, certainly more than one half, were suffering from syphilis in its primary form. . .. We make this assertion from our own knowledge, the result of a professional examination " (598-99). (Italics mine.)

85. Powell, State Regulation , 53-54; Bullough, History of Prostitution , 193.

86. Powell, State Regulation , 53-63; John C. Burnham, "Medical Inspection of Prostitutes in America in the Nineteenth Century: The St. Louis Experiment and Its Sequel," 203-18.

87. Kate Millett et al., The Prostitution Papers: A Candid Dialogue , 146, quoted in Edwin M. Schur, Labeling Women Deviant: Gender, Stigma, and Social Control , 169.

88. Millett, Prostitution Papers , 143, quoted in Schur, Labeling Women Deviant , 170.

89. Not until 1978 did New York pass legislation that ostensibly made patrons liable to the same penalties as prostitutes and that required that customers be fingerprinted, photographed, and booked on arrest (Schur, Labeling Women Deviant , 170).

90. L. M. Child quoted in Berg, Remembered Gate , 210.

91. Sun , 11 February 1842.

92. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 August 1836.

93. See Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 March, 15 April, 15 May, 1 June 1840.

94. CGS, People v. Norman , 23 November 1843. Norman's [Lydia Brown's] address at 51 West Broadway was on a block where several brothels were located. An 1859 brothel directory lists L. P. Brown as manager of an assignation house (with a few lady boarders) at 82 Green (Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 24).

95. Herald , 17, 19 January 1844.

96. CGS, People v. Norman , 23 November 1843.

97. Ibid.

96. CGS, People v. Norman , 23 November 1843.

97. Ibid.

98. Herald , 19 January 1844.

99. Ibid., 21 January 1844.

100. Ibid., 22 January 1844.

101. Ibid., 27 January 1844.

98. Herald , 19 January 1844.

99. Ibid., 21 January 1844.

100. Ibid., 22 January 1844.

101. Ibid., 27 January 1844.

98. Herald , 19 January 1844.

99. Ibid., 21 January 1844.

100. Ibid., 22 January 1844.

101. Ibid., 27 January 1844.

98. Herald , 19 January 1844.

99. Ibid., 21 January 1844.

100. Ibid., 22 January 1844.

101. Ibid., 27 January 1844.

102. Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:844.

103. Herald , 10 March 1845; Smith-Rosenberg, "Beauty, the Beast," 576; Licentiousness , 8. Adultery was not included in the final bill and did not become a crime in New York until 1907. See Springarn, Laws Relating to Sex , xi. See also Sun , 11 February 1842, for an example of the difficulties in pursuing a breach of promise and seduction case.

The debate over seduction and adultery was not without its humor. In 1840 editors of the Sun argued that people could not be legislated into morality and suggested that the proposed seduction bill be entitled "An Act to Subdue the Passions and Control the Thoughts, Intents and Motives of the Human Heart" ( Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 April 1840). The Tribune quoted a reporter from Albany as saying that the bill would never be accepted unless exceptions were written into it for members of the legislature ( Tribune , 1 April 1843). A writer at the Herald voiced doubt that the legislators would pass the Seduction and Adultery bill because they would be condemning themselves in the past and abolishing their privileges in the future. He continued: "Generally the greatest knaves of the community are picked up and sent to represent the people in legislative bodies," and if the bill were to pass, "several new prisons will have to be built to meet the fashionable wants of the enlightened and Christian" ( Herald , 20 February 1844). One of New York City's legislative delegates was said to have complained that it was old men who no longer wished to transgress who were responsible for the bill. This legislator believed that the proposed bill was an abridgement of his rights ( Licentiousness , 8).

104. Police Gazette , 20 September 1845; 20 March 1847.

105. Police Gazette , 29 September 1849; Semi-Annual Report of the Chief of Police , DBA, 1848, 1849.

106. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 496.

1. Sun , 19, 21 June 1834.

2. Miller, Cops and Bobbies , 45-48; Richardson, New York Police , 16-49.

3. Because New York City technically was a creature of the state and had only those governing powers that the state legislature saw fit to grant it, the state could dictate how many marshals there would be. Marshals, constables, and private citizens could arrest without a warrant, though private citizens were more at risk legally if arrest charges were not substantiated.

4. Richardson, New York Police , 35-36, 18-22; Miller, Cops and Bob-hies , 4.

5. Richardson, New York Police , 25-30.

6. Ibid.; Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:704.

5. Richardson, New York Police , 25-30.

6. Ibid.; Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:704.

7. Police Reorganization , DBA, 53:794; Richardson, New York Police , 39, 42-49, 99, 163-64. Other features of the reorganized police were the designation of each ward as a police district with its own stationhouse; appointment of a captain, assistant captains, and police from among the residents of each ward; appointment of a chief of police with limited supervisory powers over the force; one-year terms for the chief and all other policemen; appointment of police by the mayor upon the nomination of the alderman and assistant aldermen of each ward (with the aldermen therefore having the ''real" power of appointment); identification of police by a star-shaped badge but no uniform; and refusal by police of all monetary or other rewards except on written permission of the mayor.

8. Tribune , 13 March 1844.

9. Walling, Recollections , 602.

10. Several sources discuss the general corruption of police in this period. Police Justice Robert Taylor in his diary refers to seeing a daybook and register that "gave proof that corruption exists to an alarming extent with many officials connected with the administration of criminal law in the city" ("Diary," 24 November 1846).

A number of contemporary newspapers complained about corrupt law officials, and in 1836, the Herald charged that prostitutes could stay out of jail by bribing policemen with their jewelry (10 August 1836). See also Tribune , 13 March 1844.

Charles Lockwood, in Manhattan Moves Uptown (1976), says that madams in this period paid police so they would have no problems, but he gives no sources for this claim (146).

Smith Hart, in The New Yorkers (1938), argues that police graft was extensive during the 1840s, especially in relation to prostitutes (98, 220-21). His de-

scription of this corruption, from George Wilkes, Police Gazette editor, is a description of the system of fees and fines that existed at the time. He also says that after the Civil War, madams paid precinct captains an initial protection fee of $500 and $50 monthly dues. When a new captain was appointed, initial fees had to be paid again. According to Hart, one madam testified that she paid over $30,000 to police for protection. Hart also claimed that patrolmen either charged streetwalkers $1 to be on the street and then divided the night's earnings with the prostitutes, or they charged a fiat fee of 25 cents for every customer a prostitute serviced. Hart does not specify when this payoff system operated, nor does he document sources for the information.

Tim Gilfoyle claims that in mid-century New York, ward politicians (who controlled the local police) extorted bribes from prostitutes as well as from gambling and drinking establishments. These practices, according to Gilfoyle, led to the extensive system of extortion found in New York City after 1880. His sources are from the later period, however. ("Strumpets and Misogynists: Brothel 'Riots' and the Transformation of Prostitution in Antebellum New York City," 45-65.

11. M. Smith stated that police did not meddle with mid-century prostitutes' businesses unless there was a problem or complaint ( Sunshine and Shadow , 371). Investigations tended to occur for theft, harboring young girls, or being very disorderly.

12. Prime, Life in New York , 169. In the E. Z. C. Judson divorce trial, Officer Dennis Cochran established the defendant's presence in a brothel (Hastings' house at 50 Leonard Street) by testifying that he had observed him leaving the house from the police station next door ( Herald , 3 October 1849).

13. The concept of "friendship" is challenged by those who question the viability of true friendship in a relationship between people of unequal power; the law enforcer always has the power to coerce the prostitute.

14. Transcript , 4 June 1836; Commercial Advertiser , 4 June 1836; Sun , 4 June 1836.

15. CGS, People v. Margaret Ryerson , 13 March 1834; People v. John Taylor and Susan Shannon , 19 April 1836.

16. Superior Court, Divorce Record, "Catherine N. Forrest v. Edwin Forrest," 3 January 1852; Times , 3-26 January 1852; Herald , 6-26 January 1852.

17. Police Gazette , 20 January 1849. In the Rebecca Davis disorderly house case, the defendant had a watchman testify to her good character ( Herald , 20 September 1842).

18. Richardson, New York Police , 40, 58.

19. Taylor, "Diary," 5 February 1846-1 August 1847; Richardson, New York Police , 58.

20. Taylor, "Diary," quotation from 24 November 1846.

21. Ibid., 23 November, 6 December 1846. Taylor learned the next day that White had not been his visitor. Chapter 7 discusses other prostitutes who assisted police with work: Eliza Fisher, New Era , 15 September 1839; and Harriet Smith, Police Gazette , 14 February 1846.

20. Taylor, "Diary," quotation from 24 November 1846.

21. Ibid., 23 November, 6 December 1846. Taylor learned the next day that White had not been his visitor. Chapter 7 discusses other prostitutes who assisted police with work: Eliza Fisher, New Era , 15 September 1839; and Harriet Smith, Police Gazette , 14 February 1846.

22. CGS, People v. Lozier, et al ., 14 June 1831.

23. Richardson, New York Police , 74-75.

24. Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835, December 1835, January 1836; Police Gazette , 20 October 1849.

25. Prime, Life in New York , 169.

26. Sun , 29 November 1836.

27. Ibid., 16 April 1841, 25 September 1835; CGS, People v. Ostrander , 16 June 1831; Ellington, Women of New York , 174; Times , 5 February 1855; Herald , 8 January 1850.

26. Sun , 29 November 1836.

27. Ibid., 16 April 1841, 25 September 1835; CGS, People v. Ostrander , 16 June 1831; Ellington, Women of New York , 174; Times , 5 February 1855; Herald , 8 January 1850.

28. Herald , 31 March 1850; Sun , 21 March, 22 May 1834; 14 January 1835; 20 April 1837; 13 April 1840; Hart, The New Yorkers , 97.

29. Herald , 6 January 1850.

30. Police Gazette , 12 September 1846; Tribune , 13 March 1844.

31. Herald , 23 June 1848.

32. Herald , 26 April 1849.

33. Walling, Recollections , 580. My interpretation of the prostitute as "assertive citizen" and as party to "working relationships" with legal officers was made in the 1970s when I first researched and compiled data from police and court documents. Both Anne Butler and Timothy Gilfoyle have articulated similar notions, adding force to this interpretation of the role of the prostitute in the legal community.

34. Record of Assessments, 1848, 1850, Ward 5.

35. MM, Police Docket, 10 February 1850; Herald , 7 October 1849.

36. Police Gazette , 13 October 1849.

37. Richard O'Connor, The Scandalous Mr. Bennett , 7-20; Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues , 24-27, 41-57.

38. O'Connor, Scandalous Mr. Bennett , 21. Twice in 1836 Bennett was attacked with fists and canes by J. G. Webb of the Courier and Enquirer after Bennett wrote articles casting aspersions on Webb's integrity. Webb boasted that in addition to hitting Bennett on the head, he had forced Bennett's jaw open and had spit down his throat. Bennett also was horsewhipped by a Wall Street broker in the late 1830s, and in 1850 a defeated Tammany politician and his friends mercilessly beat Bennett to the ground with cowhide whips while Bennett was walking down Broadway with his wife. Hone was delighted to hear about Bennett's misfortune and wrote that he wished it would happen once a week, "so that new wounds might be inflicted before the old ones were healed." George T. Strong found Webb as offensive as Bennett, describing him as "the unblushing and notorious author of more outrages on honesty, morality, and

public decency than any man I at this moment remember" (O'Connor, Scandalous Mr. Bennett , 21-22, 33-34; Hone, Diary , vol. 2, 908 [entry for 11 November 1850]; Strong, Diary , vol. 1, 224 [entry for 21 January 1844]). See also James Monaghan, The Great Rascal , 169-70, for a description of the assault on editor Judson.

39. CGS, People v. Hastings , 4 April 1849.

40. Herald , 7 April 1849.

41. Ibid.

40. Herald , 7 April 1849.

41. Ibid.

42. Herald , 18 April 1849.

43. Ibid.

42. Herald , 18 April 1849.

43. Ibid.

44. CGS, People v. Hastings , 4 April 1849, Exhibit A, "E. Z. C. Judson to Kate Hastings."

45. Ibid., Exihibit B, "One Who Knows Something to Kate Hastings."

44. CGS, People v. Hastings , 4 April 1849, Exhibit A, "E. Z. C. Judson to Kate Hastings."

45. Ibid., Exihibit B, "One Who Knows Something to Kate Hastings."

46. Herald , 18 April 1849.

47. Court of Common Pleas, Divorce Proceedings, "Annie Judson v. Edwin Z. C. Judson," 29 September 1849, CCHR.

48. Record of Assessments, 1840-1860 passim, Wards 5 and 8.

49. Judson: Court of Common Pleas, "Judson v. Judson," 29 September 1849; Herald , 30 September, 3 October 1849. Judson was also in court at the same time for his role in the Astor House riots ( Herald , 30 September 1849). See Account of the Terrific and Fatal Riot at the New York Astor Place Opera House on the Night of May 10, 1849 .

Forrest: Superior Court, "Forrest v. Forrest," 3 January 1852; Times , 3-22 January 1852; Herald , 6, 8, 14, 26 January 1852. See also divorces of Childs, Sun , 18 January 1842, and Holland, Police Gazette , 13 October 1849.

50. Herald , 31 May, 1 June 1841; Tribune , 21, 27-29 March 1843; Herald and Sun , June 1836; Walling, Recollections , 113-24; Edward Van Every, Sins of New York as "Exposed" by the Police Gazette , 135-40. For inquests concerning deaths, see Sun , 19 August, 19 September, 13 October 1836; 24 October 1842; Tribune , 2 July 1841, 21 July 1842; New Era , 10 August 1839; CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836.

51. Goldstreng: New Era , 10 December 1836; Fisher: Tribune , 18 June 1841, 12 January 1843; Meyer: Tribune , 31 August 1842, Sun , 30 October 1840; Stewart: Herald , 28 April 1849, Police Gazette , 13 October 1849. For other examples, see Tribune , 16 January 1843; Sun , 30 January 1835, 3 March 1840; Herald , 19 October 1850.

52. Sun , 3 October 1836, 18 March, 19 June 1834.

53. Sun , 19 September 1835.

54. CGS, People v. Valentine , 11 March 1833; Sun , 14 November 1836.

55. Weinbaum, in Mobs and Demagogues , describes an incident in which a brothel was destroyed by a group because a woman supposedly contracted cholera on the premises (66). Sanger noted that prostitutes were especially susceptible to assaults by groups and individuals ( History of Prostitution , 486).

The Herald , 22 November 1836, after a vicious attack by a group of men on several brothels in November of 1836, reported that they believed there was a relationship to the fact that Jewett's "murderer" had gone free, stating that since Jewett's case "there are villains who imagine they can do anything with impunity." The Sun also editorialized about "citizen" rioters who attack brothels for sport ( Sun , 21 April 1837).

56. CGS, People v. Gale, et al ., 14 June 1831.

57. CGS, People v. Chichester, et al ., 7, 11 May 1835. For other cases see Sun , 26, 31 December 1833; 8, 22 January 1834; 3, 12 March, 30 September 1835; 29, 30 September, 6 October 1836; 21 April 1837; 5 February 1840; Tribune , 17 June 1841; 12 August 1842; 17 August 1844; Herald , 17 November 1835; 2 August 1836; New Era , 25 November 1836; 11 January, 18, 25 February 1837.

58. See Sun , 5-7 January 1840 for a discussion of bullies' targets in the community. The term brothel bullies was used at this time to refer to men who attacked brothels, but the New Era (6 July 1839) used the term to refer to men who were hired by brothels for protection. George Strong ( Diary , vol. 4, 113, entry for 18 November 1866) used the term in 1866 to describe some Irish roughs who were part of the "brutal Irishy" in the Democratic party.

59. Sun , 22 November 1836, 19 April 1837; Herald , 22 November 1836; CGS, People v. Graham and Cole , 13 December 1836. Ellen Jewett also got $100 through the court for garments that were destroyed by a client following an argument ( Transcript , 30 June 1834).

60. Police Gazette , 2 January 1847.

61. Maria: Herald , 23 April 1836; Gamble: CGS, People v. Dikeman, et al ., 14 December 1836; Shannon: Sun , 5 February 1840; Williams: Tribune , 12 August 1842; CGS, People v. Mott , 20 October 1842.

62. Herald , 17 January 1844; 5 April 1850; Police Gazette , 12 January 1850; Tribune , 13 March 1844.

63. Tribune , 12 January 1843, Police Gazette , 7 July 1849.

64. CGS, People v. Hyer , 17 December 1836; New Era , 9 January 1837; Logue quote from CGS, People v. Timpson , 11 April 1842; Tribune , 9 March 1842.

65. GGS, People v. Ford , 10 August 1844.

66. CGS, People v. Nosworthy , 12 March 1832; Sun , 15 May 1834; Herald , 4 May 1849; Police Gazette , 12 May 1849; Sun , 17 May 1834.

67. Sun , 9, 26 December 1833. Quote from defense counsel, Sun , 21 June 1836.

68. The judge's charge was printed in Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 June 1836.

69. Ogden Hoffman was a native New Yorker and the son of a well-known judge. He served as a Democratic member of the legislature but became a Whig

when Andrew Jackson attacked the U.S. Bank. From 1829 through 1835 he was District Attorney of New York and then for a quarter of a century was counsel in almost every celebrated criminal case in the New York City courts. From 1837 through 1841 he served in Congress. Both Hone and Strong admired him, and Strong wrote that he was the "greatest criminal lawyer of the time in New York, a genial, indolent, brilliant man" (Strong, Diary , xxx; Hone, Diary , xxv).

70. Advocate of Moral Reform, 15 June 1836.

71. Missionary Intelligence , quoted in Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835; also 1 November 1841.

72. Quote on Shannon from Sun , 5 February 1840; on Julia Brown, Sun , 20 February 1840.

73. Police Gazette , 13, 20 January 1849. For examples of veracity and testimony in other cases, see also Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835, 1 December 1841; Times , 23 January 1852, 22 March 1855; Sun , 9, 26 December 1833, 29 January 1842; Foster, New York Naked , 157.

1. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 29-30.

2. NYMS, First Annual Report , 7.

3. Transcript quoted in Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835.

4. For the 1840s, see [Smith], Madam Restell , 29; for the 1850s, see the distribution of houses in Sanger's survey, History of Prostitution , 580-81, also 652, and 1897 edition, Appendix, 677-78; for the 1860s, see Ellington, Women of New York , 196-97.

5. In "City of Eros," his study of prostitution from 1790 to 1920, Tim Gilfoyle divides the era into three periods—before 1820, 1820 to 1870, and after 1870—and argues that the middle period offered the greatest freedom in sexual commerce. In the Appendix to the 1897 edition of his History of Prostitution , Sanger also notes a change in the post-Civil War period.

6. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues , 134, 137-39. Weinbaum uses the New York State censuses of 1825 and 1855 for his calculations. In 1825, 23.9 percent of the immigrant population would have had to relocate in other wards for each ward to have had the same proportion of the city's total immigrant population; in 1855, only 12.6 percent would have had to relocate.

For more information on immigrant populations see Ernst, Immigrant Life , 187, 192-96. The Irish represented nearly half of the population of wards 1, 4, and 6, while Germans were primarily concentrated in wards 10, 11, and 17. See also Bridges, City in the Republic , 43.

7. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues , 140-41; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 35; U.S., Census, 1860.

8. Bridges, City in the Republic , 43; Berg, Remembered Gate , 43; Hone, Diary , 785 (entry for 29 January 1847); Spann, New Metropolis , 148.

9. Bridges, City in the Republic , 44; Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues , 134. See also Betsy Blackmar, "Rewalking the Walking City," Radical History Review , 131-48.

10. Bridges, City in the Republic , 41; Spann, New Metropolis , 106-9. Central Park was New York's one great triumph of urban planning. Other attempts, such as housing for the poor, either fell far short of needs or were characterized by failure. See Spann, New Metropolis , 139-75.

11. Herald , 1 June 1841.

12. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 52.

13. See Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 66-67 and nn. 40-41 on 90-91 for lists of respectable addresses and their proximity to brothels. James Grant Wilson identifies the following upper-class and fashionable streets: Church, College Place, Barclay, Murray, Park Place, Chambers, Warren, Franklin, and White ( The Memorial History of the City of New York , vol. 3, 356, 359). Strong also identifies prostitution streets in the same area ( Diary , vol. 3, 565-66, entry for 18 March 1865).

14. Lockwood, Manhattan Moves Uptown, 294. Martin [McCabe], writing in the 1860s, noted that first-class houses of prostitution, often unknown to their immediate neighbors, operated in the best city neighborhoods ( Secrets of the Great City , 208-9, 285-88).

15. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 697.

16. Lockwood, in Manhattan Moves Uptown , 111, attributes the description to the Courier and Enquirer , Spann uses the same description, attributing it to the Tribune , 7 February 1853 ( The New Metropolis , 146, 464). See also Hart, The New Yorkers , 107.

17. George G. Foster, New York by Gas-Light: With Here and There a Streak of Sunshine , 54.

18. N.Y., Census, 1855, Ward 8. For other examples, see CGS, People v. Strong , 9 October 1843; People v. Bodell , 8 March 1847.

19. Lockwood, Manhattan Moves Uptown , 294.

20. Spann notes that after the development of mass transportation and the growth of suburbs in the last half of the nineteenth century, the character of New York's "mixed neighborhoods" began to change ( New Metropolis , 148-61).

21. Mobility in and out of cities of the Northeast was as characteristic of nineteenth-century populations as was mobility within them. See Stephen Themstrorn and Peter Knights, "Men in Motion: Some Data and Speculations

About Urban Population Mobility in Nineteenth-Century America," 10, 23; Berg, Remembered Gate , 51.

22. See Chapters 4, 5.

23. New Era , 31 December 1836.

24. Ibid., 11 January 1837. For further discussions of the May Day moving custom, see Sun , 27 January 1840, 3 May 1842; New Era , 31 December 1836; Herald , 1-2 May 1849; Hone, Diary , vol. 1, 157-58 (entry for 30 April 1835), and see also 394 (entry for 1 May 1839); and Strong, Diary , vol. 1, 231 (entry for 1 May 1844); Ellington, Women of New York , 307; Hart, New Yorkers , 52-53.

23. New Era , 31 December 1836.

24. Ibid., 11 January 1837. For further discussions of the May Day moving custom, see Sun , 27 January 1840, 3 May 1842; New Era , 31 December 1836; Herald , 1-2 May 1849; Hone, Diary , vol. 1, 157-58 (entry for 30 April 1835), and see also 394 (entry for 1 May 1839); and Strong, Diary , vol. 1, 231 (entry for 1 May 1844); Ellington, Women of New York , 307; Hart, New Yorkers , 52-53.

25. William Dunlap, Diary of William Dunlap: The Memoirs of a Dramatist, Theatrical Manager, Painter, Novelist, and Historian , ed. Dorothy C. Barck, entry for 1 May 1832.

26. Superior Court, "Forrest v. Forrest," 3 January 1852; Herald , 6 January 1852. Prostitute Sarah Clark also noted in the Gage trial that she had moved to her residence at 158 Duane on May 1 ( Sun , 17 January 1840).

27. Smith, Sunshine and Shadow , 378. In a later period prostitutes were said to change brothels monthly and thus the job was said to be very strenuous (Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 415). It is more difficult to trace ordinary prostitutes because records list only heads of households.

28. See Chapter 1 and related notes for a profile of Jewett. Contrary to the stereotypical view of prostitutes as "bound" to their house madams through economic obligations or intimidation, mid-nineteenth-century prostitutes appear to have exercised considerable personal freedom in deciding when they would move and where they would live. Even so, in many cases it was the madam who decided that the prostitute should leave, either because she felt the prostitute was not attracting enough business or had become diseased, or because the madam felt the need to display "new stock" fairly often.

29. Albion, Rise of the New York Port, 398. For information on shipping and ship passengers see also Wilson, Memorial History , vol. 3, 335, 445. In 1855, 113 piers extended for thirteen miles of waterfront on both sides of Manhattan on the Hudson and East rivers.

30. Lockwood, Manhattan Moves Uptown , 118.

31. James McCague, The Second Rebellion , 24.

32. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 582-83; Smith, Sunshine and Shadow , 232-34. The general description of the area comes from Ellington, Women of New York , 172, 192; Children's Aid Society Report quoted in Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 73, 93 n. 54; Walt Whitman, New York Dissected , ed. Emory Holloway and Ralph Adimari, 6.

33. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 583.

34. Many people attribute the slang term hooker to Civil War General

Joseph Hooker, whose troops were notorious for patronizing prostitutes. Lexicographer Stuart Berg Flexner says that the term predates the Civil War and was in use in 1845 at the Hook, or Corlears Hook, in New York (New York Times , Westchester, 9 October 1988, p. 3). A number of other cities also take credit for originating the term.

35. [Smith], Madam Restell , 31. See also Citizens Association, Sanitary Conditions of the City of New York , 1866, noted in Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 106.

36. Thomas Butler Gunn, The Physiology of New York Boarding Houses , 226, 278-80. Also see CGS, People v. Lawrence , 12 December 1831, on aggressiveness of some prostitutes in response to neighbors' complaints.

37. The streets that formed the Five Points were Orange (later Baxter), Anthony (later Worth), Cross (later Park), Mulberry, and Little Water (no longer a street).

38. Foster, New York in Slices , 22-23; Sun , 29 May 1834; 2 May 1840; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 193.

39. Foster, New York in Slices , 23; Brown, Brownstone Fronts , 20; Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 60.

40. Sun , 27-29 May 1834; Foster, New York by Gaslight , 52-62; idem, New York in Slices , 22-23. On his visit in 1842, Charles Dickens described the Five Points as housing "hideous tenements which take their names from robbery and murder: all that is loathsome, drooping and decayed is here" ( American Notes , 89). See also Wilson, Memorial History , vol. 3, 437.

41. Hone, Diary , vol. 2, 870, 872 (edited general entry for May 1849 and Hone's entry for 28 July 1849).

42. Sun , 27-29 May 1834.

43. Ibid., 29 May 1834.

42. Sun , 27-29 May 1834.

43. Ibid., 29 May 1834.

44. MM, Police Dockets, 1849-1855, Ward 6; Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 203-5.

45. Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 194-95, 199-203. Wilson's Memorial History , vol. 3, 436-38, notes the role of the Five Points Mission in transforming the area.

46. Monthly Record of the Five Points Mission, 1860, vol. 4, 16, quoted in Groneman-Pernicorn, "Bloody Ould Sixth," 201.

47. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 398.

48. See Stansell, City of Women , for a discussion of the Bowery culture.

49. Ellington, Women of New York , 310.

50. Ibid.

49. Ellington, Women of New York , 310.

50. Ibid.

51. Spann, New Metropolis , 344.

52. In 1835 the leading hotels hosted nearly 60,000 guests in seven months (Jefferson Williamson, The American Hotel , 193, 29-30). See also McCabe, New York by Sunlight , 52-53, 123-34.

53. For a discussion of Broadway see this chapter, "The Prostitute's Workplace."

54. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 15. See also Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios . Wilson notes that 1855-60 was a period when the area changed, and the east side of Church Street was filled with haunts that gave the area a reputation almost as evil as that of the Five Points ( Memorial History , vol. 3, 456). The Times , 23 May 1855, described twenty to thirty brothels on Church Street from Reade to Canal as of the most debased and lewd character.

55. Quotation and other information from Gentleman's Directory (1870), 21-22; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 583; Ellington, Women of New York , 206-8, 212, 218-19, 232, 300-303; Lockwood, Manhattan Moves Uptown , 144-46; Warren, Thirty Years' Battle , 109-11; Crapsey, Nether Side of New York , 155-59; Griesinger, Lebende Bilder , 148-56. Gilfoyle stated that Ward 8 housed few blacks in this period, but the 1860 census shows that Ward 8 had the greatest number of blacks in the city. In 1850 it had the second greatest number, though blacks were not a large proportion of the population ("City of Eros," 78).

56. Ellington, Women of New York , 208-9, 211, 231-33; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 190, 583, 590; Gentleman's Directory ; Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 372 ff.; Lockwood, Manhattan Moves Uptown , 177-78. The Sanitary Commission's Report of 1866 (discussed in Gilfoyle) noted that few brothels were located north of 34th Street at that time.

57. Ellington, Women of New York , 232-33.

58. Tim Gilfoyle attempted to count the numbers of brothels and assignation houses in this period and was able to locate far more brothels than assignation houses: for 1830-39, 193 brothels and 13 assignation houses; for 1840-49, 100 and 3; for 1850-59, 241 and 16 ("City of Eros," 112).

59. General information on brothels comes from Smith, McCabe, Ellington, Sanger, censuses, and brothel directories. See Chapter 3 for fees paid in brothels.

60. McDowall divided prostitutes' establishments into two types: boarding houses and assignation houses ( McDowall's Journal , May 1833).

61. See Chapter 3 for a discussion of boarding houses and their relationship to brothels.

62. [Smith], Madam Restell , 32; McDowall's Journal , May 1833; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 566-68; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587-89; Ellington, Women of New York , ch. 22.

63. The testimony of Caroline Ingersoll at the Forrest divorce trial gives insight into the operations of an assignation house. See Superior Court, "Forrest v. Forrest," 3 January 1852.

64. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 314; Ellington, Women of New York , 210-11.

65. See n. 16, this chapter. Sanger, Ellington, McCabe, and Smith all noted the public's ''fear" of assignation houses, which they described as the worst form of sex institution because assignations affected the "reputable" sector of the population—meaning reputable women, since so-called reputable men were patronizing brothels. For prostitution proprietors, the fluid structure of the various forms of establishments allowed them to move from a greater involvement in the sex trade to more private and "respectable" positions, for example as assignation or boardinghouse keepers. This meant less management responsibility and risks, an advantage as the women aged (Sanger, History of Prostitution , 566; Ellington, Women of New York , 173; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 589; [Smith], Madam Restell , 32).

66. See the discussion of panel houses with respect to the Melinda and Alexander Hoag cases in Chapter 4.

67. Lockwood, Manhattan Moves Uptown , 121; Hone, Diary , vol. 1, 13 (entry for 13 April 1829), vol. 2, 746 (entry for 11 October 1845); Strong, Diary , vol. 1, 99 (entry for 5 March 1839); Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier," 575-84.

68. [Smith], Madam Restell , 33. George Foster said that by 1849, prostitutes were not allowed in the Broadway Theatre ( New York in Slices , 90-92). Wilson noted that the Park Theatre, which opened in 1798 and closed in 1848, was for half a century New York's leading theater and the pride of its citizens ( Memorial History , vol. 3, 146, 370-71).

69. [Smith], Madam Restell , 44.

70. "Mary Berry to Helen Jewett," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849. Claudia Johnson notes that in some theaters higher-class prostitutes sat in other parts of the house with their escorts ("That Guilty Third Tier"), 577.

71. Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier," 577.

72. Herald , 5 November 1835; Sun , 5 November 1835.

73. Sun , 2 April 1834.

74. Ibid., 25 April, 28 June 1834; Transcript , 30 June 1834.

73. Sun , 2 April 1834.

74. Ibid., 25 April, 28 June 1834; Transcript , 30 June 1834.

75. Sun , 19 September 1835, 17 August 1836, 26 December 1833; New Era , 21 November 1836, 25 February 1837, 25 January 1840. See Chapter 9 for an elaboration of some of these cases.

76. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 November 1838.

77. Foster, New York in Slices , 90.

78. Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier," 580-81.

79. Quoted in ibid., 580.

80. Ibid., 580-81.

78. Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier," 580-81.

79. Quoted in ibid., 580.

80. Ibid., 580-81.

78. Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier," 580-81.

79. Quoted in ibid., 580.

80. Ibid., 580-81.

81. "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849; "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," "Helen to Frank," 12 May 1849; "Wm. Easy to Helen," 2 June 1849.

82. Ibid., see 28 April; 5, 12, 26 May; 2, 9 June 1849, passim.

83. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May 1849.

84. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 28 April 1849.

85. Ibid. "Helen to Robinson," 2 June 1849. William Chapman was one of nine Chapman family members in the theater. He acted in New York, but he and his family were much more famous for their theatrical tour of the West with a riverboat theater (Mary C. Henderson, Theater in America: Two Hundred Years of Plays, Players, and Productions , 20-21).

81. "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849; "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," "Helen to Frank," 12 May 1849; "Wm. Easy to Helen," 2 June 1849.

82. Ibid., see 28 April; 5, 12, 26 May; 2, 9 June 1849, passim.

83. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May 1849.

84. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 28 April 1849.

85. Ibid. "Helen to Robinson," 2 June 1849. William Chapman was one of nine Chapman family members in the theater. He acted in New York, but he and his family were much more famous for their theatrical tour of the West with a riverboat theater (Mary C. Henderson, Theater in America: Two Hundred Years of Plays, Players, and Productions , 20-21).

81. "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849; "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," "Helen to Frank," 12 May 1849; "Wm. Easy to Helen," 2 June 1849.

82. Ibid., see 28 April; 5, 12, 26 May; 2, 9 June 1849, passim.

83. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May 1849.

84. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 28 April 1849.

85. Ibid. "Helen to Robinson," 2 June 1849. William Chapman was one of nine Chapman family members in the theater. He acted in New York, but he and his family were much more famous for their theatrical tour of the West with a riverboat theater (Mary C. Henderson, Theater in America: Two Hundred Years of Plays, Players, and Productions , 20-21).

81. "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849; "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," "Helen to Frank," 12 May 1849; "Wm. Easy to Helen," 2 June 1849.

82. Ibid., see 28 April; 5, 12, 26 May; 2, 9 June 1849, passim.

83. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May 1849.

84. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 28 April 1849.

85. Ibid. "Helen to Robinson," 2 June 1849. William Chapman was one of nine Chapman family members in the theater. He acted in New York, but he and his family were much more famous for their theatrical tour of the West with a riverboat theater (Mary C. Henderson, Theater in America: Two Hundred Years of Plays, Players, and Productions , 20-21).

81. "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849; "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," "Helen to Frank," 12 May 1849; "Wm. Easy to Helen," 2 June 1849.

82. Ibid., see 28 April; 5, 12, 26 May; 2, 9 June 1849, passim.

83. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May 1849.

84. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 28 April 1849.

85. Ibid. "Helen to Robinson," 2 June 1849. William Chapman was one of nine Chapman family members in the theater. He acted in New York, but he and his family were much more famous for their theatrical tour of the West with a riverboat theater (Mary C. Henderson, Theater in America: Two Hundred Years of Plays, Players, and Productions , 20-21).

86. "Helen to Richard," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849. James Wallack and his son John were English actors on the New York stage during the 1830s and 1840s. After mid-century they opened a New York theater of their own, Wallack's Theatre (Henderson, Theater in America , 15-16).

87. "Helen to Robinson," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

88. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated December 1835). Edmund Simpson, for most of his career, was associated with the Park Theatre, first as an actor and then as comanager with Stephen Price. He died in 1848 shortly before his beloved Park Theatre burned to the ground (Henderson, Theater in America , 11).

87. "Helen to Robinson," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

88. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated December 1835). Edmund Simpson, for most of his career, was associated with the Park Theatre, first as an actor and then as comanager with Stephen Price. He died in 1848 shortly before his beloved Park Theatre burned to the ground (Henderson, Theater in America , 11).

89. Sun , 2 April 1834.

90. Ibid., 14 May, 18 June 1834. Many House of Refuge case histories list attendance at the theater as a major cause in the downfall of their young prostitute inmates. See HRCH, especially 1830s and early 1840s.

89. Sun , 2 April 1834.

90. Ibid., 14 May, 18 June 1834. Many House of Refuge case histories list attendance at the theater as a major cause in the downfall of their young prostitute inmates. See HRCH, especially 1830s and early 1840s.

91. Sun , 4 June 1834.

92. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 October 1838, 15 May 1841. Other sources on the general corruption of theaters: Commercial Advertiser , 11 June 1836; Herald , 29 October 1842; Advocate of Moral Reform , 1 April 1840, 15 September 1840. See also Ezekiel Porter Belden, New York As It Is (New York, 1849).

93. Commercial Advertiser , 11 June 1836.

94. Albert M. Palmer, quoted in Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier," 582. Some people avoided theaters because they tended to attract houses of prostitution to the surrounding area, and many believed it dangerous for families and "ladies" to be in the vicinity.

95. See Chapter 4 for a discussion of this legislation. Johnson says that attendance by prostitutes was necessary for the financial success of theaters at this time ("That Guilty Third Tier," 581).

96. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 557.

97. Ellington, Women of New York , 166, 211; Johnson, "That Guilty Third Tier," 581.

98. See McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 594-97, and Ellington, Women of New York , 457-73, for a discussion of concert saloons.

99. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 596.

100. BCMP, Annual Reports , 1866-1870.

101. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 597.

102. Foster, New York in Slices , 24-25.

103. Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 453-54.

104. Ellington, Women of New York , 297-310; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 589-94; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 557-58; Smith, Sunshine and Shadow , 424.

105. In City of Women , Stansell has an excellent discussion of juvenile huckstering and prostitution (180-92).

106. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 195.

107. Weekly Journal of Commerce , 7 June 1849, quoted in Spann, New Metropolis , 162.

108. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 195; Wilson, Memorial History , vol. 3, 453-54.

109. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 186-87.

110. Strong, Diary , vol. 1, 260 (entry for 25 April 1845).

111. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 123.

112. Ibid., 134; Martin, Secrets of the Great City , 303-4; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 549-50; Spann, The New Metropolis , 96; and issues of Times , 1855, 1860; Police Gazette , 1849; Tribune , 1846.

111. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 123.

112. Ibid., 134; Martin, Secrets of the Great City , 303-4; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 549-50; Spann, The New Metropolis , 96; and issues of Times , 1855, 1860; Police Gazette , 1849; Tribune , 1846.

113. [Smith], Madam Restell , 33; Smith, Sunshine and Shadow , 427; Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 256; Crapsey, Nether Side of New York , 138-39.

114. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 590.

115. Ibid., 591.

114. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 590.

115. Ibid., 591.

116. Herald , 30 October 1835.

117. New Era , 2 December 1836.

118. Transcript , 11 August 1837.

119. In the 1830s streetwalkers were not said to be such a nuisance as they later became, especially in the 1850s and 1860s.

120. Times , 20 January 1855.

121. Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 57 (entry for 7 July 1851).

122. Ibid., vol. 2, 217 (entry for 31 March 1855).

123. Ibid. Strong disagreed with Mayor Wood's methods because of situations like Matilda Wade's and because of his personal dislike of the mayor ( Diary , vol. 3, 95 [entry for 31 January 1861].

121. Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 57 (entry for 7 July 1851).

122. Ibid., vol. 2, 217 (entry for 31 March 1855).

123. Ibid. Strong disagreed with Mayor Wood's methods because of situations like Matilda Wade's and because of his personal dislike of the mayor ( Diary , vol. 3, 95 [entry for 31 January 1861].

121. Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 57 (entry for 7 July 1851).

122. Ibid., vol. 2, 217 (entry for 31 March 1855).

123. Ibid. Strong disagreed with Mayor Wood's methods because of situations like Matilda Wade's and because of his personal dislike of the mayor ( Diary , vol. 3, 95 [entry for 31 January 1861].

124. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 635.

125. Stansell, City of Women , 198-214. In Lights and Shadows , McCabe comments on children as streetwalkers in the 1860s and 1870s (134, 590).

126. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 592-93.

127. "J. to Helen," "N.J. to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849.

128. Ibid. See 26 May, 2, 9 June 1849.

129. Quoted in McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 614. See also ibid., 611; Warren, Thirty Years' Battle , 31; Martin, Secrets of the Great City , 294, 301-5.

127. "J. to Helen," "N.J. to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849.

128. Ibid. See 26 May, 2, 9 June 1849.

129. Quoted in McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 614. See also ibid., 611; Warren, Thirty Years' Battle , 31; Martin, Secrets of the Great City , 294, 301-5.

127. "J. to Helen," "N.J. to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849.

128. Ibid. See 26 May, 2, 9 June 1849.

129. Quoted in McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 614. See also ibid., 611; Warren, Thirty Years' Battle , 31; Martin, Secrets of the Great City , 294, 301-5.

130. See previously cited brothel directories from 1839, 1853, 1859, and 1870.

131. Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 217 (entry for 31 March 1855).

132. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 29-30.

1. [Smith], Madam Restell , 47-48, 34.

2. Berg, Remembered Gate , 80.

3. Foster, New York by Gas-Light , 62.

4. Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 56. Sanger and others used the term "dangerous classes" although Stansell says it was not a term used widely in the United States until after the Civil War (Sanger, History of Prostitution , 484). See also Foster, New York Naked , 160; Stansell, City of Women , 200.

5. Ellington, Women of New York (1869); McCabe, Lights and Shadows (1872), New York By Sunlight (1882), Secrets of The Great City (1868); Crapsey, Nether Side of New York (1872); Smith, Sunshine and Shadow (1868), Wonders of a Great City (1887). See also Griesinger, Lebende Bilder (1858).

6. Herald , 12, 13 April 1836.

7. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 5.

8. Gentleman's Directory , 36.

9. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 557-58.

10. Ellington, Women of New York , 208.

11. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 560-61.

12. Sun , 4 May 1840.

13. Sun , 29 May 1834.

14. Ellington, Women of New York , 167-72, describes the decline in status and comforts but says most prostitutes entered at the second or third level. In History of Prostitution , 557, Sanger notes that many in the second class originally entered in the first.

15. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 5, 10, 13, 18; Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 21, 22; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 554.

16. See U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8. The necessity for business skills is stressed by George Kneeland in Commercialized Prostitution In New York City , 92.

17. Sun , 25 January 1847; Superior Court, "Ralph Lockwood v. Julia Brown," January 1847.

18. Kate Ridgley had substantial fire damage from heating pipes, and Adeline Miller had to make extensive repairs to her house after rowdies attacked her brothel.

19. Kimball, Her Life , 193.

20. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 558; Herald , 4 January 1850; Police Gazette , 12 January 1850.

21. Kneeland, Commercialized Prostitution , 92-93; Sun , 30 December 1833, 21 March 1834. Ellington says madams were "cold and cynical" ( Women of New York , 235); see also Hart, The New Yorkers , 97.

22. Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 90-91; Walkowitz and Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 204-5. Both Julia Brown and Rosina Townsend provided for the funerals and burials of prostitutes killed in their houses ( Tribune , 1 June 1841; Herald and Sun , April 1836).

23. See Chapter 8 for examples.

24. Superior Court, "Forrest v. Forrest," 3 January 1852, 354-57.

25. Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 18, 23, 27-28; Sun , 16 April 1834; 12 March 1835.

26. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 April 1836; Sun , 12 June 1834, 22 June 1836.

27. Sun , 16 April 1834. See also Sanger, History of Prostitution , 541, 551; Foster, New York in Slices , 24.

28. See Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 94-98; Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 415, 459 n. 5. Gilfoyle said it was not uncommon for prostitutes to see over one hundred men in the course of a week, and a conservative number would be ten men per day. He lists several prostitutes who "efficiently entertained a remarkable volume of clients." "Bojtta" saw 185 men in one week, "Lina" saw 273 men in two weeks, and ''Darlie" 360 in three weeks.

29. The concept is from E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," 56-97.

30. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 599.

31. Ibid., 586.

32. Ibid., 554.

30. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 599.

31. Ibid., 586.

32. Ibid., 554.

30. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 599.

31. Ibid., 586.

32. Ibid., 554.

33. Herald , 10 June 1836, 20 September 1842; Sun , 12 February 1842; Police Gazette , 11 July 1846, 3 January, 8, 15 August 1846. See Chapter 4 for other case examples and use of law, and see Chapter 6 on the issue of moving and for a discussion of the possible relationship of moving to the small number of cases filed.

34. Walling, Recollections , 579-80, gives a description of the 1850s. He notes that it was illegal to harass clients.

35. Advocate of Moral Reform , January, February 1835, 15 July 1836, notes both upper- and lower-level houses treated missionaries well. See also McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 598-600. Sometimes relations became overly friendly, as when missionary John Cough got "lost" and spent several days in a brothel ( Herald , 13-16 September 1845; Lockwood, Manhattan Moves , 146; Hone, Diary , vol. 2, 746 [entry for 15 September 1845]).

36. Transcript , 23 April 1836.

37. Herald , 23 April 1836.

38. Herald , 9 August 1848.

39. See Chapters 5 and 8. For other theft cases, see Sun , 5 November 1835, 25 June 1836, 7 May 1840; Tribune , 16 January, 25 October, 18 December 1843; Herald , 23 January 1844, 7 January, 28 July, 8, 12 September 1845, 12 May, 15 August 1850; Police Gazette , 10 January 1846.

40. See Sun , 28 February 1834, 26 January 1835, 6 October 1836, 6 January 1842, and other cases in Chapters 5, 8, and 9.

41. Sun , 6 October 1836.

42. Sun , 3 May 1834, 26 January 1835.

43. Police Gazette , 14 February 1846; Sun , 14 April 1840.

44. Herald , 10 October 1850, and subsequent issues through January 1851.

45. Police Gazette , 14 February 1846; New Era , 5 September 1839; Sun , 21-22 January, 7 March 1840.

46. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 485.

47. Ibid., 487.

48. Ibid., 646.

46. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 485.

47. Ibid., 487.

48. Ibid., 646.

46. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 485.

47. Ibid., 487.

48. Ibid., 646.

49. Gentleman's Directory , 47.

50. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 573, 586-89, 646, 672, 675; [Smith], in Madam Restell , 40, argued that having syphilis ought to be a misdemeanor and noted that the only reason not to cure venereal disease was that fear of disease deterred some sexual activity. By the end of the century, medical examinations were being performed in many brothels, and prostitutes were paying houses $1-$3 weekly for treatment (Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 459 n. 5).

51. Goldman, Gold Diggers , 130-31.

52. Gentleman's Directory , 54.

53. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 633-34, 594-97; Herald , 6 January 1850; Sun , 13 April 1840.

54. Sun , 13 April 1840.

55. Studies consulted by Rosen indicated that the percentage of prostitutes contracting disease ranged from 10 to 86.5 ( Lost Sisterhood , 99).

56. CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836, Coroner's Inquest, 10 April 1836.

57. HRCH, no. 1623 (1835); Sanger, History of Prostitution , 454-55; Hart, The New Yorkers , 96-97; Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 83.

58. Venereal disease was a problem for all women, as Strong illustrated in his diary with the story of Jake LeRoy's respectable wife, who died from the disease she got from her husband ( Diary , vol. 3, 69 [entry for 4 December 1860]).

59. Linda Gordon, "Voluntary Motherhood: The Beginnings of Feminist Birth Control Ideas in the United States," in Clio's Consciousness Raised: New

Perspectives on the History of Women ," ed. Mary Hartman and Lois Banner, 64; Mohr, Abortion in America: The Origins and Evolution of National Policy , 1800-1900, 83-85, 196-97.

60. Linda Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control In America , 28, 45, 62. Rosen, in Lost Sisterhood , 99, says that Progressive prostitutes knew when they were in their fertile period. See John S. and Robin M. Hailer, The Physician and Sexuality in Victorian America , 114-17.

61. Gentleman's Directory , 54.

62. Goldman, Gold Diggers , 126; Gordon, Woman's Body , 42.

63. Gentleman's Directory , 54; [Smith], Madam Restell , 5.

64. Mohr, Abortion in America , 26-39, 49-50; Sun , 18 September 1841. By 1860 the ratio was 1 abortion for every 4 births.

65. Police Gazette , 14, 21 February 1846; Herald , 10, 14 October 1850; Mohr, Abortion in America , 117-27; [Smith], Madam Restell , 21.

66. After the war there was a stricter enforcement of the abortion law and a retrenchment in the practice of abortions. Mohr, Abortion in America , 46-53, 86-94, 116-70, attributes this partly to a concern by nativist leaders that a majority of the women having abortions were white, native-born, married, and Protestant—those whose offspring would have been "preferred" as future citizens.

67. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 478-79.

68. Ibid., 483, 482; Mohr, Abortion in America , 79, quoting the 1868 report of the Registrar of Vital Statistics.

67. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 478-79.

68. Ibid., 483, 482; Mohr, Abortion in America , 79, quoting the 1868 report of the Registrar of Vital Statistics.

69. McDowall's Journal , May 1833, 37.

70. Hailer, The Physician and Sexuality , 216, 284; Goldman, Gold Diggers , 127; Herald , 12 February 1844; Sun , 17-18 January 1840; Mohr, Abortion in America , 6-12, 53-69.

71. Police Gazette , 28 February 1846; Sun , 18 September 1841; New Era , 17 August 1839. On trials and convictions, see Mohr, Abortion in America , 231.

72. Taylor, "Diary," 14 February 1846; Police Gazette , 31 January, 14 February 1846.

73. Ellen Gallagher lived in a number of houses that were associated with prostitution and assignation. She claimed this style of life was a result of her seduction by Davis. The various houses were listed in Sun , 17, 18, 20, 22 January 1840.

74. Ibid.

73. Ellen Gallagher lived in a number of houses that were associated with prostitution and assignation. She claimed this style of life was a result of her seduction by Davis. The various houses were listed in Sun , 17, 18, 20, 22 January 1840.

74. Ibid.

75. On the law, see Mohr, Abortion in America , 124; Police Gazette , 3 October 1846.

76. Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 238.

77. Prostitutes had 72.9 percent incidence of sperm-agglutinating antibodies, whereas the incidence in a group of single women was 20 percent. Prevention of exposure to semen led to a fall in antibody levels. The pregnancies of women before they became prostitutes resulted in 68.5 percent live births, while afterwards, their pregnancies resulted in 34.3 percent live births (Walter Schwimmer et al., "Sperm Agglutinating Antibodies and Decreased Fertility in Prostitutes," 192-200).

78. See DBA, City Inspector's Report , vol. 24, doc. 11 (1857). Abandoned infants were sent to the Almshouse, where few lived beyond one year. In the late nineteenth century, the head physician at the Almshouse said that the 96 percent infant mortality rate at the institution was "not as bad as it looks" because many infants were sickly when they arrived (Duffy, History of Public Health , vol. 2, 211). See also McDowall's Journal , May 1833; Advocate of Moral Reform, 15 January 1836; Herald , 27-28 April 1849; Sun , 21 June 1836.

In his diary, Philip Hone recorded a poignant story of the discovery of an infant abandoned on his doorstep during a dinner party at which he was entertaining some of New York's most illustrious citizens. The guests were charmed by the "lovely week-old infant," but also cautious, as Hone indicated when he wrote:

My feelings were strongly interested, and I felt inclined at first to take in and cherish the little stranger; but this was strongly opposed by the company, who urged, very properly, that in that case I would have twenty more such outlets to my benevolence. I reflected, moreover, that if the little urchin should turn out bad, he would prove a troublesome inmate; and if intelligent and good, by the time he became an object of my affection the rightful owners might come and take him away. So John Stotes was summoned, and sent off with the little wanderer to the almshouse.

Given the Almshouse statistics quoted above, the infant faced a dismal, and most likely short, future (Hone, Diary , vol. 1, 370-71 [entry for 8 December 1838]).

79. Sun , 29 October 1841. See Chapter 9 for more on prostitutes as mothers.

80. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 542, 541.

81. Ibid., 543.

82. Ibid., 540-41; Ellington, Women of New York , 227; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587-97.

80. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 542, 541.

81. Ibid., 543.

82. Ibid., 540-41; Ellington, Women of New York , 227; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587-97.

80. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 542, 541.

81. Ibid., 543.

82. Ibid., 540-41; Ellington, Women of New York , 227; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587-97.

83. Ellington, Women of New York , 309-10.

84. Ibid., 220, 227-28, 461, 469; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587.

83. Ellington, Women of New York , 309-10.

84. Ibid., 220, 227-28, 461, 469; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587.

85. [Smith], Madam Restell , 32-33.

86. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587.

87. Ellington, Women of New York , 223.

88. Strong, Diary , vol. 1, 203 (entry for 16 May 1843).

89. Goldman, Gold Diggers , 132.

90. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587; Ellington, Women of New York , 223-29.

91. [Smith], Madam Restell , 32; Strong, Diary , vol. 1, 203 (entry for 16 May 1843); Sanger, History of Prostitution , 541-45; Greisinger, Lebende Bilder .

92. Sun , 9 July 1836. See also the case of Cynthia Stage, Sun , 19 September 1836.

93. [Smith], Madam Restell , 32-33.

94. Lewis Saum, The Popular Mood of Pre-Civil War America .

95. Ellington, Women of New York , 328.

96. Ibid., 288; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587.

95. Ellington, Women of New York , 328.

96. Ibid., 288; McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 587.

97. McCabe, Lights and Shadows , 584.

98. Times , 8 October 1851. See also Tribune , 21 July 1842; Advocate of Moral Reform , September 1835. See Chapter 9 for more on depression and suicide.

99. Heyl, Madam as Entrepreneur , 197-235; Ellington, Women of New York , 190-91.

100. Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 102-4, says that prostitutes in the twentieth century used one name only.

101. See references to the Jewett, Holland, and Gage trials, Chapters 1, 5, 7, 8.

102. Sun , 21 October 1842; Herald , 17 September, 21 October 1842.

1. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 20.

2. Hone, Diary , 210-11 (entry for 4 June 1866). General information on Jewett's customers can be found in her correspondence, and other information comes from cases mentioned later in this chapter.

3. On types and classes of clients, see McCabe, Lights and Shadows ; Ellington, Women of New York ; Sanger, History of Prostitution , sections on hierarchy of prostitution. On mechanics and prostitutes, see Herald , 22 June 1836; HRCH, no. 1599 (1835). Ellington said that prostitutes called their clients "Johnny," possibly the origin of the term john ( Women of New York , 302).

4. For racism and biracial prostitution, see the discussion of black prostitution in Chapter 2, and Foster, New York by Gas Light , 56-57; Warren, Thirty Years' Battle , 110-11; Walling, Recollections , 487; Sun , 4 June 1834; 27 March, 7 October 1835; 25 May 1836; New Era , 28 March 1837; Herald , 10 June 1836; Tribune , 7 March 1842.

5. Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 276, and his ch. 7 on "Real Men," 275-92.

6. Goldman, Gold Diggers , 122.

7. Herald , 12 April 1836. Sanger also discusses prostitutes' hostility ( History of Prostitution , 496).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

8. "William to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 October 1834).

9. Ibid., "Charles H. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 5 March 1835).

10. Ibid., "Pupil to Helen," 2 June 1849.

11. Ibid., "Robert to Helen," 26 May 1849.

12. Ibid., "Stanhope to Helen," 26 May 1849.

13. Ibid., "J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

14. Ibid., "Cambaceres to Helen," 26 May 1849.

15. Ibid., "J.J.A.S. to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 4 December 1835).

16. Ibid., "Frederick to Helen," 26 May 1849.

17. Ibid., "John P. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 9 November 1834).

18. Ibid., "N.J. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

19. Ibid., "Archibald to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 1 January 1835).

20. Ibid., "T.C. (Henry) to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 26 February 1834).

21. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 22 June 1834).

22. Ibid., "Charles Ch . . . to Helen," (letter dated 3 October 1834). Jewett pressed charges against a man for assaulting her at the Park Theatre in June 1834. The reporter who covered the story also did a personal profile article on Jewett's seduction and entry into prostitution.

23. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835). Jewett made several trips to visit friends at a brothel in Philadelphia. Letters to her from her Philadelphia friends note the existence of a brothel and client environment similar to that indicated in data on Jewett's New York brothel.

24. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

25. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

26. Ibid., preface to letter by "GBM (George B. Marston, alias Bill Easy) to Helen," 28 April 1849. McCabe uses the term harpies for men who look for and recruit girls for prostitution ( Lights and Shadows , 584).

27. Sun , 6 June 1836.

28. "GBM (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 26 May 1849.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

28. "GBM (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 26 May 1849.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

28. "GBM (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 26 May 1849.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

28. "GBM (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 26 May 1849.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

28. "GBM (Bill Easy) to Helen," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid., "W. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 26 May 1849.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., "Wm. E. (Bill Easy) to Helen," 12 May 1849.

33. CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836, Grand Jury Report, 18 April 1836.

34. "Edward to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 4 May [no year given]).

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid., "Wandering Willie to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 2 December 1836). See also Herald , 13 April 1836.

34. "Edward to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 4 May [no year given]).

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid., "Wandering Willie to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 2 December 1836). See also Herald , 13 April 1836.

34. "Edward to Helen," Police Gazette , 2 June 1849 (letter dated 4 May [no year given]).

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid., "Wandering Willie to Helen," 2 June 1849 (letter dated 2 December 1836). See also Herald , 13 April 1836.

37. "Wandering Willie to Helen," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849 (letter dated 22 January 1836).

38. Ibid. On doing favors see 2 June 1849.

37. "Wandering Willie to Helen," Police Gazette , 26 May 1849 (letter dated 22 January 1836).

38. Ibid. On doing favors see 2 June 1849.

39. HRCH case files describe the social world of young girls before they were admitted to the Refuge.

40. Several newspaper articles complained about police living in brothels; see Tribune , 13 March 1844.

41. My position on the late nineteenth-century development of the pimp system is supported by Ruth Rosen and Christine Stansell. Tim Gilfoyle has argued that "by the 1850s a visible, well-established system of pimps existed in New York." I don't find evidence to support this. Gilfoyle's own evidence also points to a much more diverse set of relationships than those that can be truly characterized as "pimp" relationships. "As brothels were attacked with increasing frequency during the 1830s, men for the first time were hired to provide protection. Both brothel keepers and prostitutes admitted that men lived in their houses of prostitution to provide physical protection or perform services such as buying groceries, repairing the house, or serving the guests." Gilfoyle also comments that ''the corner of Broadway and Broome Street was a notorious hangout for pimps waiting for prostitutes to hand over their earnings before returning to work," but the reference date is unclear. In discussing late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century prostitution, Gilfoyle describes "pimps" as "responsible for securing a steady supply of women for the brothel," or professional seducers. Some of these men did live off prostitutes' earnings in exchange for protection. But even for this early twentieth-century period, he makes a distinction between these and pimps of a later period: "In contrast to their successors after 1920, pimps were middlemen and brokers of sex, subject to the control of madams. Only a minority enjoyed the economic and psychological control over prostitutes like they do today [italics mine]." See Gilfoyle, "Strumpets and Misogynists," 64 n. 48, and "City of Eros," 416; Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 33; and Stansell, City of Women , 174.

42. NYMS, First Annual Report , 18.

43. McDowall's Journal , May 1833; New Era , 6 July 1839.

44. W. A. Swanberg, Sickles The Incredible , 339.

45. [Smith], Madam Restell , 34-35.

46. Ibid., 36.

45. [Smith], Madam Restell , 34-35.

46. Ibid., 36.

47. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 556.

48. Ibid.

47. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 556.

48. Ibid.

49. Police Gazette , 24 February 1849.

50. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 486.

51. Ellington, Women of New York , 202-3.

52. Ibid., 169.

51. Ellington, Women of New York , 202-3.

52. Ibid., 169.

53. Sun , 4 October 1836. See similar case of Charlotte Baldwin beaten by John McChain, Sun , 20 February 1835.

54. Sun , 27 February 1835.

55. Sun , 21 June 1836. Other examples of brutality by paramours include Mary Ann Grover and John Hopkins, Sun , 3 March 1834; and Mary Hill and Bill Bigby, Sun , 26 January 1835.

56. "Ann Farmer to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

57. Transcript , 29 September 1837. See similar case of Hetty Jones, New Era , 28 January 1837.

58. Sun , 26 December 1833.

59. Tribune , 13 March 1844.

60. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

61. Ibid., " C . [Clara] Hazard to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

62. Ibid., "Clara Hazard to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 20 October 1835).

60. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

61. Ibid., " C . [Clara] Hazard to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

62. Ibid., "Clara Hazard to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 20 October 1835).

60. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

61. Ibid., " C . [Clara] Hazard to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

62. Ibid., "Clara Hazard to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 20 October 1835).

63. Sun , 10 February 1842.

64. Times , 14 June 1855.

65. Commercial Advertiser , 11 July 1836.

66. "Agnes J. Thompson to Helen Jewett," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 2 November 1835).

67. Sun , 16 September 1835.

68. CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April, Grand Jury Report, 18 April 1836.

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

69. "Helen to Frank Rivers," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849 (letter dated 24 July 1835).

70. Ibid., "Frank to Helen," 2 June 1849.

71. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

72. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

73. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849.

74. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 28 April 1849.

75. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 2 June 1849. See also 9 June 1849, and several other letters.

76. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 26 May 1849. See also 2, 9 June 1849.

81. Ibid., 9 June 1849. Apparently, Jewett's suspicions were not unfounded. In August 1835, Robinson was seeing a woman at the brothel of Elizabeth Stewart on Reade Street ( Commercial Advertiser , 6 June 1836; Sun , 6 June 1836). Other women he was said to have been involved with earlier were Emma Chancellor and a Miss Browne ( Sun , 14 June 1836; Police Gazette , 14 April 1849).

82. "Helen to Frank," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849.

83. Ibid.

82. "Helen to Frank," Police Gazette , 9 June 1849.

83. Ibid.

84. CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836; Commercial Advertiser , 7 June 1836. A letter written on 11 November 1835 concerning the return of the miniature was read on 8 June 1836 at the trial.

85. Herald , 22 June 1836.

86. Sun , 3 March 1835.

87. HRCH, no. 1599 (1835), reference to 7 January 1837.

88. Sickles was a lawyer and served as corporation counsel for New York City, a state legislator, and secretary to Buchanan at the U.S. Legation in London. Later he served in Congress, 1856-1861, and then as a Union general, commander of one of the five military districts during Reconstruction, and minister to Spain. See Edward Longacre, "Damnable Dan Sickles," 16-25; Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 438-39 (editor's note with entry for 28 February 1859) and 330 (entry and note for 10 April 1857); vol. 4, 138, 249, 502, 507 (entries for 29 May 1867, 12 July 1869, 21 November and 27 December 1873); Thomas Balderston, "The Sad Shattered Life of Teresa Sickles," 41-45.

89. Swanberg, Sickles , 61, 75, 83-98, 285, 359; Balderston, "Sad Shattered Life." The controversy over whether White had helped with campaign funds was referred to by Strong in his Diary , vol. 4, 248 (entry for 12 July 1869) and 422 (entry for 20 April 1872).

90. The personal property tax record for 119 Mercer (Fanny White's brothel) lists "M. Bagiolix, $1000" which is crossed out and replaced with the phrase, "appears 92 Prince Street." At 92 Prince Street, following a notation that the previous owner has died, is a listing for "Antonio Baggioli, $1000." The owner of the Mercer Street property before White was John Graham, a Tammany friend of Sickles. Sickles's family also owned property that housed prostitutes in the 1820s.

Among other rumors "granted and generally believed," Strong mentions reports that Sickles had seduced his mother-in-law, blackmailed his father-in-law, and seduced his wife before their marriage. Strong also noted that Teresa Sickles was said to have had an affair with Buchanan, the reason Buchanan remained loyal to Sickles. Strong greatly disliked Sickles and gleefully noted the

New York World's response to a libel suit threatened by Sickles: "[We] might as well try to spoil a rotten egg as to damage Dan's character" (quoted in Diary , vol. 4, 422, entry for 20 April 1872). Other information from vol. 2, 77, 330, 438, 440-41, 449, 456 (entries for 20 December 1851, 10 April 1857, 28 February, 5 March, 26 April, 20 July 1859); vol. 3, 323, 328, 350 (entries for 17 May, 4 July, 21 August 1863); vol. 4, 138, 248-49, 422, 502, 507 (entries for 29 May 1867, 12 July 1869, 20 April 1872, 21 November and 27 December 1873).

91. Quote from Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 377 (entry for 24 December 1857). See n. 89 above for other information on White and Sickles.

92. Life and Death of Fanny White , 9-16; Strong, Diary , vol. 2, 377 (entry for 24 December 1857). George Strong recorded in his diary in 1860 that "a retired strumpet," formerly with Fanny White, had become the "housekeeper" for old Jake LeRoy and remained with LeRoy after he married an upstate woman several decades younger than himself. The housekeeper, Mary Ann, who was married to LeRoy's body servant, supposedly told the new wife "that she must not presume on her position, and that if she did, she should be turned out of doors" (vol. 3, 68-69 [entry for 4 December 1860]). The young wife became pregnant and very ill with venereal disease and died. Because of rumors that she had been poisoned, her body was exhumed, and an autopsy and inquest were held. Strong found it ironic that the same doctors performed the autopsy on Jake LeRoy's wife and on his former concubine Mrs. Blankman, Fanny White, who had died a few weeks before. "The coincidence is partly funny, partly hideous and revolting" (vol. 3, 73, entry for 12 December 1860).

93. Hone, Diary , 98 (entry for 3 July 1833). Herbert S. Parmet and Marie B. Hecht, Aaron Burr: Portrait of an Ambitious Man ; Leonard Faulkner, Painted Lady, Eliza Jumel: Her Life and Times .

94. Dunlap, Diary , vol. 3, 796 (entry for 19 June 1834).

95. Strong, Diary , vol. 4, 22 (entry for 19 July 1865).

96. Ibid., vol. 1, 114 (entry for 16 November 1839).

97. Ibid., vol. 1, 132-33 (entry for 6 April 1840).

95. Strong, Diary , vol. 4, 22 (entry for 19 July 1865).

96. Ibid., vol. 1, 114 (entry for 16 November 1839).

97. Ibid., vol. 1, 132-33 (entry for 6 April 1840).

95. Strong, Diary , vol. 4, 22 (entry for 19 July 1865).

96. Ibid., vol. 1, 114 (entry for 16 November 1839).

97. Ibid., vol. 1, 132-33 (entry for 6 April 1840).

98. Acton, Prostitution Considered , 27, 33, 47, 49; Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 67-69. Walkowitz cites Frances Place and E. P. Thompson as supporting documentation.

99. Christine Stansell, "Women of the Laboring Poor in New York City, 1850-1860," 170-72. See also Stansell's note on the role of sexual mores in the laboring classes in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries ( City of Women , 254 n. 35).

100. WSHW, Second Annual Report (1871), 34.

101. See HRCH, nos. 728, 747, 783 (1830); nos. 858, 865, 924 (1831); nos. 1343 (1834); nos. 1524, 1570, 1613, 1655 (1835); nos. 2559, 2496, 2520 (1840); no. 5015 (1850).

102. See Chapter 2, Personal Profiles, 40-41.

103. Herald , 13 September 1849; Court of Common Pleas, CCHR, "John Waters v. Felicite Waters," no. 1506, 5 October 1849. See a similar case of "Peter Duryea v. Marietta Duryea," 30 March 1850, discussed in A. A. Reidy, "A Peek at Divorce in Old New York."

104. Sun , 21 July 1836; Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 August 1836.

105. HRCH, no. 1342 (1834). See also Sun , 18 June 1834.

106. Madeleine , 326, notes that there is "little difference between an unhappy marriage and prostitution."

107. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 475.

108. Herald , 21 May 1848.

109. Ibid.

108. Herald , 21 May 1848.

109. Ibid.

110. HRCH, no. 932 (1831).

111. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 473, 475.

112. HRCH, no. 728 (1830).

113. Ibid., no. 2540 (1840).

114. Ibid., no. 924 (1831). The 1850 Census lists a Caroline Dean, age 20, in Cinderella Marshall's house and notes that Dean had been married within the past year, indicating she either had left her husband or was helping to support the new union by working in the brothel. U.S., Census, 1850, Wd. 5.

112. HRCH, no. 728 (1830).

113. Ibid., no. 2540 (1840).

114. Ibid., no. 924 (1831). The 1850 Census lists a Caroline Dean, age 20, in Cinderella Marshall's house and notes that Dean had been married within the past year, indicating she either had left her husband or was helping to support the new union by working in the brothel. U.S., Census, 1850, Wd. 5.

112. HRCH, no. 728 (1830).

113. Ibid., no. 2540 (1840).

114. Ibid., no. 924 (1831). The 1850 Census lists a Caroline Dean, age 20, in Cinderella Marshall's house and notes that Dean had been married within the past year, indicating she either had left her husband or was helping to support the new union by working in the brothel. U.S., Census, 1850, Wd. 5.

115. Herald , 30 May 1848.

116. Superior Court, "Mary Browning v. Jacob Browning," 24 June 1863; also discussed in Reidy, "A Peek at Divorce."

117. Walkowitz and Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 211. Some may have feared prostitutes would use a claim of marriage as an escape from prostitution/ vagrancy charges. This is a possible explanation for a note that was sent to the district attorney during a court hearing on charges against Julia Brown. The note said: "Esq. Hoffman--Sir I wish you wold cawl on Miss Julia Browns Trial & see if she will cawl Mr. Harrison her husband the man she lives with now. for hur one husband is hear from Albany now in the Cort house & is agoing to leave this after noon. Yours--S. Rathbone" CGS, People v. Julia Brown , 13 October 1834.

118. Police Reorganization , DBA, 53: 975-80, case of Melinda and Alexander Hoag. See also Acton, Prostitution Considered , 47; Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 69-70.

119. CGS, People v. Taylor and Shannon , 19 April 1836; Advocate of Moral Reform , August 1835; Police Gazette , 13 March 1847. See Free Loveyer, Directory to Seraglios , 17; N.Y., Census, 1855, Ward 5; Sun , 7-8, 20 January 1840; New Era , 10 August 1839.

120. Tribune , 13 March 1844; Ellington, Women of New York , 214-15; Tribune , 18 July 1842.

121. Gilfoyle, "City of Eros," 120-35.

1. See [Smith], Madam Restell , 33, 48; Foster, New York by Gas Light , 62; idem, New York Naked , 154; Ellington, Women of New York , 169-70, 242; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 518; McDowall's Journal , May 1833, 36; Police Gazette , 27 October 1849. The Herald believed professional jealousy may have caused Jewett's death. Herald , 12 April 1836.

2. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 547-48, 552, 555; Police Gazette , 3 March 1849; [Smith], Madam Restell , 34, 48; Ellington, Women of New York , 242.

3. New Era , 21 November 1836, 26 January 1840, 25 February 1837; Sun , 17 August 1836.

4. Sun , 6 May 1841, 28 February 1840, 9 March 1835. For other cases, see Tribune , 11 June 1841; Sun , 26 June 1839, 7 May 1840; Transcript , 26 September 1837.

5. Sun , 7-8 January 1840; New Era , 10 August 1839.

6. Sun , 2-3 February 1835.

7. Goldman, Gold Diggers , 120, has an excellent discussion of the personal relationships of Western prostitutes.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

8. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 26 July 1835).

9. Ibid. (letter dated 12 June 1835).

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. (letter dated 20 October 1835)

12. Ibid., "Helen to Frank," 9 June 1849.

13. Ibid., "Clara to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. (letters dated 12 June and 26 July 1835).

16. Ibid. (letter dated 26 July 1835).

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., "Ann Farmer to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 6 September 1835).

19. Ibid. (letter dated 10 September 1835). See discussion of Mary Gallagher and her property relationships in Chapter 3.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. (letter dated 6 September 1835).

22. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen," 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 December 1835).

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., "Mary Berry to Helen" (letter dated 14 December 1835).

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

28. See Sun , 18 June 1834, and HRCH, case nos. 747, 748, 749 (1830); 902, 903 (1831); 1342, 1343 (1834); 1551, 1554, 1569, 1596 (1835).

29. U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8; N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory ; Free Loveyer, Directory of Seraglios . For other brothel relationships, see Chapter 3, property relationships.

30. Ellington, Women of New York , 324; "Mary Berry to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 14 December 1835); Griesinger, Lebende Bilder , 148-56. Ellington also notes that postwar prostitutes had their own special gambling houses, and certain coffee and cake saloons served as their "club houses" (218, 239, 277).

31. Ellington, Women of New York , 326.

32. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

33. Ibid., "Emily to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 7 March [no year given]).

34. Ibid. (letter dated 26 February [no year given]).

35. Ibid. (letters dated 26 February and 7 March [no year given]).

32. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

33. Ibid., "Emily to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 7 March [no year given]).

34. Ibid. (letter dated 26 February [no year given]).

35. Ibid. (letters dated 26 February and 7 March [no year given]).

32. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

33. Ibid., "Emily to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 7 March [no year given]).

34. Ibid. (letter dated 26 February [no year given]).

35. Ibid. (letters dated 26 February and 7 March [no year given]).

32. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 12 June 1835).

33. Ibid., "Emily to Helen," 26 May 1849 (letter dated 7 March [no year given]).

34. Ibid. (letter dated 26 February [no year given]).

35. Ibid. (letters dated 26 February and 7 March [no year given]).

36. Prime, Life in New York , 178.

37. Sun , 9 May 1834.

38. CGS, People v. M. L. Clark , 17 October 1834. Letter from neighbor.

39. Ibid.

38. CGS, People v. M. L. Clark , 17 October 1834. Letter from neighbor.

39. Ibid.

40. Sun , 2 September 1834.

41. Heyl, Madam As Entrepreneur , 201 ff.

42. Sun , 15 August 1836.

43. CGS, People v. Sewally , 16 June 1836.

44. Herald , 17, 20 June 1836; Sun , 16 April 1835, 17 June 1836.

45. Sun , 17 June 1836. The reports of the trial reveal the coarse racism of court officials and observers.

46. Marion S. Goldman makes the same point in discussing prostitution in the West ( Gold Diggers , 120).

47. New Era , 27 July 1839; Sun , 13 August 1836; Herald , 15 September 1842; Police Gazette , 12 December 1846, 26 December 1846.

48. Goldman, Gold Diggers , 121.

49. Record of Assessments, 1848-1859, Ward 8; Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 March 1837, 15 April 1838.

50. A few examples from the HRCH include nos. 747, 748, 829 (1830); nos. 850, 851, 920, 932 (1831); nos. 2520, 2521, 2555 (1840); nos. 4789, 4790, 4736, 4737, 4933, 4934 (1850).

51. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 January 1840; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 515; Sun , 12 June 1834.

52. Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 February 1838.

53. "Clara to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849.

54. Eastman, Fast Man's Directory , 20. The use of the word folks instead of husband or family is taken to mean a more extended family, but it may indicate her husband only, especially since Cornell is referred to as "Mrs." Most brothel keepers, however, went by the title "Mrs." unless very young. The Reversed City Directory for 1851 lists 106 Grand, corner of Mercer and Grand, as the establishment of James Cornell, confectioner. The 1850 census lists a James Cornell (22), saloon operator, with Mary Cornell (30) and four other women, a waiter, and two servants. The 1854/55 City Directory lists James Cornell at 106 Grand, confectioner; home, 27 Greene. James Cornell may have been a husband, eight years younger than Mary, but the two may also have been siblings, living at home with their "folks."

55. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 502, 511, 516.

56. Sun , 26 October 1835; HRCH, no. 645 (1829), no. 850, 851 (1831); no. 1524 (1834).

57. HRCH, no. 624, 625 (1829); no. 830 (1830). After the death of her father, Jane Kane's mother sent her to work in an Elm Street brothel ( Police Gazette , 28 October 1848).

58. Sanger, History of Prostitution , 477-83.

59. Advocate of Moral Reform , January 1835.

60. Ibid.; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 483.

59. Advocate of Moral Reform , January 1835.

60. Ibid.; Sanger, History of Prostitution , 483.

61. HRCH, no. 858 (1831); no. 4665 (1850).

62. N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

62. N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

62. N.Y., Census, 1855, Wards 5 and 8; U.S., Census, 1850, Wards 5 and 8.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. New Era , 18 February 1837.

66. Sun , 14 November 1834.

67. Advocate of Moral Reform , September 1835.

68. HRCH, no. 2170 (1838).

69. Herald , 5 January 1850.

70. HRCH, no. 1538 (1835).

71. HRCH, no. 1648 (1835).

72. McDowall's Journal , May 1833; Advocate of Moral Reform , 15 January 1836; Herald , 27 April 1849; Sun , 21 June 1836. See Chapter 7.

73. McDowall's Journal , May 1833, 35.

74. Herald , 9 October 1850.

75. Sun , 17 August 1836.

76. "Ann Farmer to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 10 September 1835).

77. Ibid.

76. "Ann Farmer to Helen," Police Gazette , 5 May 1849 (letter dated 10 September 1835).

77. Ibid.

78. See Cott, Bonds of Womanhood ; Linda Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," 9-39.

79. "Helen to Frank," Police Gazette , 28 April 1849.

1. Sun , 15 March 1834. The similar story of Ann Burke reinforces the details of this case. See Sun , 27 February 1835.

2. Herald , 12 April 1836.

3. CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836, Coroner's Inquest Report of 10 April 1836.

4. For an interpretive framework for understanding nineteenth-century women's history, see: Kerber, "Separate Spheres," 9-39. For a discussion of the activities and position of women in the nineteenth century see Cott, Bonds of Womanhood ; Stansell, City of Women ; Smith-Rosenberg, Religion and the Rise ; Suzanne Lebsock, The Free Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784-1860 ; and Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 .

5. Barbara Berg, Remembered Gate , 199, 267-69, notes that a sense of sisterhood, or a sense of common socio-legal condition shared with prostitutes, existed in the antebellum New York female moral reform movement. For a discussion of the political activities of English prostitutes in response to the Contagious Diseases Acts, see Walkowitz and Walkowitz, "We Are Not Beasts," 208-20.

Not until the twentieth century would American prostitutes themselves find a collective voice to press for their legal and social rights, with their organization of COYOTE in the United States and their participation in the World Whores Conference in Europe. See Rosen, Lost Sisterhood , 177; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue , 216-17; and Penny Skillman, "Life 'In the Life,'" 11.

6. Stansell, in City of Women , uses the concept of independence in a similar way.

1. CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836, contains the inventory of Jewett correspondence held by police as evidence.

2. Robinson worked on Maiden Lane, which crossed Pearl Street. The

3. CGS, People v. Robinson , 19 April 1836, Grand Jury Report, 18 April 1836.

4. Herald , 12 April 1836.

5. Herald , 13 April 1836. Of these three names, only Frank Rivers is listed in the official inventory, but letters from Wandering Willie are found in the copies of correspondence. A copy of one of Wandering Willie's letters was printed in the Herald on 13 April 1836. It is accompanied by an explanation that he was a writer for a rival publication (the Transcript ), who met Jewett in 1834 at the Police Office. The Transcript's 1834 article on the police case is reprinted with the letter.

6. Sun , 6-9 June 1836.

7. Brooklyn Daily Advertiser , reprinted in the Police Gazette , 5 May 1849. The letters appeared in the following issues of the Police Gazette : 28 April; 5, 12, 26 May; 2, 9 June 1849.

8. "Anne Farmer to Helen Jewett," and other letters, Police Gazette , 5 May 1849. A number of the letters are reprinted in Chapters 6, 8, and 9. See personal profile in Chapter 1 and accompanying notes for biographical references on Helen Jewett and further interpretation of the correspondence.

9. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

10. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May, 28 April 1849.

8. "Anne Farmer to Helen Jewett," and other letters, Police Gazette , 5 May 1849. A number of the letters are reprinted in Chapters 6, 8, and 9. See personal profile in Chapter 1 and accompanying notes for biographical references on Helen Jewett and further interpretation of the correspondence.

9. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

10. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May, 28 April 1849.

8. "Anne Farmer to Helen Jewett," and other letters, Police Gazette , 5 May 1849. A number of the letters are reprinted in Chapters 6, 8, and 9. See personal profile in Chapter 1 and accompanying notes for biographical references on Helen Jewett and further interpretation of the correspondence.

9. Ibid., "Charles C. to Helen," 2 June 1849.

10. Ibid., "Helen to Richard," 26 May, 28 April 1849.