1. The literature on disease ecology is extensive. For some basic views consult L. L. Klepinger, "The Evolution of Human Disease: New Findings and Problems," Journal of Biosocial Science 12 (1980): 481-486; Macfarlane Burnet and David O. White, "The Ecological Point of View," in Natural History of Infectious Disease , 4th ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 1-21; and Frank Fenner, ''The Effects of Changing Social Organizations on the Infectious Diseases of Man," in The Impact of Civilization on the Biology of Man , ed. S. V. Boyden (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), 48-76. [BACK]

2. Among the works describing this epidemic are the following: Paolo S. Pallavicino, Descrizione del contagio che da Napoli si comunico a Roma nell ' anno 1656 (Rome: Collegio Urbano, 1837) and two manuscripts: "Memorie diverse appartenenti alle cose di Roma in tempo del male contagioso 1656" (MSS Corsiniano 171, the library of the Accademia dei Lincei, Rome) and "A di 5 maggio 1656. Principio il contagio nella citta di Roma" (MSS Chigiano Codex E III, 62, the Vatican Library, Rome). Pallavicino's account has been translated into English by Ellen B. Wells, but remains unpublished. I am indebted to her for allowing me to study it. Wells has described the epidemic in considerable detail: see "The Plague of Rome of 1656," M.A. thesis, Cornell University, 1973. [BACK]

3. This point has not been emphasized enough in most accounts of the Black Death which focus almost exclusively on the human disease. In fact, one hypothesis tries to bolster the interhuman transfer of the disease: S. R. Ell, "Some Evidence for Interhuman Transmission of Plague," Reviews of Infectious Diseases 1 (1979): 563-566. [BACK]

4. This explanation has been proposed by John Norris, a long-time student of plague epidemiology. His paper "Final Deliverance: The Disappearance of Plague from Western Europe" (The 1986 Benjamin Lieberman Memorial Lecture, University of California, San Francisco) still awaits publication. However, he has given us a valuable insight into the origins of the disease: "East or West? The Geographic Origin of the Black Death," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 51 (1977): 1-24. [BACK]

5. A primary source about this disastrous event is Girolamo Gatta, Di una gravissima peste . . . . dell ' anno 1656 depopulo la citta di Napoli (Naples: Fusco, 1659). Useful mortality statistics for both Naples and Rome can be found in L. del Panta and M. Livi Bacci, "Chronologie, intensité et diffusion des crises de mortalité en Itali: 1600-1850," in Population , numéro spécial (1977): 401-444, reprinted in The Great Mortalities : Methodological Studies of De-

mographic Crises in the Past , ed. Hubert Charbonneau and André Larose (Liège: Ordina, 1980). [BACK]

6. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 10. The most comprehensive history of Italian epidemics is Alfonso Corradi, Annali delle epidemie occorse in Italia dalle prime memorie fino al 1850 , 8 vols. (Bologna: Gamberini e Permeggiani, 1865-1894). A new five-volume edition was reprinted in 1972-1973. [BACK]

7. See Francesco Corridore, La Popolazione dello Stato Romano , 1656-1901 (Rome: Loescher, 1906), and Roger Mols, Introduction a la démographie historique des villes d ' Europe du XIVe au XVIIIe siècles , 3 vols. (Gembloux: J. Duculot 1954-1956). These statistics are also quoted in Richard Krautheimer, The Rome of Alexander VII , 1655-1667 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 159, based on another study by F. Cerasoli, "Censimento della popolazione di Roma dall'anno 1600 al 1739," Studi e documenti di Storia e Diritto 12 (1981). [BACK]

8. The remark was made by a critic, Lorenzo Pizzati from Pontremoli, a former official at the papal court, in a memorandum to Alexander VII. Quoted in Krautheimer, Rome , 127, and also Chigi, C III, 71 (Vatican Library, Bibliotheca Apostolica), and other sources. [BACK]

9. Krautheimer, Rome , 127-130. [BACK]

10. For further detail consult early chapters of Krautheimer, Rome , esp. chap. 1, 8-14. An extensive biography by Paolo S. Pallavicino is Della vita di Alessandro VII , 2 vols. (Prato, 1839-1840). A brief notice can be found in the Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Instituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960)2:205. [BACK]

11. Not much has been written about early public health measures. The most informative account is by Carlo M. Cipolla, "The Origin and Development of the Health Boards," in his Public Health and the Medical Profession in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 11-66. Also useful, by the same author, is Cristofano and the Plague ; A Study in the History of Public Health in the Age of Galileo (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1973). [BACK]

12. See Saul Jarcho, Italian Broadsides Concerning Public Health (Mount Kisco, N.Y.: Futura, 1986), 123-125. The documents reproduced in this work applied to both Rome and Bologna. [BACK]

13. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 15-16. A contemporary Jewish physician, Jacob Zahalon, described the events in his work, The Treasure of Life , published in Venice in 1683: "The Jews were forbidden to leave the ghetto and enter the city as was their custom . . . . They appointed an officer, Monsignor Negroni, who came twice a day to look after the needs of the community and to enforce rigid isolation at a great penalty; they set up gallows near the gate to hang anyone transgressing these orders." See H. A. Savitz, "Jacob Zahalon and His Book, The Treasure of Life ," New England Journal of Medicine 213 (1935): 167-176. More information about plague in the Jewish ghetto can be obtained from J. O. Leibowitz, "Bubonic Plague in the Ghetto of Rome (1656); Descriptions by Zahalon and Gastaldi," Koroth 4 (1967): 25-28. [BACK]

14. These actions were all depicted in a series of contemporary drawings designed and produced by Giovanni G. Rossi in Rome as a tribute to Alexander

VII's efforts against the epidemic. One set of illustrations is available at the National Library of Medicine, Historical Division, Prints and Photographs, negatives 68-221, 68-222, 68-223, and 67-536. Similar scenes drawn by another artist and published by Giacomo Molinari are available at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, Ars Medica Collection. A third set is in the British Museum, London.

15. Ibid. Most of this information can be obtained from the captions accompanying the scenes. The artists even used numbers to properly identify all buildings and actions. For a summary see Ellen B. Wells, "Prints Commemorating the Rome 1656 Plague Epidemic," Annali dell ' Instituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza di Firenze X (1985): 15-21. [BACK]

14. These actions were all depicted in a series of contemporary drawings designed and produced by Giovanni G. Rossi in Rome as a tribute to Alexander

VII's efforts against the epidemic. One set of illustrations is available at the National Library of Medicine, Historical Division, Prints and Photographs, negatives 68-221, 68-222, 68-223, and 67-536. Similar scenes drawn by another artist and published by Giacomo Molinari are available at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, Ars Medica Collection. A third set is in the British Museum, London.

15. Ibid. Most of this information can be obtained from the captions accompanying the scenes. The artists even used numbers to properly identify all buildings and actions. For a summary see Ellen B. Wells, "Prints Commemorating the Rome 1656 Plague Epidemic," Annali dell ' Instituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza di Firenze X (1985): 15-21. [BACK]

16. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 20. See also the various pertinent drawings previously cited. [BACK]

17. Zahalon recalls that "when the physician visited the sick it was customary that he take in his hand a large torch of tar, burning it night and day to purify the air for his protection." Savitz, Zahalon , 175. For an assessment of the perils awaiting healers who remained to attend plague victims and the rewards offered by cities for their courageous duty, see C. M. Cipolla, "A Plague Doctor," in The Medieval City , ed. H. A. Miskimin, D. Herlihy, and A. L. Udovitch (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 65-72. [BACK]

18. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 14.

19. Ibid., 35. [BACK]

18. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 14.

19. Ibid., 35. [BACK]

20. One of the drawings previously described contains such an execution scene. Other persons were hanged in public places on specially erected platforms. In extreme cases violators were torn apart and their limbs displayed separately suspended from scaffolds. [BACK]

21. These notions were aptly summarized by a contemporary physician, Girolamo Fracastoro (1484-1553), of Verona. See his Contagion , Contagious Diseases , and Their Treatment , trans. W. C. Wright (New York: Putnam, 1930). For a good review of these concepts see V. Nutton, "The Seeds of Disease: An Explanation of Contagion and Infection from the Greeks to the Renaissance," Medical History 27 (1983): 1-34. [BACK]

22. Krautheimer cites a number of decrees issued by the Health Board and Street Department regarding refuse and circulation of animals through the streets; following the epidemic there were bans against the open slaughter or display of meat, frying pasta or fish in the squares, "for the hygiene of the city," Rome , 190-191. [BACK]

23. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 10. [BACK]

24. Savitz, Zahalon , 175-176. More statistical information is available in a very detailed work by Pietro Savio, "Richerche sulla peste di Roma degli anni 1656-1657," Archivio della Societa Romana di Storia Patria 95 (1972): 138. [BACK]

25. See Savio, "Richerche," 119. For an overview, also consult D. F. Zanetti, "Peste et mortalité differentielle," Annales de Demographie Historique (1972): 197-202. [BACK]

26. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 31.

27. Ibid., 4. [BACK]

26. Pallavicino, Descrizione , 31.

27. Ibid., 4. [BACK]

28. This idea is advanced by L. A. McNicol and R. N. Doetsch in "A Hypothesis Accounting for the Origin of Pandemic Cholera: A Retrograde Analysis," Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 26 (1983): 547-552. The traditional view represented by R. Pollitzer and J. Chambers is that the disease has been present since antiquity. See R. Pollitzer, Cholera (Geneva, World Health Organization, 1959), esp. chap. 1, pp. 11-16. [BACK]

29. There is no comprehensive work on the history of cholera from a global perspective. A useful sketch of the various pandemics can be found in Erwin H. Ackerknecht, History and Geography of the Most Important Diseases (New York: Hafner, 1965), 25-32. [BACK]

30. For a chronology of cholera in Britain, see Norman Longmate, King Cholera . The Biography of a Disease (London: Hamilton, 1966). The impact of the disease on epidemiology and sanitation in that country is contained in Margaret Pelling's Cholera , Fever and English Medicine , 1825-1865 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978). For a review of the social reaction to cholera see A. Briggs, "Cholera and Society in the Nineteenth Century," Past and Present 19 (1961): 76-96. More recently, Robert J. Morris wrote Cholera 1832 . The Social Response to an Epidemic (London: Croom Helm, 1976). [BACK]

31. This epidemic has been described in great detail by Charles E. Rosenberg. See his article, "The Cholera Epidemic of 1832 in New York City," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 33 (1959): 37-49, and The Cholera Years : The United States in 1832 , 1849 , and 1866 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), esp. chaps. 1-4. A brief overview of the epidemic in the United States is provided by John Duffy, "The History of Asiatic Cholera in the U.S.," Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 47 (1971): 1152-1168. [BACK]

32. Dudley Atkins, "A sketch of the history of the epidemic cholera which prevailed in the city of New York and throughout the United States, in the summer of 1832," in Reports of Hospital Physicians and Other Documents in Relation to the Epidemic Cholera of 1832 , ed. Dudley Atkins (New York: Carvill, 1832), 5-8. [BACK]

33. Rosenberg, Cholera Years , 17-20. See also Thomas Ford, Slums and Housing (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936), 92-93. [BACK]

34. Atkins, Reports , 9-13; see also Philip Hone, The Diary of Philip Hone , 1828-1851 , ed. and introd. Alan Nevins, 2 vols. (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1927) 1:68-69. [BACK]

35. "We do not wish to excite unnecessary alarm in the public mind—but we do believe that the only way to obviate panic and meet danger when it threatens—is to be made fully aware of its existence and extent. We deem it, therefore, our duty to announce . . . that a malignant disease resembling in every respect the Asiatic or Canadian cholera, has made its appearance in our city," as quoted in Daily Albany Argus , 3 July 1832. [BACK]

36. Atkins, Reports , 10-11; see also map in David M. Reese, A Plain and Practical Treatise on the Epidemic Cholera (New York: Conner & Cooke, 1833), pointing out the initial cholera outbreaks. "Nearly all farmhouses and private boarding houses in this vicinity have already been monopolized by fugitives from the cholera," New York Evening Post , 12 July 1832. [BACK]

37. Letter from a passenger on the steamboat Boston , writing from Providence, Rhode Island, where the ship had been diverted to, New York Evening Post , 6 July 1832. [BACK]

38. Hone, Diary 1:69; see also comments in New York Evening Post , 5 July 1832. [BACK]

39. "The day in which this mortality occurred was a national holiday—a day on which many instances of excess always occur, and that very probably a considerable portion of those who died of cholera induced that disease by a degree of intemperance in eating and drinking," New York Evening Post , 6 July 1832. [BACK]

40. New York Evening Post , 11 July 1832. [BACK]

41. "None of these instances of spasmodic cholera come within the range of practice of these physicians whose very names would go far to convince credulity itself," ibid. [BACK]

42. Cholera Bulletin conducted by an Association of Physicians, vol. 1, nos. 1-24, 1832, reprinted with an introduction by Charles E. Rosenberg (New York: Arno Press, 1972). This note is printed in vol. 1, no. 2 (9 July 1832), 6. [BACK]

43. New York Evening Post , 13 July 1832. [BACK]

44. Reese, Epidemic Cholera , map, and 55-60. See also Atkins, Reports , 14. [BACK]

45. Cholera Bulletin 1 (13 July 1832): 26.

46. Ibid., 26. [BACK]

45. Cholera Bulletin 1 (13 July 1832): 26.

46. Ibid., 26. [BACK]

47. Cholera Bulletin 1 (4 August 1832): 98. [BACK]

48. New York Evening Post , 20 July 1832. [BACK]

49. New York Evening Post , 23 July 1832.

50. Ibid. [BACK]

49. New York Evening Post , 23 July 1832.

50. Ibid. [BACK]

51. New York Evening Post , 21 July 1832. [BACK]

52. Cholera Bulletin 1 (11 July 1832): 17. [BACK]

53. Atkins, Reports , 116. [BACK]

54. Charles E. Rosenberg, "The Cause of Cholera: Aspects of Etiological Thought in Nineteenth-Century America," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 34 (1960): 331-354. See also Atkins, Reports , 14-25, and Reese, Epidemic Cholera , 24-25. [BACK]

55. Reese, Epidemic Cholera , 59. [BACK]

56. Atkins, Reports , 66. [BACK]

57. Reese, Epidemic Cholera , 62. [BACK]

58. Atkins, Reports , 15, 93.

59. Ibid., 94; see also Reese, Epidemic Cholera , 59. [BACK]

58. Atkins, Reports , 15, 93.

59. Ibid., 94; see also Reese, Epidemic Cholera , 59. [BACK]

60. Atkins, Reports , 94. [BACK]

61. Martyn Paine, Letters on the cholera asphyxia as it has appeared in the City of New York (New York: Collins and Hannay, 1832), 45. [BACK]

63. Atkins, Reports , 68. [BACK]

64. From the various comments in newspapers, by health officials and individual physicians, the conditions originally blamed for causing cholera remained virtually unchanged. [BACK]

65. New York Evening Post , 26 July 1832. [BACK]

66. New York Evening Post , 28 July 1832. [BACK]

67. Cholera Bulletin 1 (15 August 1832): 138. A note in the New York Evening Post , 4 August 1832, read: "It is proper to state for the information of those physicians who so precipitously left town in consequence of the cholera, that those resident of the west side of the city may now return as the disease is evidently on the decline." [BACK]

68. Reese, Epidemic Cholera , pref., 4. [BACK]

69. Hone, Diary 1:73. [BACK]

70. New York Evening Post , 6 August 1832. [BACK]

71. For a general history of the disease, see John R. Paul, A History of Poliomyelitis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971). Also see S. Benison, "The Enigma of Poliomyelitis: 1910," in Freedom and Reform : Essays in Honor of Henry Steele Commager , ed. H. M. Hyman and L. W. Levy (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), 228-254. [BACK]

72. See N. Nathanson and J. R. Martin, "The Epidemiology of Poliomyelitis: Enigmas Surrounding Its Appearance, Epidemicity, and Disappearance," American Journal of Epidemiology 110 (1979): 672-892; and John R. Paul, Epidemiology of Poliomyelitis (Geneva: WHO, 1955), 9-30. [BACK]

73. For an overview see Arthur Bushel, Chronology of New York City Department of Health ( and Its Predecessor Agencies ), 1655-1966 (New York: New York City Department of Health, 1966). Also available is John Duffy, A History of Public Health in New York City , 2 vols. (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1968-1974). A brief contemporary summary can be found in the American Review of Reviews 53 (January-June 1916): 495-496, under the title "Mayor Mitchell's administration of New York City." [BACK]

74. Paul, "The Epidemic of 1916," History , chap. 15, 148-160. [BACK]

75. Journal of the American Medical Association (hereafter JAMA ) 67 (4 November 1916): 1379, summarizing the statistics provided by the New York City Health Department in its Bulletin no. 43. Further additions and new totals were published in JAMA 67 (25 November 1916): 1609. See also Haven Emerson, "The recent epidemic of infantile paralysis," Bulletin of the Johns Hopkins Hospital 28 (1917): 132. [BACK]

76. Survey , 2 June 1917. [BACK]

77. World , 25 June 1916. [BACK]

78. "Our method of fighting the disease is this: whenever a case is reported in a block not previously affected, a house to house canvas of that block is made. In this way many unreported cases have been found." New York Times , 1 July 1916. [BACK]

79. New York Times , 28 June 1916; JAMA 67 (7 July 1916): 129-130. [BACK]

80. "Dr. Emerson yesterday issued a warning to all landlords with tenants as well as owners of the tenement houses that Health Department placards on the front of the houses would stay there until the patient's room had been entirely renovated." New York Times , 5 July 1916. [BACK]

81. JAMA 67 (29 July 1916): 366. [BACK]

82. An extract from the leaflet distributed by the Health Department is available in Haven Emerson, "Some practical considerations in the adminis-

trative control of epidemic poliomyelitis," American Journal of Medical Sciences 153 (1917): 161-162. The leaflets were printed in English, Italian, and Hebrew. [BACK]

83. For popular writings on the subject, see for example, "Infantile paralysis from fly-bites," Literary Digest , 28 December 1912, 1220-1221. Even Good Housekeeping warned: "The fly is literally not only as dangerous as a rattlesnake but as disgraceful as a bed-bug. He is born of filth, is attracted by filth, and breeds in filth." See W. W. Hutchinson, "An ancient enemy under a new name," Good Housekeeping , January-June 1916, 509. The Good Housekeeping pattern department even issued patterns for special clothes, "designed to protect the little lads and lassies from the sting of the deadly stable-fly." [BACK]

84. For a view of contemporary scientific research on viruses, see S. Benison, "Poliomyelitis and the Rockefeller Institute: Social Effects and Institutional Response," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 29 (1974): 74-93. A brief account of work at that institution was written by H. T. Wade, "The Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research," American Review of Reviews 39 (1909): 183-191. [BACK]

85. Some of the instructions were printed on the previously cited leaflets. One physician blamed the polio epidemic on New York City's seemingly faulty scavenger system. He felt that the garbage should be hauled away before street cleaning began instead of the usual practice of watering and sweeping before such removal. New York Times , 10 July 1916.

86. Ibid. [BACK]

85. Some of the instructions were printed on the previously cited leaflets. One physician blamed the polio epidemic on New York City's seemingly faulty scavenger system. He felt that the garbage should be hauled away before street cleaning began instead of the usual practice of watering and sweeping before such removal. New York Times , 10 July 1916.

86. Ibid. [BACK]

87. New York Times , 11 July 1916. [BACK]

88. New York Times , 10 July 1916. [BACK]

89. New York Times , 13 July 1916. The relationship between polio and dirt was not believed to be causal, although lack of cleanliness was thought to help spread the disease. "If all children who live on dirty streets and alleys or in dirty homes should have infantile paralysis, the Brooklyn sky which is now overcast with gloom would become as black as a storm sky at midnight," wrote Thomas J. Riley in an article entitled "Poverty and poliomyelitis," in Survey , 29 July 1916, 447. The best summary is available from the New York City Health Department: A Monograph on the Epidemic of Poliomyelitis in New York City in 1916 (New York: M. B. Brown, 1917). [BACK]

90. New York Times , 9 July 1916. [BACK]

91. New York Times , 1 July 1916. See also article by T. J. Riley: "Another first impression was that the disease was found mostly among Italians. . . . I concluded that infantile paralysis is no respecter of nationalities," in Survey , 447, emphasis in original. For details on Jews see D. Dwork, "Health Conditions of Immigrant Jews on the East Side of New York, 1880-1914," Medical History 25 (1981): 1-40. [BACK]

92. New York Times , 9 July 1916. [BACK]

93. Emerson, "Some practical considerations," American Journal of Medical Sciences 153 (1917): 168. [BACK]

94. New York City Department of Health, A Monograph on the Epidemic of Poliomyelitis in New York City in 1916 (New York: Brown, 1917), 40. [BACK]

95. Emerson, "Some practical considerations," American Journal of Medical Sciences 153 (1917): 162. [BACK]

96. New York Times , 23 July 1916. [BACK]

97. The Health Department usually employed nurses for the removal of children suspected of suffering from polio, "as it has been found that mothers would surrender their infants to other women, when they would not let men take them away," New York Times , 10 July 1916. [BACK]

98. One such poster from Setauket, Long Island, was reprinted in the New York Times : "Warning—we are informed that families from the infected part of New York City and Brooklyn are offering high prices for rooms and houses here. While we sympathize fully with all who are suffering from this dread disease, infantile paralysis, we certainly should be very careful to whom we extend the hospitality of our village," New York Times , 8 July 1916. [BACK]

99. For further details about the epidemic outside New York City, see Naomi Rogers, "Screen the Baby, Swat the Fly: Polio in the Northeastern United States, 1916" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1986). For an interesting case study of nearby New Jersey, see Stuart Galishoff, "Newark and the Great Polio Epidemic of 1916," New Jersey History 94 (Summer-Autumn 1976): 101-111. [BACK]

100. Several stories about the quarantine around New York City can be read in Survey , 29 July 1916, and 5 August 1916. For an overview see Hugh S. Cumming, "The U.S. Quarantine System during the Past Fifty Years," in A Half Century of Public Health , ed. M. P. Ravenel (New York: APHA, 1921), 118-132. [BACK]

101. Emerson, "Some practical considerations," American Journal of Medical Sciences 153 (1917): 170. [BACK]

102. New York Times , 23 August 1916. [BACK]

103. Emerson, "Some practical considerations," American Journal of Medical Sciences 153 (1917): 170. [BACK]

104. Survey , 2 June 1917. [BACK]

105. Before that time, giant flytraps had been put up at the Jefferson Market, New York Times , 25 July 1916. There were also suggestions for the installations of electric fans to deal with the fly problem at Washington Market, New York Times , 23 July 1916. [BACK]

106. A pamphlet on polio prepared by Dr. Wade H. Frost and issued by the U.S. Public Health Service in late July 1916 listed unrecognized healthy carriers as the chief source of infection, Public Health Reports 31 (14 July 1916): 1817-1833. See also S. Flexner, "The nature, manner of conveyance and means of prevention of infantile paralysis," JAMA 67 (22 July 1916): 279-283. This paper was first presented at a symposium sponsored by the New York Academy of Medicine on 13 July 1916. During the discussion Dr. William H. Park remarked that "the sick person and the carrier are the chief sources of infection. There is no evidence that a fly or insect transmits the disease," 313. [BACK]

107. JAMA 67 (26 August 1916): 687. [BACK]

108. New York Times , 29 August 1916. In one incident, removal to the hospital of an individual suspected of having polio required four deputy sheriffs to

wrest the child from its father. The episode was viewed as an "especially flagrant offense against the freedom of the community." [BACK]

109. Haven Emerson, "Relative Functions of Health Agencies: Viewpoint of the Official Agency," Selected Papers (Battle Creek, Mich.: Kellogg, 1949), 60. This paper was presented in San Francisco in 1920. [BACK]

110. Commentary by Dr. Frederick C. Tilney during a symposium on poliomyelitis, Long Island Medical Journal 10 (November 1916): 469. [BACK]

111. Much of the scientific research is summarized by S. Benison in "Speculation and Experimentation in Early Poliomyelitis Research," Clio Medica 10 (1975): 1-22, and "The History of Polio Research in the U.S.: Appraisal and Lessons," in The Twentieth-Century Sciences : Studies in the Biography of Ideas , ed. G. Holton (New York: W. W. Norton, 1972), 308-343. [BACK]

112. The article by Thomas J. Riley in Survey , 29 July 1916, 448, asked: "Is not infantile paralysis one of the health problems arising among the same people and in the same conditions as give us our problems of tuberculosis and other contagious or infectious diseases, of poverty, ignorance, deformities, and defects? Perhaps one could include also delinquency and drunkenness. . . . Must we forever have these plague spots and these ill-favored folks?" [BACK]

113. Haven Emerson, "The Responsibilities of the Department of Health of the City of New York," Long Island Medical Journal 10 (July 1916): 261. [BACK]

114. As quoted in the New York Times , 29 August 1916. [BACK]