51. See Bunting, Early Architecture ; Bunting, Of Earth and Timbers Made ; Jackson, "New Mexico Houses," pp. 2-5 and Wilson, "When the Room Is the Hall," pp. 17-23.

52. Notwithstanding its height, Pueblo architecture was essentially single-story construction stacked in floors. Walls may or may not have continued through more than one floor, but each roof became a potential building surface for the story above it, allowing for an agglomeration of units that to some degree were structurally independent. Each unit could appear, expand, decay, or even disappear with a minimum of influence on its neighbors. The need for coordinating communal building efforts was also reduced. Bunting showed how oblique windows at Zuñi overcame some of the difficult conditions created by this piecemeal construction pattern. See Bunting, Early Architecture , pp. 32-51, especially Figure 25; and for a description of Pecos, see Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown , pp. 8-12.

53. Knowles argued that Anasazi and Pueblo Indian architecture represented building in complete accord with solar and thermal principles. Although the residential blocks on the Acoma mesa follow rules of orientation quite closely, this is the exception rather than the rule. Similarly, Cliff Palace at Mesa Verde also faces south and is thus shaded by the cavern ceiling during the hot summer months. But other clusters such as Spruce Tree House face in many different directions, suggesting that a cave with sufficient building surface was more important than its orientation. See Knowles, Sun Rhythm Form .

54. "In warm weather the zaguan was often a family work area, and piles of drying corn, wheat, chile, melons, onions, and tobacco were strewn in it for cleaning or tying in strings; farm tools and drying hides hung from the vigas." Boyd, Popular Arts , p. 27.

55. Ibid., p. 23. "Well-to-do Spanish families built torreones (towers) next to or near their houses for defensive purposes. Composed of adobe, ledgestone or lava rocks according to their locations, these towers were frontier extensions of medieval European fortified castles, at least in the minds of their owners. They had blank walls with crenellated adobe parapets above the upper room and a few peepholes in the upper walls to shoot through at hostile raiders. Either round or square in shape, the lower room was used to shelter livestock when an alarm of approaching Indians was given. Women, children, and neighbors who had time to reach the tower stayed in the upper room along with the food and water that had been collected for the besieged. Fighting men crouched behind the parapets and endeavored to shoot the enemy with their often inadequate firearms. Nomadic Indians soon learned to hold the Spanish prisoners by staying out of gun range while others of their party drove off whatever human captives and livestock they could find in the neighborhood, seizing corn and other loot and making their escape. At best a torreon might save the lives of its occupants, but more often this method of defense turned out to be the funeral pyre of those who had taken refuge in it." Boyd, Popular Arts , p. 23.

54. "In warm weather the zaguan was often a family work area, and piles of drying corn, wheat, chile, melons, onions, and tobacco were strewn in it for cleaning or tying in strings; farm tools and drying hides hung from the vigas." Boyd, Popular Arts , p. 27.

55. Ibid., p. 23. "Well-to-do Spanish families built torreones (towers) next to or near their houses for defensive purposes. Composed of adobe, ledgestone or lava rocks according to their locations, these towers were frontier extensions of medieval European fortified castles, at least in the minds of their owners. They had blank walls with crenellated adobe parapets above the upper room and a few peepholes in the upper walls to shoot through at hostile raiders. Either round or square in shape, the lower room was used to shelter livestock when an alarm of approaching Indians was given. Women, children, and neighbors who had time to reach the tower stayed in the upper room along with the food and water that had been collected for the besieged. Fighting men crouched behind the parapets and endeavored to shoot the enemy with their often inadequate firearms. Nomadic Indians soon learned to hold the Spanish prisoners by staying out of gun range while others of their party drove off whatever human captives and livestock they could find in the neighborhood, seizing corn and other loot and making their escape. At best a torreon might save the lives of its occupants, but more often this method of defense turned out to be the funeral pyre of those who had taken refuge in it." Boyd, Popular Arts , p. 23.

56. Although no real tradition of meditative or ornamental gardens developed in the harsh conditions of New Mexico, vegetable gardens and orchards could serve ornamental purposes, particularly when fruit trees came into bloom. At Acoma water was brought to the mesa with great effort to irrigate small peach trees, which no doubt addressed both functional and decorative needs. Domínguez, The Missions , p. 192.

57. As a result of the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767, the mission program in California late in the eighteenth century was placed under Franciscan jurisdiction—but by this time the Franciscans' doctrine had undergone fundamental change. "With this earlier [utopian] urban ideal of the Franciscans for the converted Indian settlements, the later practice of the Order in California has very little in common. Whereas in New Spain and in New Mexico, supervision had served only to regulate an established Indian culture, and to protect the Indians against European exploitation, the Franciscans in California produced a mission discipline fundamentally military in character. Imposed upon primitives, it implied a permanent state of tutelage and a mechanization of society at the expense of inner development. On the other hand, it was a most successful solution to the basic colonial problem—the education of primitives to systematic habits of work." Kubler, "Two Modes of Franciscan Architecture," p. 46.