6 Gender, Labor Supply, and Commitment
1. See figure 2 in chapter 3. [BACK]
2. Salinas Californian , 9/20/79, and table 20. [BACK]
3. The use of technological change for the purpose of enhancing managerial control has been widely studied. For some recent examples, see Braverman (1975), Noble (1977), and Edwards (1979). [BACK]
4. See, among others, Blauner (1964), Chinoy (1955), Roy (1952), Burawoy (1979), and Braverman (1975). [BACK]
5. This sort of extended supervision through family members is by no means restricted to wrap machine crews. Examples can be found in small family businesses and other industries in which family labor is employed. In an earlier study of work organization on the
tomato harvesting machines, I found that some of the companies employed husbands as machine drivers and their wives as ''foreladies''; see Thomas (1977) and Friedland and Barton (1975). [BACK]
6. This is not to deny that some foremen flirt in order to pick up women in their crew. One foreman at Miracle, in particular, had a reputation for such behavior. As a result, women who worked on his crew were often suspected by others of sleeping with him. [BACK]
7. See the discussion of machine cost in chapter 3. [BACK]
8. For example, see Tepperman (1970); Balu and Jusenius (1976); U.S. Department of Labor (1975); Gubbels (1977); and Glazer and Waehrer (1977). [BACK]
9. I am grateful to Anne Fredricks for sharing this insight gained from her fieldwork in Wisconsin canneries. [BACK]
10. During the early morning hours when workers assembled in the company parking lot waiting for the buses to arrive, most conversation among the men was centered on the availability of work in other crews and companies and on the earnings of the ground crew workers. Not unlike the network-building described by Lipset et al. (1956:194-197) in Union Democracy , wrap crew workers attempted to strike up conversations and friendships with ground crew members in the hope of finding an "in" to those jobs. [BACK]