Documented Immigrants
Documented workers, frequently referred to as "green-cards," constitute nearly 65 percent of the sample. This category includes only permanent immigrants.[3] Interviews with industry representatives and researchers suggest that 80 percent of the labor force in lettuce comes under this classification. Such conjectures, however, fail to take into account the presence of undocumented workers; thus, the actual percentage of the labor force which is documented is likely to be less.
The permanent immigrant classification has several stipulations attached to it: first, workers are only allowed into the country under this classification when the Department of Labor has declared a "labor shortage" with respect to either a particular industry or profession. Thus, lettuce workers may be admitted into the United States in much the same fashion as foreign doctors, actors, or athletes. Second, applicants for a green card must have an offer of employment in writing before entering the country. Legally, green-cards may be deported if they cannot find employment or have been disemployed for a long period. Third, green-cards must establish a permanent residence within the United States. Aliens admitted under this classification are not, however, expected or obligated to seek citizenship. Finally, permanent immigrants are not eligible for state or federal welfare assistance before five years of continuous residence in the United States. They may, however, receive job-related benefits such as unemployment and workmen's compensation (Sosnick, 1978:402–420). Thus, though green-cards may enjoy some of the benefits associated with citizenship, their status is clearly contingent on active participation in the economy. Green-cards may legally join and participate in unions, but their inability to make full claims on the state for nonwork support means they are only minimally better protected than the braceros.
Since 1965, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) has restricted the allocation of new green cards in accordance with new immigration quotas established for many countries, including Mexico. This move has increased the value of valid documentation—such that workers interviewed in the course of this study revealed that substantial bribes and lengthy waiting periods must precede acquisition of immigration papers. Not surprisingly, immigration restrictions have created a thriving industry in counterfeit documents (e.g., drivers' licenses, green cards, social security cards, among others). The price for counterfeit documents varies with the quality of the forgery: from less than $100 for drivers' licenses to over $500 for professional counterfeits of green cards and forgeries made on stolen, but valid, green card blanks (Portes, 1977).
In the subsample of permanent immigrants shown in table 4, nearly 70 percent reported that their permanent residence was in Mexico—despite the visa stipulation that they establish a permanent residence in the United States. Those who would comment on this inconsistency said they (a) alternated in residence between the United States and Mexico, that is renting in the States for the period of their employment and then returning "home" to Mexico; (b) worked alone in the United States (without family) for a specified period while their family remained in Mexico; or (c) maintained only a mailing address in the United States to meet legal requirements but did not establish a permanent residence.
In-depth interviews with other workers confirmed that these three practices were common among green-cards. Furthermore, returning to table 4, 94 percent of the green-cards reported having close family (i.e., brothers or sisters, wife, husband, children, and/or parents) still living in Mexico. Of the men, nearly 60 percent were married and worked alone in the United States while their wives remained in Mexico. Of the women, over three-fourths were married and working in the United States with their husbands. The majority of that group worked for the same company as their husbands (though often in different capacities). Only a very small per-
centage of the women green-cards (2.2 percent) worked and traveled by themselves.