1. For some representative reactions, see Schneeberger, Nachlese zu Heidegger (see chap. 1, n. 34), pp. 50-51, 76-80, 82-84, 84-87.

2. See Löwith, Mein Leben in Deutschland (see chap 2, n. 8), p. 57.

3. For Heidegger's admission that he briefly saw the Nazi rise to power as a propitious moment, see "Only a God Can Save Us" (see chap. 1, n. 30).

4. See Georg Lukács, Existentialismus oder Marxismus? (Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag, 1951).

5. See Jean-Paul Sartre, Search for a Method , trans. Hazel E. Barnes (New York: Vintage, 1968), p. 38; Sartre's emphasis.

6. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts" (see chap. 2, n. 115), pp. 468-469. For another short statement of the "official" view, see Michael Hailer, "Der Philosophen-Streit zwischen Nazi-Rechtfertigung und postmodernner Öko-Philosophie," in Die Heidegger Kontroverse , ed. Jürg Altwegg (Frankfurt a.M.: Athenäum, 1988), p. 202.

7. See Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts, p. 468.

8. In the United States, a major step in the transition from the arcane level of professional philosophical debate, which obviously repels rather than attracts wider attention, to the general public was taken by Michiko Kakutani's recent, withering review of the English-language translation of Antwort: Martin Heidegger im Gespräch (see n. 111 below), which appeared in German closely after Farias's book was published in French in order to limit the damage, so to speak. See "Friends of Heidegger and the Nazi Question," The New York Times , 14 December 1990.

9. The 1945 article appeared under the title "Das Rektorat 1933/34: Tatsachen und Gedanken" in the little volume edited by Hermann Heidegger.

Page 320

Curiously, the translator omits the section headings in the translation, although he inserts roman numerals to divide the text. The result, in the absence of the section headings which the original text contained, is to render the interpretation more, not less, difficult.

10. For a brief discussion, see "The End of the War and the Beginning of Polemos, " in Farias, Heidegger and Nazism (see Introd., n. 4), pp. 278-280. For a more detailed discussion, see "Die Auseinandersetzung um die politische Vergangenheit," in Ott, Martin Heidegger (see Introd., n. 3), pp. 291-327. My brief statement of the historical background is based on these two sources.

11. The relations between Heidegger and Jaspers are highly complex. The best record of their friendship, and of Jaspers's later disillusionment with Heidegger as a friend and a philosopher, is provided by their letters, which have recently been published. See Briefwechsel 1920-1963 (see chap. 2, n. 27). For Jaspers's never-completed effort to write a critical study of Heidegger's thought, see Karl Jaspers, Notizen zu Martin Heidegger , ed. Hans Saner (Muchin and Zurich: Piper, 1989).

12. For Jaspers's Gutachten on Heidegger, which was the basis of the decision, see Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 315-317.

13. For the report by the committee, see Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 305- 307. For a good analysis of this entire episode, see ibid., pp. 291-327.

14. See ibid., p. 296.

12. For Jaspers's Gutachten on Heidegger, which was the basis of the decision, see Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 315-317.

13. For the report by the committee, see Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 305- 307. For a good analysis of this entire episode, see ibid., pp. 291-327.

14. See ibid., p. 296.

12. For Jaspers's Gutachten on Heidegger, which was the basis of the decision, see Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 315-317.

13. For the report by the committee, see Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 305- 307. For a good analysis of this entire episode, see ibid., pp. 291-327.

14. See ibid., p. 296.

15. For Heidegger's own explanation of why he chose to remain in Freiburg, see Martin Heidegger, "Schöpferische Landschaft: Warurn bleiben wir in der Provinz?" in Martin Heidegger, Gesamtausgabe , vol. 13, Aus der Erfahrung des Denkens 1910-1976 , ed. Hermann Heidegger (Frankfurt a.M.: Vittorio Klos-termann, 1983).

16. Ott, Martin Heidegger , p. 305.

17. See Jaspers's letter to Heidegger of 23 August 1933, cited in Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 192-193.

18. For Croce's correspondence with Vossler, see Schneeberger, Nachlese zu Heidegger , pp. 110-112.

19. See Martin Heidegger, "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts."

20. That the text is repetitive is easily shown through the almost obsessive recurrence of certain themes, in similar language, e.g., the problem of science, "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 481, 497; technology, pp. 482, 497; historical vocation of the Western world. pp. 483, 497; political science, pp. 483, 496; Nietzsche and the will to power, pp. 485, 498; etc.

21. Ibid., pp. 492-493.

20. That the text is repetitive is easily shown through the almost obsessive recurrence of certain themes, in similar language, e.g., the problem of science, "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 481, 497; technology, pp. 482, 497; historical vocation of the Western world. pp. 483, 497; political science, pp. 483, 496; Nietzsche and the will to power, pp. 485, 498; etc.

21. Ibid., pp. 492-493.

22. See Hugo Ott, "Martin Heidegger und der Nationalsozialismus," in Heidegger und die praktische Philosophie (see chap. 2, n. 104), p. 67.

23. For a detailed study of how Heidegger was elected, see H. Ott, "Wie Heidegger Rektor wurde," in Heidegger und die praktische Philosophie , pp. 138-147.

24. I follow Thomä on this point. See Thomä, Die Zeit des Selbst (see In-trod., n. 6), p. 628.

25. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 481.

26. This is the same difference that Aristotle formalizes in his distinction between activity ( energeia ) and movement ( kinesis ). An activity is complete in itself and has no end external to it to which it serves as a means; a movement is a means to an end which is external to it and which is only reached when the means ceases to be. See Aristotle, Metaphysics , 9.6.1048b18-35.

27. Jaspers, Notizen zu Martin Heidegger , p. 18.

28. See Heidegger, Basic Writings , ed. Krell (see Introd., n. 11), pp. 91-112.

29. There is a close link between Heidegger's inaugural lecture, delivered in 1929, and his study of metaphysics in a wide variety of other writings, including his work on Kant's view of metaphysics and his own introduction to metaphysics. See Martin Heidegger, Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics , trans. James S. Churchill (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1962). and Heidegger, An Introduction to Metaphysics , trans. Mannheim (see chap. 1, n. 32).

30. See "What Is Metaphysics?" in Heidegger, Basic Writings , p. 95.

31. Carnap held that Heidegger's analysis of nothing was an example of a meaningless statement and argued for the elimination of metaphysics. See Rudolf Carnap, "The Elimination of Metaphysics through Logical Analysis of Language," in Logical Positivism , ed. A. J. Ayer (New York: Free Press, 1959). It is not impossible that Carnap, the apostle of rigorous thought from a scientific perspective, was put off by Heidegger's view, expressed in his lecture, that such forms of "exact" knowledge as mathematics are no more rigorous than others. See Heidegger, Basic Writings , p. 96.

32. See Heidegger, Basic Writings , p. 112.

33. Martin Heidegger, "Nachwort zu: 'Was Ist Metaphysik?'" in Wegmarken (Frankfurt a.M.: Vittorio Klostermann, 1967), p. 100.

34. Heidegger, Wegmarken , p. 107.

35. "Einleitung zu: 'Was Ist Metaphysik?'" in Heidegger, Wegmarken .

36. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 481-482.

37. Ibid., p. 482.

38. Ibid., pp. 482-483.

36. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 481-482.

37. Ibid., p. 482.

38. Ibid., pp. 482-483.

36. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 481-482.

37. Ibid., p. 482.

38. Ibid., pp. 482-483.

39. For Husserl's view of objectivism, see Husserl, The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology (see chap. 2, n. 30), para. 14: "Precursory characterization of objectivism and transcendentalism. The struggle between these two ideas as the sense of the struggle of modern spiritual history." pp. 68-70. For Heidegger's view that as reflective phenomenology is deeper than the positive sciences, see Being and Time , § 10, "How the Analytic of Dasein Is to Be Distinguished from Anthropology, Psychology, and Biology," pp. 71-77.

40. For his view of the relation of the special sciences to philosophical science, see the discussion of the divided line in Plato, The Republic , bk. 6, 509-511E.

41. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 486.

42. Ibid., p. 488.

43. Ibid., p. 496.

41. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 486.

42. Ibid., p. 488.

43. Ibid., p. 496.

41. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 486.

42. Ibid., p. 488.

43. Ibid., p. 496.

44. I agree with Lacoue-Labarthe on this point, who writes: "Et tel est très

Page 322

précisément ce que le 'Discours de rectorat' rappelle : en tous sens, le philosophique est la raison ou le fondement du politique." Lacoue-Labarthe, L'imitation des modernes: Typographies II (see chap. 2, n. 123), pp. 156-157.

45. This point is significant, and will be developed in the discussion of Heidegger's own Nietzsche interpretation. It is sufficient to note at this point that Heidegger's concern to provide an authentic reading of Nietzsche is doubly determined on the one hand by his view that National Socialism has provided an insufficient interpretation of Nietzsche's thought and on the other by his dissatisfaction with Baeumler. Jaspers points out that like C. Schmitt and Heidegger, Baeumler also sought to lead National Socialism. See his letter to Oehlkers of 22 December 1945, reprinted in Ott, Martin Heidegger , p. 317. For Baeumler's Nietzsche interpretation, see Alfred Baeumler, Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker (Leipzig: Reclam, 1931). For a discussion of Baeumler's view, which is largely parallel to Heidegger's Nietzsche reading, in particular in the emphasis on the will to power and the negation and overcoming of the preceding tradition, see Endre Kiss, "Nietzsche, Baeumler oder fiber die Möglichkeit einer positiven faschistischen Metaphysik," in Annales 16 (1982): 157-174. For discussion of Nietzsche and Nazism in general, see Konrad Algermissen, Nietzsche und das Dritte Reich (Celle: Verlag Joseph Giesel, 1947). Heidegger further had a personal reason to dislike Baeumler because of the latter's vulgarization of the concept of resoluteness ( Entschlossenheit ), developed in Being and Time , in his own work, Münnerbund und Wissenschaft (Berlin: Junker und Dönnhaupt, 1934), p. 108. On this aspect of the relation between Heidegger and Büumler, see Karl Löwith. "Der okkasionelle Dezisionismus von C. Schmitt," in Löwith, Sámtliche Schriften (see Introd., n. 12), 1:64, n. 88.

46. This idea was a commonplace in the Third Reich. In an essay written in 1934, Bauemler portrays Nietzsche as a prophet who was able to foresee the future. See Alfred Bauemler, "Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus," in Alfred Bauemler, Studien zur deutschen Geistesgeschichte (Berlin: Junker und Dünnhaupt. 1943). p. 282. For a statement of the same idea in the context of Nietzsche's thought, see also his Nachwort to Friedrich Nietzsche, Der Wille zur Macht: Versuch einer Umwertung aller Werte (Leipzig: Alfred Kröner Verlag, 1930), p. 705.

47. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 483.

48. Ibid.. pp. 483-484. The translation of the first passage seems to me not to communicate adequately the strength of Heidegger's statement, although I am unable to improve on the rendering.

49. One can argue that in the attribution of a vocation to the German people, Heidegger is merely developing the concept of the vocation of man earlier sketched by Fichte and applied to the German nation. See Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Die Bestimmung des Menschen , in Fichtes Werke , ed. I. H. Fichte (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1971), 2:165-320, and Reden an die deutsche Nation , ibid., 7:257-502. For this argument, see André Glucksmann, Les maîtres penseurs (Paris: Grasset, 1977).

47. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 483.

48. Ibid.. pp. 483-484. The translation of the first passage seems to me not to communicate adequately the strength of Heidegger's statement, although I am unable to improve on the rendering.

49. One can argue that in the attribution of a vocation to the German people, Heidegger is merely developing the concept of the vocation of man earlier sketched by Fichte and applied to the German nation. See Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Die Bestimmung des Menschen , in Fichtes Werke , ed. I. H. Fichte (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1971), 2:165-320, and Reden an die deutsche Nation , ibid., 7:257-502. For this argument, see André Glucksmann, Les maîtres penseurs (Paris: Grasset, 1977).

47. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 483.

48. Ibid.. pp. 483-484. The translation of the first passage seems to me not to communicate adequately the strength of Heidegger's statement, although I am unable to improve on the rendering.

49. One can argue that in the attribution of a vocation to the German people, Heidegger is merely developing the concept of the vocation of man earlier sketched by Fichte and applied to the German nation. See Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Die Bestimmung des Menschen , in Fichtes Werke , ed. I. H. Fichte (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1971), 2:165-320, and Reden an die deutsche Nation , ibid., 7:257-502. For this argument, see André Glucksmann, Les maîtres penseurs (Paris: Grasset, 1977).

50. This idea was in the air at the time. For instance, Theodor Lessing, a philosopher who was assassinated by the Gestapo on 30 August 1933, shortly

Page 323

after Heidegger became rector, with an eye on the evolution of German politics wrote as early as 1925 in opposition to Hindenburg: "Nach Plato sollen die Philosophen Führer der Völker sein. Ein Philosoph würde mit Hindenburg nun eben nicht den Thronstuhl besteigen. Nun ein reprásentives Symbol, ein Fragezeichen, ein Zero. Man kann sagen: 'Besser ein Zero als ein Nero.' Leider zeigt die Geschichte, dass hinter einem Zero immer ein künftiger Nero verborgen steht." Cited in Laugstien, Philosophieverháltnisse (see chap. 2, n. 25), p. 80.

51. Letter from Martin Heidegger to Prof. Schuchardt, dean of the philosophy faculty, 19 July 1943, in Heidegger records, cited in Farias, Heidegger and Nazism , p. 269.

52. "And so far there seems to be no end in sight to this abuse of Nietzsche's work. In speaking here of Nietzsche, we mean to have nothing to do with all that—or with blind hero worship for that matter. The task in hand is too crucial and at the same time too sobering. It consists first of all, if we are to gain a true grasp of Nietzsche, in bringing his accomplishment to a full unfolding." Heidegger, An Introduction to Metaphysics , p. 36.

53. Heidegger, An Introduction to Metaphysics , pp. 36-37; translation modified.

54. See Being and Time , pt. 2, chap. 5: "Temporality and Historicality," particularly § 74, "The Basic Constitution of Historicality."

55. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 485. Heidegger never seems to realize that this doctrine is not original with Nietzsche. Others had, of course, considered this view before Heidegger. For Hegel's opinion that modern atheism and modern nihilism were like a generalization of the historical Good Friday, see G. W. F. Hegel, Faith and Knowledge , trans. Walter Cerf and H. S. Harris (Albany: SUNY Press, 1977), pp. 190-191. For Feuerbach's understanding of the death of God, see Ludwig Feuerbach, Principles of the Philosophy of the Future , trans. Manfred H. Vogel (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966), § 21, pp. 31-34.

56. See "The World of Nietzsche: 'God is Dead,'" in Martin Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology and Other Essays , trans. by William Lovitt (New York: Harper and Row, 1977), pp. 53-112. The remark on the death of God is taken almost verbatim from the lecture. See ibid.. p. 57. For an interpretation of this claim as a factual ascertainment of the turn away from religion by a leading Nietzsche specialist of the time, see Bauemler, "Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus," p. 286.

55. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 485. Heidegger never seems to realize that this doctrine is not original with Nietzsche. Others had, of course, considered this view before Heidegger. For Hegel's opinion that modern atheism and modern nihilism were like a generalization of the historical Good Friday, see G. W. F. Hegel, Faith and Knowledge , trans. Walter Cerf and H. S. Harris (Albany: SUNY Press, 1977), pp. 190-191. For Feuerbach's understanding of the death of God, see Ludwig Feuerbach, Principles of the Philosophy of the Future , trans. Manfred H. Vogel (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966), § 21, pp. 31-34.

56. See "The World of Nietzsche: 'God is Dead,'" in Martin Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology and Other Essays , trans. by William Lovitt (New York: Harper and Row, 1977), pp. 53-112. The remark on the death of God is taken almost verbatim from the lecture. See ibid.. p. 57. For an interpretation of this claim as a factual ascertainment of the turn away from religion by a leading Nietzsche specialist of the time, see Bauemler, "Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus," p. 286.

57. See Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology and Other Essays , p. 53.

58. See ibid., pp. 75-76.

59. See ibid., p. 76.

60. Ibid., p. 75.

57. See Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology and Other Essays , p. 53.

58. See ibid., pp. 75-76.

59. See ibid., p. 76.

60. Ibid., p. 75.

57. See Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology and Other Essays , p. 53.

58. See ibid., pp. 75-76.

59. See ibid., p. 76.

60. Ibid., p. 75.

57. See Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology and Other Essays , p. 53.

58. See ibid., pp. 75-76.

59. See ibid., p. 76.

60. Ibid., p. 75.

61. These remarks recur in somewhat different form in a later essay. See "Zur Seinsfrage." in Heidegger, Wegmarken , pp. 218-219.

62. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 484-485.

62. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 484-485.

63. Ibid., p. 485.

64. Ibid. It is noteworthy that in a variant of this theme, Ott suggests that had Heidegger not withdrawn from the Catholic Church his turn toward Nazism could have been avoided. See Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 344-346.

64. Ibid. It is noteworthy that in a variant of this theme, Ott suggests that had Heidegger not withdrawn from the Catholic Church his turn toward Nazism could have been avoided. See Ott, Martin Heidegger , pp. 344-346.

65. See, e.g., "The Question concerning Technology," in Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology and Other Essays , pp. 3-35.

66. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 485.

67. The German "ins Feld zu führen," which does not mention a battle, literally means "to lead into the field," although "to lead into battle" is perhaps an acceptable rendering of Heidegger's military metaphor.

68. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 485-486; translation modified.

69. See François Fédier, Heidegger: Anatomie d'un scandale (Paris: Éditions Robert Laffont, 1988). We will return to this interpretation in chap. 7 below.

70. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 491-492.

71. Ibid., p. 486.

70. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 491-492.

71. Ibid., p. 486.

72. See, e.g., Heidegger, Being and Time , pp. 57, 59-60.

73. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 487; translation modified. The translator's omission here of the term "translation" turns attention away from Heidegger's suggestion that his text requires interpretation according to his own theory of the relation between understanding and interpretation. See Heidegger, Being and Time , § 32, "Understanding and Interpretation," pp. 188-194.

74. For this analysis, see Gadamer, Truth and Method (see chap. 1, n. 17), "Heidegger's Disclosure of the Fore-structure of the Understanding," pp. 235-240.

75. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 487.

76. Ibid..

77. Ibid., p. 492.

75. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 487.

76. Ibid..

77. Ibid., p. 492.

75. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 487.

76. Ibid..

77. Ibid., p. 492.

78. The distinction between the letter and the spirit is already present in the Bible. Kant, who was concerned that his work was misunderstood by his critics, complained that it was easy to find contradictions by comparing passages out of context, in order to arrive at an unfavorable impression of a work. For Kant's restatement of this distinction, see the "Preface to the Second Edition," in Immanuel Kant's Critique of Pure Reason , trans. Smith (see chap. 1, n. 12), B xliv, p. 37. Kant's distinction was widely influential in German idealism. See my article, "Idealist Hermeneutics and the Hermeneutics of Idealism," Idealistic Studies 12, no. 2 (1982): 91-102.

79. I am by no means alone in this way of reading the Rektoratsrede . Even Vietta, the author of the most complete effort to date to defend Heidegger, acknowledges that in the rectoral Address Heidegger was concerned with the future role of science in National Socialism. See Vietta, Heideggers Kritik am Nationalsozialismus und an der Technik (see chap. 1, n. 31), p. 21.

80. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

81. See ibid., p. 477.

82. See ibid., p. 487.

83. Ibid.; translation modified. The translator's rendition of " Notwehr " as

"self-defense" fails to capture the sense of need, from " Not, " prominent in Heidegger's repeated allusions to the historical occasion represented by the Nazi rise to power in a time of historical need.

80. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

81. See ibid., p. 477.

82. See ibid., p. 487.

83. Ibid.; translation modified. The translator's rendition of " Notwehr " as

"self-defense" fails to capture the sense of need, from " Not, " prominent in Heidegger's repeated allusions to the historical occasion represented by the Nazi rise to power in a time of historical need.

80. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

81. See ibid., p. 477.

82. See ibid., p. 487.

83. Ibid.; translation modified. The translator's rendition of " Notwehr " as

"self-defense" fails to capture the sense of need, from " Not, " prominent in Heidegger's repeated allusions to the historical occasion represented by the Nazi rise to power in a time of historical need.

80. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

81. See ibid., p. 477.

82. See ibid., p. 487.

83. Ibid.; translation modified. The translator's rendition of " Notwehr " as

Page 325

"self-defense" fails to capture the sense of need, from " Not, " prominent in Heidegger's repeated allusions to the historical occasion represented by the Nazi rise to power in a time of historical need.

84. For Heidegger's well-known criticism of Descartes, see, e.g., Being and Time , §§ 14-24.

85. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

86. Ibid.

87. Ibid., p. 487.

88. See ibid., p. 472.

85. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

86. Ibid.

87. Ibid., p. 487.

88. See ibid., p. 472.

85. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

86. Ibid.

87. Ibid., p. 487.

88. See ibid., p. 472.

85. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 476.

86. Ibid.

87. Ibid., p. 487.

88. See ibid., p. 472.

89. For a statement of this view in Heidegger's early and middle periods, see Being and Time , § 44, and "On the Essence of Truth," in Heidegger, Basic Writings .

90. See Heidegger, An Introduction to Metaphysics , p. 62.

91. For a close reading of Heidegger's conception of polemos , see Gregory Fried, "Heidegger's Polemos," Journal of Philosophical Research , forthcoming.

92. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 486.

93. For Hegel's famous master-slave discussion, see Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit , trans. Miller (see chap. 2, n. 137), "Independence and Dependence of Self-Consciousness: Lordship and Bondage," pp. 111-118. For the analysis of mutual recognition, see Hegel's Philosophy of Mind , trans. A. V. Miller (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), sec. 1, "Mind Subjective," subsection B, "Phenomenology of Mind: Consciousness," a. ''Self-Consciousness," pt. g , "Universal Self-Consciousness,'' pp. 176-177.

94. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 488-489.

95. See ibid., p. 479.

96. See ibid., p. 489.

94. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 488-489.

95. See ibid., p. 479.

96. See ibid., p. 489.

94. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 488-489.

95. See ibid., p. 479.

96. See ibid., p. 489.

97. G. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schofield, The Presocratic Philosophers , 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 194.

98. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 489.

99. Ibid., p. 470.

100. Ibid., p. 489.

101. Ibid.

98. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 489.

99. Ibid., p. 470.

100. Ibid., p. 489.

101. Ibid.

98. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 489.

99. Ibid., p. 470.

100. Ibid., p. 489.

101. Ibid.

98. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 489.

99. Ibid., p. 470.

100. Ibid., p. 489.

101. Ibid.

102. See Heidegger, Being and Time , § 35, "Idle Talk."

103. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 489-490. It is important to point to two slips in the translation of this important passage, in which Heidegger seeks to exonerate himself of blame by confronting the obvious reading of his rectoral address. The translator's substitution of "National Socialism" for" 'the' National Socialism" makes it appear that Heidegger is questioning National Socialism in general when he is rather making the point, by putting the accusative form of the definite article in scare quotes, that there is more than one form of Nazism. This is a crucial point for a comprehension of Heidegger's later Nazism. In his own careful way, through these linguistic devices Heidegger is holding open the possibility for a better, more authentic form of National Socialism than the vulgar variety in practice associated with the NSDAP. The rendering of " politischen Wissenschaft " or "political science" as "the political character of science" is an example of the substitution of an interpretation for a transla-

Page 326

tion. The most recent translation of Heidegger's article by Lisa Harries in collaboration with Karsten Harries silently corrects the latter misreading. But it preserves the crucial misrendering of "'den' Nationalsozialismus" as "National Socialism" that continues to obscure Heidegger's steadfast adherence, at a time when he claims to have broken his ties to the so-called movement, to the possibility of an authentic form of Nazism. See Martin Heidegger and National Socialism: Questions and Answers (see Introd., n. 9), p. 22.

104. See Heidegger, Being and Time , § 9 and passim.

105. For a discussion along these lines, see Mark Okrent, Heidegger's Transcendental Pragmatism (Ithaca, N.Y., and London: Cornell University Press, 1989). On the contrary, Dreyfus considers Okrent's analysis as a trivializing reduction of Husserl's. See Dreyfus, Being-in-the-World (see chap. 1, n. 21), p. 345n.

106. There is no evidence that Heidegger ever adopted the Nazi view of race, although it is plausible to interpret his stress on the German people as a kind of metaphysical "racism." With the exception of an overt form of racism, in his failure to cite either the Nazi party or Hitler, Heidegger resembled Spengler. See Spengler, Jahre der Entscheidung (see chap. 2, n. 135).

107. In a letter to Prof. Dietz, Heidegger explicitly disclaims his intention to realize Nazi party doctrine in any other sense than through the respect for the university, whose spirit he intended to transform. "[E]s war nicht und nie meine Absicht, die Universität an die Parteidoktrin auszuliefern, sondern umgekehrt zu versuchen, innerhalb des Nationalsozialismus und in bezug auf diesen eine geistige Wandlung in Gang zu bringen." Letter of Heidegger to the president of the politischer Bereinigungsausschuss , Prof. v. Dietze (15 Dec. 1945), cited in Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " ed. Martin (see chap. 2, n. 176), p. 208. In the same letter, Heidegger further presents himself as opposed to National Socialism but devoted to Hitler, who he believed would transcend Nazism after 1933: "Ich stand schon 1933/34 in derselben Opposition gegen die n.s. Weltanschauungslehre, war damals aber des Glaubens, dass die Bewegung geistig in andere Bahnen gelenkt werden könne und hielt diesen Versuch vereinbar mit den sozialen und allgemein politischen Tendenzen der Bewegung. Ich glaubte, Hitler werde, nachdem er 1933 in der Verantwortung für das ganze Volk stand, fiber die Partei und ihre Doktrin hinauswachsen und alles würde sich auf den Boden einer Erneuerung und Sammlung zu einer abendlándlischen Verantwortung zusammenfinden." Ibid., p. 210.

106. There is no evidence that Heidegger ever adopted the Nazi view of race, although it is plausible to interpret his stress on the German people as a kind of metaphysical "racism." With the exception of an overt form of racism, in his failure to cite either the Nazi party or Hitler, Heidegger resembled Spengler. See Spengler, Jahre der Entscheidung (see chap. 2, n. 135).

107. In a letter to Prof. Dietz, Heidegger explicitly disclaims his intention to realize Nazi party doctrine in any other sense than through the respect for the university, whose spirit he intended to transform. "[E]s war nicht und nie meine Absicht, die Universität an die Parteidoktrin auszuliefern, sondern umgekehrt zu versuchen, innerhalb des Nationalsozialismus und in bezug auf diesen eine geistige Wandlung in Gang zu bringen." Letter of Heidegger to the president of the politischer Bereinigungsausschuss , Prof. v. Dietze (15 Dec. 1945), cited in Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " ed. Martin (see chap. 2, n. 176), p. 208. In the same letter, Heidegger further presents himself as opposed to National Socialism but devoted to Hitler, who he believed would transcend Nazism after 1933: "Ich stand schon 1933/34 in derselben Opposition gegen die n.s. Weltanschauungslehre, war damals aber des Glaubens, dass die Bewegung geistig in andere Bahnen gelenkt werden könne und hielt diesen Versuch vereinbar mit den sozialen und allgemein politischen Tendenzen der Bewegung. Ich glaubte, Hitler werde, nachdem er 1933 in der Verantwortung für das ganze Volk stand, fiber die Partei und ihre Doktrin hinauswachsen und alles würde sich auf den Boden einer Erneuerung und Sammlung zu einer abendlándlischen Verantwortung zusammenfinden." Ibid., p. 210.

108. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 491.

109. In the discussion concerning Heidegger's anti-Semitism, his defenders attach great weight to the fact that he interceded to help his student, Werner Brock, migrate to England. Müller, who notes this fact, also notes that from the moment that he became rector, Heidegger did not permit any of his Jewish students to finish their degrees. See Martin, Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " p. 106. This view has recently been corroborated by Helene Weiss's niece. See letter by Miriam Lewin to The New York Times Book Review , 11 February 1990.

110. In a letter to Dietrich Mahnke dated 4 May 1933, that is, immediately

Page 327

after Heidegger and other German academics publicly joined the NSDAP, Husserl openly speaks of Heidegger's well known anti-Semitism. See Martin, Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " p. 149. Husserl's claim of Heidegger's anti-Semitism is routinely denied in the secondary literature. But it is supported by Jaspers, who, in his Gutachten , states that in a certain sense in 1933, although not earlier, Heidegger was an anti-Semite. See Jaspers's letter to Friedrich Oehlkers of 22 December 1945, cited in Ott, Martin Heidegger , p. 316.

111. See, e.g., Hans L. Gottschalk, "Heideggers Rektorenzeit," in Antwort: Martin Heidegger in Gesprách , ed. Günther Neske and Emil Kettering (Pfullingen: Neske, 1988), p. 187.

112. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 491-492.

113. See Fédier, Heidegger (see n. 69), p. 67.

114. For this letter and a discussion of it, see Ulrich Sieg. "Die Verjudung des deutschen Geistes," Die Zeit , no. 52 (22 December 1989): 50. The vulgar term " Verjudung, " which is not contained in standard dictionaries, was common in contemporary forms of anti-Semitism, and was used by Hitler in Mein Kampf , especially in his discussion of "Volk und Rasse" in vol. 1, chap. 11. See, e.g., Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, 1935), pp. 348-349: "Wie weir dabei die innere Verjudung unseres Volkes schon fortgeschritten ist ''I owe this reference to Gregory Fried.

115. Heidegger expresses his opposition to biological reductionism in various places, including the "Letter on Humanism" (see chap. 1, n. 29), p. 231. For an example of the view that Heidegger's antibiologism is incompatible with Nazism, see Alexander Schwan, Politische Philosophie im Denken Heideggers (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1989), p. 103. See also Luc Ferry and Alain Reinaut, Heidegger et les modernes (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1988). pp. 224-225. Schwan erroneously sees Heidegger's refusal of biologism as leading to a break with Nazism. Ferry and Renaut erroneously infer that because Heidegger rejects biologism, he was also not anti-Semitic.

116. For passages from Luther's book From the Jews and Their Lies , see Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New York: Harper and Row, 1961), p. 9.

117. For passages from a speech given before the Reichstag in 1895, see Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews , pp. 10-11.

118. For discussion of how and why the definition of an "Aryan" was formulated and applied, see Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews , 4: "Definition," pp. 43-53, esp. p. 45.

119. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 491-492.

120. The rectoral address took place on 27 May 1933. Heidegger became a member of the NSDAP on 1 May 1933. For a discussion, see Max Müller, "Bekenntnisse: Ein Gesprách mit Max Müller," in Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " ed. Martin, p. 95. Other well-known philosophers who joined the NSDAP on 1 May 1933 include E. Rothacker, A. Gehlen, and J. Ritter. See Haug, Deutsche Philosophen 1933 (see chap. 2, n. 25). pp. 17, 190, 235. For newspaper reports on Heidegger's adherence to the Nazi party, see Schneeberger, Nachlese zu Heidegger (see chap. 1, n. 34), pp. 23-35.

121. Pöggeler reports that Mörchen was surprised to discover in 1931 that the entire Heidegger family had been converted to National Socialism. See Martin, Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " p. 84. Pöggeler bases his comment on a radio talk by Mörchen. See ibid., p. 91, n. 21.

120. The rectoral address took place on 27 May 1933. Heidegger became a member of the NSDAP on 1 May 1933. For a discussion, see Max Müller, "Bekenntnisse: Ein Gesprách mit Max Müller," in Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " ed. Martin, p. 95. Other well-known philosophers who joined the NSDAP on 1 May 1933 include E. Rothacker, A. Gehlen, and J. Ritter. See Haug, Deutsche Philosophen 1933 (see chap. 2, n. 25). pp. 17, 190, 235. For newspaper reports on Heidegger's adherence to the Nazi party, see Schneeberger, Nachlese zu Heidegger (see chap. 1, n. 34), pp. 23-35.

121. Pöggeler reports that Mörchen was surprised to discover in 1931 that the entire Heidegger family had been converted to National Socialism. See Martin, Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " p. 84. Pöggeler bases his comment on a radio talk by Mörchen. See ibid., p. 91, n. 21.

122. See Otto Pöggeler, "'Praktische Philosophie' als Antwort an Heidegger," in Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " ed. Martin, p. 66: ''Wenn es um Philosophie geht, dann muss mann damit fertig werden, dass 1933 Heidegger als der 'führende' Philosoph alle Hoffnungen auf den neuen 'Führer' Hitler setzte." This claim is supported by Weil. According to Weil, in 1932 at the latest Heidegger was a known Nazi. See Eric Weil, "Le cas Heidgger," reported in Lignes . 2 February 1988, p. 140.

123. Martin makes this point persuasively. See Martin, Martin Heidegger und das "Dritte Reich, " p. 36: "Doch auch nach seinem offiziellen Rückzug yon der Hochschulpolitik blieb er der Partei als Mitglied bis zum Zusammenbruch des Reiches verbunden und die NSDAP wiederum in einer Art von Dankesschuld dem Philosophen bis in die letzten Kriegsmonate gewogen."

124. This claim is rejected by most of Heidegger's defenders. Vietta, for instance, argues that the incorrect objection that Heidegger remained close to fascism is contradicted by the texts. See Vietta, Heideggers Kritik am Nationalsozialismus und an der Technik , p. 46.

125. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts." p. 494.

126. See ibid.

125. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts." p. 494.

126. See ibid.

127. See Farias, Heidegger and Nazism , chap. 14: "The End of the Rector-ate." pp. 177-187.

128. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts." p. 494.

129. See Farias, Heidegger and Nazism , "Attacks from Ernst Krieck and His Faction," pp. 168-169.

130. On this point, see Laugstien, Philosophieverháltnisse (see chap. 2, n. 25). p. 109.

131. In different ways, this point is made by Jaspers, Gadamer, and Schorcht. See Laugstien, Philosophieverháltnisse , pp. 107, 108, and 193 n. 28.

132. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 497; translation modified. It is better to translate " Zwiespalt " here by "discrepancy" since "rift," which the translator uses, suggests a prior relation that has later been torn asunder, which in fact is what happened, although Heidegger suggests that there never was any significant area of agreement. The translation of " wohl '' as "presumably" creates a doubt, whereas Heidegger insists that his view and National Socialism are incompatible.

133. For the effort by some National Socialists to depict Nazism as a Weltanschauung , see Alfred Baeumler, "Nietzsche and National Socialism," in Mosse, Nazi Culture (see chap. 2, n. 166), p. 97.

134. See the discussion of historicism and Weltanschauungphilosophie in Edmund Husserl, "Philosophy as Rigorous Science," in Phenomenology and the Crisis of Philosophy , trans. Quentin Lauer (New York: Harper, 1965), sec. 2: "The Concept of Philosophy and the World-View," pp. 4-11, and Heidegger, Beitráge zur Philosophie (see chap. 1, n. 26), § 14, pp. 36-41. Another factor in

Page 329

Heidegger's opposition to the conception of a Weltanschaaung was his early review of Jaspers's Philosophie der Weltanschauungen .

135. Rosenberg rejected philosophy in favor of a Weltanschauung . Rosenberg, Krieck, Alfred Klemmt, Heinrich Hártle, and others worked to develop a Nazi Weltanschauung . See Laugstein, Philosophieverháltnisse , pp. 72-77.

136. Like Heidegger, Krieck was also concerned to ground National Socialism, but as a Weltanschauung , in his Völkisch-politischen Anthropologie , published in Leipzig from 1936 to 1938. See Laugstien, Philosophieverháltnisse, p . 73.

137. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 497; translation modified.

138. See Martin Heidegger, "The Age of the World Picture," in Heidegger, The Question concerning Technology (see n. 56), pp. 115-154. Vietta follows this indication in his effort to show that, after 1938, Heidegger adopted a critical attitude toward National Socialism. See Vietta, Heideggers Kritik am Nationalsozialismus und an der Technik , chap. 3: "Heideggers metaphysikkritischer Ansatz und die Grundzüge seiner Kritik am Nationalsozialismus," pp. 19-47.

139. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 498.

140. For a representative view of the matter, see Frederick Ferré, Philosophy of Technology (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1988), p. 44: "Modern science, as it has developed since the seventeenth century, is the joint product of theoretical and practical intelligence, and so is modern technology. Neither gave birth to the other. They are non-identical twins of the same parents."

141. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 483.

142. See ibid., p. 487 and passim.

143. Ibid., p. 498.

141. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 483.

142. See ibid., p. 487 and passim.

143. Ibid., p. 498.

141. See "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 483.

142. See ibid., p. 487 and passim.

143. Ibid., p. 498.

144. Heidegger came to this conclusion at least as early as 1934, that is, immediately after his resignation from the rectorate. The idea that national salvation lies in poetry underlies his turn to Hölderlin as the poet of poets, as the one who sees into the German future. For an early form of this view, see Martin Heidegger, Hölderlins Hymnen "Germanien" und "Der Rhein": Freiburger Vorlesung, Wintersemester 1934/35 , ed. Susanne Ziegler (Frankfurt a.M.: Vittorio Klostermann, 1980).

145. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 502.

146. Ibid., p. 499.

145. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 502.

146. Ibid., p. 499.

147. See Fédier, Heidegger (see n. 69), p. 162.

148. See Jaspers's letter of 22 December 1945 to Oehlkers, cited in Ott, Martin Heidegger , p. 317.

149. See Jaspers, Die Schuldfrage (see chap. 2, n. 116), p. 85.

150. See Heidegger's letter of 8 April 1950 to Jaspers, in Briefwechsel 1920-1963 (see chap. 2, n. 27), p. 202.

151. For Heidegger's view of the hero, see Being and Time , § 74. For an analysis of his talk on Schlageter, see Farias, Heidegger and Nazism , pp. 87-95.

152. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 498-499.

153. Ibid., p. 502.

154. See ibid., p. 461.

152. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 498-499.

153. Ibid., p. 502.

154. See ibid., p. 461.

152. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," pp. 498-499.

153. Ibid., p. 502.

154. See ibid., p. 461.

155. "Wege zur Aussprache," in Alemannenland: Ein Buch yon Volkstum

Page 330

und Sendung , ed. Dr. Franz Kerber (Stuttgart: J. Engelhorns Nachf. 1937), pp. 135-139, reprinted in Schneeberger, Nachlese zu Heidegger , pp. 258-262.

156. Schneeberg, Nachlese zu Heidegger , p. 262.

157. Ibid., p. 258.

156. Schneeberg, Nachlese zu Heidegger , p. 262.

157. Ibid., p. 258.

158. "Rectoral Address—Facts and Thoughts," p. 497.

159. Schneeberger, Nachlese zu Heidegger , p. 260.

160. For this view in the early Marx, see his essay, "Contributions to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right : Introduction," in Marx, Early Writings (see chap. 2, n. 130), pp. 41-60. Lukács bases his own influential reading of Marx on the supposed efficacy of class consciousness. See Lukács, History and Class Consciousness (see chap. 1, n. 2).

161. Schneeberger, Nachlese zu Heidegger , p. 260.

162. Lukács's own effort to enlist Marxism as a revolutionary form of thought in the service of oppressed humanity, relevantly similar to Heidegger's view here, is a constant in his long Marxist period.

163. Heidegger, "Letter on Humanism" (see chap. 1, n. 29), p. 239.