Mohani, The Autumnal Festival Sequence of the Rice Harvest [67-76]

The Mohani sequence begins on the first day of the waxing fortnight Kaulathwa (the bright half of Asvina) in late September. By this time the monsoon rains should have finished^[30] and the rice harvest been completed (see fig. 30). As with other complex festivals, it is somewhat arbitrary as to how many discrete calendrical units it may be said to contain. Calendars used by local Brahmans simply list each of the ten days of the festival, each named for its particular focal Mandalic^[*] Goddess. We will follow this for our enumeration of festival events although there are more than ten major component elements in the sequence.

Within the Devi cycle the ten days of Mohani is the time for a concentrated and complex sequence that is the focal point and climax of many of the themes of the annual cycle as well as a summation of the relations and meanings of Bhaktapur's dangerous goddesses. It is also the period during which the Nine Durgas are given a new birth and launched on their annual careers. "Mohani"^[31] is the Newari name for the local version of the widespread South Asian harvest festival dedicated to Devi, which in Nepali and generally elsewhere in South Asia is called "Dasai(n)." It is, by all our criteria, one of the city's major focal sequences.

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Figure 30.
Standing on the ka:sis, the open roof porches of houses, men fly kites during Mohani, said to be reminders to the
deifies to bring the monsoon rains to an end.

Bhaktapur, as it usually does in its relation to its South Asian context, selects, builds on, and adds to the materials out of which Dasai(n) is constructed elsewhere. The central thematic thread running through Bhaktapur's Mohani is the dramatization of, and civic participation in, the story recounting how Devi, represented most centrally as Bhagavati/Mahisasuramardini^[*] , the conqueror of the great enemy of the gods, the Asura Mahisa^[*] came into her full strength and achieved her victory,^[32] how that strength is amalgamated with the power of Bhaktapur's political goddess, Taleju, in the course of the festival, and then, finally, transferred by Taleju to the Nine Durgas, who will use it to protect Bhaktapur during the following nine months.

Each of the first nine days of the festival begins and ends with visits to the pitha of one of the nine Mandalic^[*] Goddesses, starting with Brahmani in the east, and proceeding in the auspicious clockwise direction day by day around the periphery of Bhaktapur,^[33] ending on the ninth day at the pitha of the central goddess, Tripurasundari. On the tenth, the final day of the festival, a day of transition to a new phase, the Brahmani pitha once again becomes the focus, with an emphasis now on the newly emerged Nine Durgas.

Mohani: The First Day

On the first day of the festival, as they will again on each succeeding day, people from all over the city go at dawn to the pitha of the day's Mandalic^[*] Goddess. On this day, as they will on each day, people dressed in their better clothes (see fig. 31) walk together in groups, often accompanied by musicians, from the city's neighborhoods to the Brahmani pitha , the protective goddess of the east. People move on this day, as they will on all the subsequent ones. That is, they join the main jatra route, the pradaksinapatha^[*] , at a point convenient to their homes, and take it in either direction until they reach the god-house of the day's particular Mandalic^[*] Goddess (map 2). They then follow the conventional route from the god-house to the pitha . On their way from god-house to pitha they go via the tirtha , the sacred spot at pond or river associated with the day's goddess. At the tirtha they sprinkle water on themselves in a ritual bath. They then proceed on to the pitha , which is always close to the tirtha , and hold a brief puja , offering coins, grains of rice, flowers, incense, and the like. They bow to the goddess, circumambulate the pitha , and quickly move on to accommodate the crowds behind them. Most people then go on to the Taleju temple, and circumambulate the inner courtyard, as they will on their return from the pithas of the goddesses of the following days.

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Figure 31.
Mohani. A group of Jyapu women going on the twice-daily visit to the day's mandalic^[*] pitha.

On this first day it is the god-house, tirtha and pitha of Brahmani to which the townspeople go.

In most houses, usually on the middle floor of the house, and also in each Tantric temple and god-house, a room or area is selected to be a locus of worship to Bhagavati (referred to in this setting sometimes simply as the "Mohani Dya:," the "Mohani God") during the Mohani sequence. During Mohani this room is called the "Na:la swa(n) " room, or simply "Na:la room.^[34] A layer of soil that has been gathered at one of the Mandalic^[*] Goddesses' tirtha s is spread on an area of the floor of the room. Barley grains are to be planted in this soil in the course of an important puja later in the day. For the upper thars , Chathariya, Pa(n)cthariya, Brahmans, and those Jyapu thars that have some special relation to Taleju, the barley will include grains given to them at the Taleju temple on this day, mixed with other barley grains. A connection between the goddess Taleju and Devi as the warrior goddess Bhagavati is thus established for them at the start.

After the barley has been distributed at the Taleju temple, the Taleju priests gather in that temple's Na:la swa(n) area, which is in one of the temple's inner courtyards or cukas , the Kumari Courtyard, to begin chanting the verses of the Puranic^[*] text the Devi Mahatmya in Sanskrit. The Devi Mahatmya will be read in successive divisions on each of the ten days of Mohani and completed on the final day. That text, as we have noted in chapter 8, provides many of the images and conceptions on which the forms, meanings, and arrangements of the dangerous goddesses in Bhaktapur are based. The sequences and images of Mohani follow it particularly closely. During and just prior to Mohani the stories of the Devi Mahatmya are told in Newari by storytellers in the public squares, and read out and recounted throughout the city by elders in many individual homes to assembled family members.

After the reading of the first portion of the Devi Mahatmya at the Taleju temple, barley will be planted in the soil in Taleju's Na:la swa(n) area in the course of a puja to Bhagavati. The planting must be done within a sait , a proper and auspicious span of time whose beginning and end are based on astrological considerations as determined by the Royal Astrologer of the central government in Kathmandu. The Na:la swa(n) planting in the Taleju temples of all three of the old Malla royal cities, Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhaktapur, will take place during this centrally determined span. There will be other such centrally determined saits on the seventh and the tenth days of Mohani.

There are common features in the contents and procedures in the Na:la swa(n) rooms in the Taleju temple, in the other temples and god-houses, and in private homes. We have noted the area of soil in which barley grains are planted on this first day. In the worship of the first day, prior to the time of the planting of the barley, it is also necessary to "establish" (sthapana ) the image that will represent Bhagavati most focally in the Na:la swa(n) room during the first phases of Mohani. Throughout most of Mohani Bhagavati is represented there by a particular kind of metal pot, a kalasa , or by a clay pot, thought of during Mohani as a kalasa , on which an image of Bhagavati as Mahisasuramardini has been painted on one side with, frequently, a pair of eyes painted on the other. On the eighth day of Mohani other images of Bhagavati will be added, usually a painted image on paper, and sometimes a metal image of the deity. As the barley sprouts the blades of the young plants will be a third reference to the warrior goddess. On this first day sacred water is poured into the kalasa and a small clay dish holding rice grains is placed as a cover over it. The kalasa is set on a bed of leaves of five different plants.^[35]

Before the puja to be held in the Na:la swa(n) room to the properly established deity, people, as they always do prior to important household worship, go to their local Ganesa^[*] shrine. Some people, in a reflection of the importance of the Mandalic^[*] Goddesses during Mohani, also go for prelimimary worship at the local mandalic^[*] areal pitha . The details of the home Na:la swa(n) puja vary for different thars and at different status levels. In general, the sequence has the following steps. The puja equipment and materials other than the kalasa have been gathered in an area in front of the patch of soil.

1. The sukunda , the oil lamp that contains representations of Ganesa^[*] , Siva, and of Sakti, is first worshiped.

2. Then the kalasa , representing Bhagavati, which had been placed on the soil and arranged as noted above, is worshiped.

3. Now the barley is spread on the soil and worked into it.

4. The soil is worshiped.

5. The kalasa and the soil are then worshiped together by means of offerings of the light of an oil-soaked wick and with the smell of incense.

6. As is appropriate in the worship of dangerous deities, and introducing the theme of sacrifice, which is a dominant theme of Mohani and of the Nine Durgas, the meat-containing mixture samhae , as well as

sweetcakes, fruits, and flowers are offered to these combined representations of the Goddess—the kalasa and the mixture of soil and barley grains. There will be no actual blood sacrifice until the climactic ninth day.

7. The family takes back some of the offerings as prasada .

In contrast to Chetri women who, according to Lynn Bennett (1983, 138), are forbidden entrance into their equivalent of the Na:la swa(n) room until the tenth day of Dasai(n), Newar women take part in this worship.^[36]

We may note here that the focus of worship is Devi, and not the Tantric Siva/Sakti relationship (although those upper-status families with Tantric initiations will, as in most pujas , add some reference to this relationship in a more or less peripheral fashion). The relation of the autonomous Goddess to the earth and to the processes of germination is established from the beginning.

The day introduces an activity that will reach a crescendo on the tenth day. Men, usually young men, from the mandalic^[*] area of the first day's Mandalic^[*] Goddess, Brahmani, who have made vows to that deity to perform a vrata on her special day during Mohani, perform a mata beigu , "a presentation of lights" at the Brahmani pitha . There are two varieties of this vrata . In one the man will sit on an armchair, with his forearms supported on the chair's arms. He wears a loincloth, a turban, and sunglasses (the latter two articles generally thought to suggest royalty). Seven oil lamps, small terracotta dishes with wicks floating in them, will be placed on his body,^[37] supported by an asana , a "seat" or base of cow dung mixed with mud. The lamps are lit and then kept full of oil by friends and family members. The devotee will sit relatively immobile for at least two or three, and sometimes as long as seven or eight, hours (see fig. 35). In the other major kind of mata beigu the devotee will lie covered with a thick mixture of mud and cow dung, on which 108 oil lamps have been placed. The man, also dressed in loin-cloth and sunglasses (although his position prevents his wearing a turban) will usually lie there for the full eight-hour period. This practice is both more expensive^[38] and more strenuous than the simpler mata beigu , and thus a greater offering.^[39] Both of these vratas are performed adjacent to the Brahmani pitha . On each successive day of Mohani, people of the particular mandalic^[*] area that is the focus of the day have their turn to fulfill pledges to perform a mata beigu vrata at their area's

pitha . On the tenth, the final day, men from all over the city as well as from hinterland villages outside it, do these kinds of vratas —and also, as we shall see, much more dramatic ones—en masse at the Brahmani pitha , which is once again on the final day the focus of an important part of the day's activities.

In the evening the stone that represents the goddess and its framing arch or torana^[*] , which together constitute the Brahmani pitha , are elaborately decorated with flowers, in patterns that are thought to resemble a flight of stairs. Thus the act of decoration is called swa(n) taki tanegu , "erecting a flower stairway." This form does not seem, at least to contemporary knowledge, to have any special significance aside from being a traditional decorative form. These decorations are made by local mandalic^[*] area groups, including areal guthis and groups of musicians, in honor of the goddess. Once again in the evening, as they had in the early morning, masses of people, accompanied by music, walk from their neighborhoods in groups to the Brahmani pitha following the same routes. They now emphasize flowers in their presentations to the Brahmani pitha . In contrast to the morning's procession, in the evening they do not bathe at the goddess' tirtha but go directly to the pitha . The routes they take through Brahmani's^[*] area had been previously cleaned by the local people in preparation for this day, and now lamps and decorations have been placed on shrines, open sheds, and various buildings along the routes. Arriving at the pitha , people quickly present their flowers and other offerings. Their offerings are part of the swa(n) taki tanegu . They then return to their homes.

The special events in the Taleju temple on this day begin a period of dense activity for that temple, much of which involves the "Malla king" as represented by the chief Taleju Brahman. The king is responsible for the ceremonial management of many temple activities. He is the central worshiper in the temple's Na:la swa(n) worship of this day, and will be important for the later activities that center in the Taleju temple,^[40] which also represents, as always when the Malla king is recreated, his palace. These activities require the assistance of representatives of many thars who perform what were their traditional specialities and responsibilities at the time of the Malla court.^[41] Mohani is the time in the annual festival cycle that the segment of Bhaktapur's society centering about the king, palace, and court is ceremonially reconstructed. This is done in large part within the Taleju temple as the "royal palace," and is hidden from the larger city. This represents, as so much symbolic

activity in Bhaktapur does, the reconstruction or maintenance of one of the city's cellular components, in this case one whose output was once essential to the traditional organization of the city.

The Second Day through the Sixth Day

On each of the next five days of Mohani the morning and evening processions and worship of the first day are exactly repeated, but on each day a new Mandalic^[*] Goddess and her pitha is the goal of the worship. The sequence continues in its daily movement around the periphery of the city in the clockwise circle of the compass points represented by the pithas . The mandalic^[*] pithas of these next five days are, in sequence, those of Mahesvari, Kumari, Vaisnavi^[*] , Varahi, and Indrani^[*] , that is, the pithas of the southeast, south, southwest, west, and northwest. On each day, following the morning visits, people return to their household Na:la swa(n) rooms to worship Bhagavati. Then, during the rest of the day they go about their ordinary affairs. In the evening they will once again go to the day's pitha , this time, again as on the first day, with the emphasis on flower offerings to augment the flower "stairway" constructed there by the people of the day's mandalic^[*] area. On each day the focal pitha is a focus for mata beigu vratas for people from the local mandalic^[*] area.

On the fifth day, the day of Varahi—the goddess in the form of a tusked wild boar—the bladed shoots of the barley planted in the Na:la swa(n) room usually begin to appear. The blades, which will eventually be taken to symbolize the sword of the conquering Bhagavati, are said to symbolize Varahi's tusks on this day.

The Seventh Day: Taking Down the Goddess Taleju

The systematic daily visits to the Mandalic^[*] Goddesses continue on this day with processions to the northern boundary pitha , that of Mahakali, as the focal point. But on the seventh day a new phase of the festival sequence begins with events at the Taleju temple in preparation for the special events of the following, the eighth, day. The preparations begin with the "taking down" of the goddess Taleju. Many people go to the outer courtyards of the Taleju temple, which become tightly packed with viewers. Within the limits of the astrologically determined proper time span, the sait , determined—like the sait on the first day for the proper planting of the barley grains in the Na:la swa(n) room in the Taleju temple—by the central government's Royal Astrologer in Kathmandu, an image of the goddess Taleju, wrapped in cloth decorated with gold and jewels in order to conceal it, is brought down from the room where

it is usually kept on the second floor of the temple. It is carried in a procession led by the chief Taleju Brahman, representing both the king and his Guru-Purohit,^[42] who carries the wrapped image, followed by a Josi and three Acajus from the Taleju staff. They are accompanied by musicians, and seven sword bearers. All these officials are dressed in the costumes of the Malla period. The concealment of the image, leading to speculation among the spectators as to whether the concealed image is the "true image" representing, or more accurately embodying the goddess, or a decoy, and if not, where in the procession that image might be, is part of the use of secrecy and mystery which we have discussed in chapter 9 and which is an important part of the Taleju component of Mohani. Yet, somewhere in the procession, whether it be the wrapped image or not, is, in fact, the "true" Taleju, the embodying and living form that for the people of Bhaktapur began its career as Indra's personal deity, and was, as recounted in Taleju's legendary history (chap. 8), eventually brought to Bhaktapur by Harisimhadeva^[*] . This procession, the taking down of Taleju, is thus considered a very powerful darsana , the showing herself to her devotees by the deity. Also included somewhere in the procession is Taleju's jatra image, which will be carried in a procession outside of the temple on the tenth and final day.^[43]

The procession enters the Taleju temple's main internal courtyard, the Mucuka ("main courtyard") at its inner end through the inner "Golden Gate," which has access to the upper parts of the temple.^[44] It then proceeds into the Kumari courtyard, which adjoins the main courtyard to the west, where the two Taleju images will be left. As the procession moves through the inner courtyard, the man who is at the head of the procession turns at three points, and the others follow. These turns signify yantras , diagrams of esoteric significance and power, traced out by the movements of the deities in the procession. The Kumari courtyard is closed off by a door from the main courtyard, and it is there the Na:la swa(n) worship has been taking place. Now, therefore, the goddess Taleju has been brought together at the Taleju temple with the kalasa representing the goddess Bhagavati and with the symbolism of the Na:la swa(n) room.^[45] Taleju will be left there until the tenth, the final day.

After the procession has brought the images to the Na:la swa(n) room, Taleju is worshiped there by the Taleju priests, and, in an introduction to the great number of blood sacrifices of the following day, a number of male goats are sacrificed to her. These are said to give her strength in preparation for the battles of the next day, and suggest Tale-

ju's identification now with the warrior Devi of the Devi Mahatmya myth. The throat of the first goat must be cut by the chief Brahman himself, while the others are then sacrificed by Josis. The Brahman completes the sacrifice of the first goat by decapitating it. One reason given for this initial sacrifice by the Brahman is his representation here of the Malla king, who is now making a sacrifice to Taleju as his own lineage god. As we have noted, people should, if they have the proper initiation, do their own sacrificing to their Aga(n) gods, and not delegate it to an Acaju. In addition to this representation, the Taleju Josis and Brahmans make sacrifices to Taleju during Mohani in their own right, as they believe their thar forbears did during the Malla period. During these sacrifices, the "Malla king" makes a daksina^[*] offering of gold coins to Taleju, as he will also do during subsequent sacrifices to her. The decapitated heads of these goats will be left in the Kumari court, along with the Taleju images, the kalasa , and the rest of the Na:la swa(n) room materials.

We have noted that the saits for certain Taleju activities during Mohani in each of the former Newar royal cities are set by the central government, that is, by the Saha king's astrologer, following a policy of the Saha kings from the time of the Valley's first one, Prthvi^[*] Narayana^[*] Saha, to maintain and support Newar festivals in the understanding that reference to royalty in them would now represent the new dynasty. During the "taking down" of the goddess Taleju at the proper sait , central government representatives who have come to Bhaktapur for this purpose and the staffs of the central government bureaus located (for local administrative purposes) in Bhaktapur are in attendance in the inner courtyard. This attendance is mandatory, and a roll call is taken to check their presence by a government official.

On this seventh day of Dasai(n) in Kathmandu, the seat of the central government, there is a procession honoring an image that is said to represent the lineage deity of the Saha kings^[46] (Anderson 1971, 146ff.; G. S. Nepali 1965, 406).^[47] This deity is said in Kathmandu to also represent Taleju who has become one of the Saha king's several protective deities. The procession there brings the image to the old royal palace, where it is placed in a Na:la swa(n) room, in the same way as is Bhaktapur's Taleju on this day.

The Eighth Day: Kalaratri

The Mandalic^[*] Goddess of this day is Mahalaksmi^[*] , at the northeast, and her pitha is the focus of the day's morning and

evening processions. But now additional activities are added to the continuing daily processions to the mandalic^[*]pithas . On this and the following day in the Na:la swa(n) rooms in individual homes and at the Taleju temple the climactic mythic events will take place which reflect the two days of battle and the eventual cosmic victory of the Goddess over Mahisasura^[*] , as recounted in the Devi Mahatmya .^[48] And on the final tenth day this victory, now completed, will be celebrated.

On this day in most of the Na:la swa(n) rooms in the city an image of Bhagavati in the form of Mahisasuramardi^[*] , the warrior goddess of the Devi Mahatmya, raised sword in hand, foot on the body of the defeated Asura in his water buffalo form, is introduced into the room. This warrior image is thus brought together in the same room with the kalasa , representing Devi. The Bhagavati image, usually a painting on paper, often supplemented by a second metal image, is placed not on but in front of the area of earth in which the barley is growing and on which the kalasa had been placed. The Bhagavati image will be offered a blood sacrifice on this day in temples and Aga(n) houses, and on the next, the ninth day, in homes—and blood cannot be spilled on the soil. At this time Devi as the full creator deity seems in the barley shoots and kalasa on the soil to represent fertility, while her partial manifestation as Bhagavati represents her ferocious warrior form who protects the gods and the city against their enemies.

If possible one or more swords are also put into the Na:la swa(n) room, and Bhagavati is decorated with tiny flags. Bhagavati is preparing for her great battle against the Asuras which will begin during the approaching night. In addition to the worship that has been repeated daily in the Na:la swa(n) room since the first day, the newly introduced Bhagavati image and the swords are worshiped with an offering of the meat-containing samhae . In the Tantric temples and Aga(n) Houses, in contrast to homes, preliminary blood sacrifices are offered on this day. In these Tantric settings blood sacrifices are routinely made and the sacrifice on this day does not have the special meaning that the unusual—and, for many households, unique—domestic blood sacrifice will have in private homes on the following day.

In the course of the evening of this eighth day, fitted in among the evening's other events, large feasts are held in people's homes. This is the first^[49] of three major household feasts, which take place on this and the following two evenings. In the feasts on these three days, there is much drinking. People who are drunk sometimes joke that they have become the warrior goddess through their intoxication.

On the approach of the night between the eighth and ninth days the focus of events moves to the Taleju temple. Large numbers of goats and buffaloes are to be sacrificed. A flock of some thirty goats^[50] is first brought to the temple. The lead goat, called "Nikhudugu,"^[51] must be of an unbroken black color and without physical defects.

A male water buffalo, called "Nikhuthu,"^[52] which like the lead goat, the Nikhudugu, must be all black and without blemish or defects, has been kept in a special shelter in the Byasi area of the Kwache(n) twa: . On this day the buffalo is given alcoholic spirits to drink, and is made drunk.^[53] In the Byasi area local women station themselves along the main road holding lit sukundas , whose oil has been taken from the Taleju temple. At Laeku Square, a Taleju Brahman dressed in traditional Newar clothes and carrying a sword and who represents the Malla king seats himself at the outer Golden Gate of the Taleju temple. It is now evening, perhaps seven or eight o'clock. The king sends three members of the Taleju staff, one of whom is a Nae, or butcher, the traditional sacrificers of water buffaloes, to fetch the buffalo and conduct it to him. When the envoys arrive at the house where Nikhuthu has been kept, his Jyapu keeper worships him and flicking sacred water on his body, asks him for assent to what is to follow, which will lead to his sacrifice and death. The buffalo signals his assent by shaking his body (which is the buffalo's usual response to being splattered with water). Then the staggering buffalo, accompanied by these functionaries and large crowds of people, is run through the streets to Laeku Square. Twenty-four other water buffalo bulls have also been brought to the square, and the Nikhuthu joins them. Now a formalized dialogue takes place between the king and the Nae, in which the Nae, on being queried by the king, swears six times to the identity and proper condition of the Nikhuthu.^[54] The lead buffalo is now brought into the temple. Now, one by one, twenty-four other buffaloes are brought by the Nae to the king. These are said to represent the twenty-four twa: s that are believed to have traditionally constituted Bhaktapur.^[55] Some of these buffalo are given the names of particular twa: s; others are not named. The Nae is queried by the king about each buffalo in turn, and each time the Nae swears, six times, to its proper condition. The formula used for Nikhuthu is repeated for each. The lead buffalo, Nikhuthu, represents the Asura king, Mahisasura^[*] . Each of the other buffaloes is said to represent one akshauhini^[*] , or army, of Asuras.

The sacrifice of the goats begins in the Taleju temple on the afternoon of this eighth day. The goats are sacrificed in the various areas of

the temple where its host of Tantric deities are located and represented. A major site for goat sacrifices is the Na:la swa(n) area of the Kumari courtyard, where the true Taleju image is—and where the heads of the goats sacrificed on the previous day had been left. Some goats are sacrificed in the Mucuka, the main inner courtyard where the principal buffalo sacrifice will later be held. These goat sacrifices are said to provide strength for Bhagavati in her continuing battle. The buffaloes, meanwhile, are tied to stakes in the main courtyard.

Now the inner courtyard of the Taleju temple begins to fill up as people come to witness the climactic events of Kalaratri. These begin before midnight of this eighth day and last until dawn, thus spanning the ending of the eighth day and the beginning of the ninth day. They represent the two-day battle described in the Devi Mahatmya . The preparation for battle starts with the sacrificing of two goats at the threshold of the now open inner Golden Gate that separates the main courtyard from the inner, central and most sacred parts of the temple. After asking for (and receiving a sign of) their permission to be sacrificed, and after then worshiping them and dedicating them to Taleju, the throats of the sacrificial goats are cut and their blood sprayed on, that is, offered to, the jatra image of Taleju. These sacrifices, like the previous ones, represent the strengthening of the Goddess in preparation for her battles, and thus Taleju is here conjoined with Bhagavati. After each goat dies it is decapitated.^[56]

At about this same time throughout the city in the upper thars ' Aga(n) houses one member of each phuki , or an Acaju (if there is no one with the proper initiation among the phuki ) sacrifices a male goat as an offering to the lineage deity. The phuki's Aga(n) Goddess is here, like Taleju, identified with Bhagavati, who herself is identified more and more clearly with Mahisasuramardini as Mohani proceeds.

Now in the Kumari courtyard, first the Nikhudugu, and then the remainder of the goats are being sacrificed. They must be killed by a Brahman or Josi, and not by an Acaju surrogate. The sacrifice of the goats takes several hours, the puja prior to the sacrifice of the Nikhudugu lasting, perhaps, some two hours. Each goat in turn must be asked permission to be sacrificed, and then be dedicated to Taleju and worshiped and then sacrificed with the proper ritual. The preparatory puja for the first sacrifice is considered to be the true beginning of the Kalaratri, the black night, in which in the mythic time of the Devi Mahatmya the goddess battles the Asuras.

In the main courtyard it is now time for the sacrifice of the buffaloes.

Two men from the Maha(n) Jyapu thars (which had provided the charioteers of Biska:), dressed only in short, apron-like loincloths and with their bodies rubbed with oil, stand on the elevated ledge that adjoins the two sides of the inner Golden Gate. These men are called the Hipha : men, the "receivers of blood."^[57] When these men are performing their ritual actions, they are called the "Hipha: gods." As Gods the two men represent a dangerous goddess and her consort whose names are esoteric secrets. (This goddess is represented elsewhere in Mohani as a member of the Gana^[*] Kumari and also as a form of the goddess in Taleju's Na:la swa[n] area.) They also represent the "right and left hands" of the Malla king and of Taleju. In their hands each holds a kalasa .

The same procedure will now be followed with each of the twenty-five buffaloes, starting with the Nikhuthu. The Brahman-king is the offerer of the sacrifice, but now the killing is done by the low-status Nae. This is a public sacrifice and as we have noted in chapter 9, blood sacrifice is only done by Brahmans (and Josis) in nonpublic settings.^[58] The king must ask the assent of the buffalo to the sacrifice.^[59] The king throws uncooked husked rice, flowers, and sacred water on their heads and bodies, which usually produces the shaking motion that signals assent. If this does not work, a flower is placed in the buffalo's ear, which invariably causes the necessary motion. The sacrifices begin with the sacrifice of the Nikhuthu. He is led to the open gate leading to the inner temple. The jatra image of Taleju is in front of him, just behind the open gateway. The two Hipha: Gods stand facing the buffalo, at each side of the gate. The buffalo's throat is cut by the Nae. His blood is sprayed first on the Taleju jatra image, and then into the kalasas of the two Hipha: Gods,^[60] who become splattered with blood. The Nae then decapitates the animal. Now, in turn, one by one, the remaining twenty-four buffaloes are sacrificed in the same way.

The sequence of sacrifices and their accompanying ceremonies last until dawn. After the last buffalo has been killed,^[61] people leave the Taleju temple. The sacrificial area and adjoining parts of the courtyard are now soaked with blood. The purification and cleaning of the temple that now follows is considered to be deeply secret. It is said that if unauthorized people were to see this it would be extremely dangerous to them, that they would die. The Hipha: men go to bathe in a bathing place in an inner courtyard of the temple, said to be a pond associated with the goddess Dui Maju.^[62] Taleju representatives from several different thars (particularly from among the Jyapus) come to do the traditional cleaning up. Also at this time a Po(n) untouchable comes to the

temple and "does something" that facilitates purification by transferring some of the impurity onto himself This is the only time during the year that a Po(n) can enter the inner parts of the Taleju temple.

Now the jatra image of Taleju is just inside the inner Golden Gate, which has now been closed, surrounded by twenty-five water buffalo heads and by two goat heads. The true Taleju image is in the Kumari court surrounded by more than twenty goat heads, from some of the goats that had been brought in a flock to the temple, plus other ones that had been offered and sacrificed by Taleju priests and by Chathar families descended from Malla kings. All the buffaloes are now considered to be representative of the Asuras, which have now been thoroughly vanquished in the setting of the Taleju temple, although the battle is still to be resolved later in the day elsewhere in the city.

Continuation of the Ninth Day: The Living Goddess Kumari and Emergence of the Nine Durgas

The ninth day of Mohani, which had been introduced with the events of the previous night, is the climax to the events of the first eight days. On this day the sequence of daily processions to the pithas of the Mandalic^[*] Goddesses reaches its central focus; the work at the Na:la swa(n) rooms comes to a climax; the living goddess Kumari makes her first major public appearance;^[63] and the Nine Durgas reappear, entering once again into the annual cycle, and preparing to carry forward the powerful meanings of Mohani.

The Mandalic^[*] Goddess of this day is the civic mandala's^[*] central goddess Tripurasundari. As we have discussed in chapter 8, she is not one of the host of goddesses of the Devi Mahatmya . In contrast to the peripheral Mandalic^[*] Goddesses who are, in their Devi Mahatmya versions at least (although not, necessarily, in other Puranic^[*] treatments), partial and limited goddesses, Tripurasundari represents the goddess as the full creator deity. Thus, as we have noted, she is not only a local areal Mandalic^[*] Goddess in her own right, but as the center of the mandala^[*] she concentrates and contains the partial forces of the peripheral goddesses in the same way that the Devi of the Devi Mahatmya does in that vivid narrative expression of this fundamental South Asian conception. In its focus on Tripurasundari the ninth day represents a completion of one important aspect of the cycle, while the tenth day, which returns once more to the first peripheral goddess Brahmani, is an opening out into the succeeding phase. The morning and evening processions to and worship of the Tripurasundari pitha is exactly like the worship

of the Mandalic^[*] Goddesses of the prior eight days. There is a morning procession to her tirtha (which is at the river at Khware),^[64] followed by worship at her pitha . In the evening great masses of people walk to the pitha again with flower offerings. After the evening pilgrimage people will go to view the new masks of the Nine Durgas, which are the first public signs of their reappearance after their long sleep.

On returning home in the morning from their visit to the Tripurasundari pitha , people go to worship in their Na:la swa(n) rooms. This is the one time in the year in which all Hindu Newars in Bhaktapur are expected to perform a blood sacrifice. For the very poorest people it may be the presentation of only an egg; others will offer a chicken or a duck, but, for those who can afford it, the ideal sacrificial animal is a male goat.^[65] The sacrificial animal's head is kept and will be presented as siu , the hierarchically distributed parts of the head (chap. 9), during the family feast, which will be held on the tenth and final day.

While these sacrifices are going on in households throughout the city there is a sacrifice of a number of goats and buffaloes on Bhaktapur's Laeku Square. This is done by members of the Nepalese army, with accompanying rituals performed by non-Newar Brahmans.^[66] These public ceremonies are considered to have been introduced after the time of the Malla kings. Although the Taleju sacrifices of the Kalaratri and, in fact, of the Mohani period^[67] had previously come to an end, the Na:la swa(n) room sacrifices, and Laeku Square sacrifices, are considered to be representations of the ongoing mythic battle.

Associated with the Na:la swa(n) worship of this day is the worship of household members' tools and implements of trade. Some of these may be brought into the Na:la swa(n) room, but the larger implements are worshiped at their usual locations. Potters worship their wheels, women their looms, farmers and dyers their special tools, truck drivers their trucks, and so forth. The implements are thought of sometimes as Devi, sometimes as Visvakarma, whom the Puranas^[*] describe as "the inventor of innumerable kinds of handicrafts, the architect of the gods, maker of all kinds of ornaments, and the most famous sculptor" (Mani 1975, 869). Blood sacrifices are generally made to the tools.^[68]

As we have noted (chap. 8), Bhaktapur gives the same name to, and in part condenses,^[69] Kaumari, the Mandalic^[*] Goddess derived from the Devi Mahatmya and other lists of Matrkas, and Kumari, the maiden goddess. Worship of the latter form is commonly associated with the

South Asian Dasai(n) Festival. The Devi Bhagavata Purana^[*] , for example, specifies that young girls (in this case at two years of age) should be worshiped during the Navaratri puja . Traditionally for South Asia—and reflected in the events of the day in Bhaktapur—"there are no hard and fast rules as to how many Kumaris should be worshiped and as to the manner and method of the worship. . .. Age alone does not render [a] Kumari suitable for worship. They should be absolutely free from [skin] ulcers, leprosy, ugliness, squint-eyes, dwarfishness, lameness, bad odor, stigma of low birth, etc." (Mani 1975, 439). Chakravarty, however, writing of Kumari worship, emphasizes the unimportance of the "stigma of low birth." "Maidens of all castes not exceeding sixteen years in age may be worshipped without making any distinction of caste" (1972, 81). He adds that in contrast to the sometimes "hidden ritualistic orgies" that sometimes accompany the Tantric tradition of the worship of adult women "as forms of the Mother Goddess," the worship of the child Kumari is "quite sober."

Kumari worship, as the worship of girls who become princess-like "living Kumaris,"^[70] is highly developed in the three old Newar royal cities, and has been a subject of scholarly as well as popular interest.^[71] The various major "living Kumaris" of the Kathmandu Valley are really a heterogeneous group, Bhaktapur's main one differing, for example, in status and conditions of her life from the major Kathmandu Kumari.

On the morning of this ninth day, after completing the blood sacrifice and worship in the Na:la swa(n) room, most families at some other location in the house worship the young, premenstrual girls in the family. They may worship one girl alone as Kumari,^[72] and, sometimes, if there is more than one girl, as some set of goddesses. Thus three girls may represent the set of goddesses Mahalaksmi^[*] , Mahakali, and Mahasarasvati, or nine girls, the Nine Mandalic^[*] Goddesses. However the family girls worshiped, whatever their symbolism as a group, are thought of individually as Kumari. It is said that the motive of these pujas on this day is not to honor the girls, but to use them as vehicles to bring the Goddess into the home.

Kumari as a "living goddess" is worshiped in two representations at the Taleju Temple during the course of the day. In the first and less elaborate representation she is one member of the Gana^[*] Kumari,^[73] the "retinue" of Kumari. This troupe consists of eleven young children of the high-status Buddhist Bare thar , the same thar that provides the main Kumari.^[74] These children are selected each year (a child may be reselected in succeeding years) by the Bare themselves and will have no

further ceremonial role to play, at least in the Hindu life of the city, aside from on this day. Two of them are boys representing, respectively Ganesa^[*] and Bhairava.^[75] The nine girls in the group represent the nine Mandalic^[*] Goddesses, with the exception that the girl who represents the ninth goddess is not Tripurasundari, but a goddess of esoteric importance in the Taleju temple, Ugracandi. In the course of their preparation and dressing by the Bare, monhi (the pigment derived from lamp black, and which is of Tantric importance for facilitating possession by a deity), which has been sent from the Taleju temple, is placed on the foreheads of the children. Members of the Taleju staff go to the Dipankara vihara , a Buddhist religious and social community in the northeastern part of the city, to conduct the Gana^[*] Kumari to the Taleju temple. The king waits at an intermediate place along the processional route in the Sukuldhoka neighborhood and joins Kumari and his envoys there for the return to the Taleju temple. The details of this procession and its membership and procedures are generally the same as the one that will fetch the main Kumari, the Ekanta Kumari, later in the day, and will be described below. But in contrast with procedures for the selection of the Ekanta Kumari, the members of the Gana^[*] Kumari group are selected and inspected for the proper physical state (whose characteristics we will note in connection with the main Kumari) by members of the Bare thar without having to have any additional examination and confirmation by Taleju priests.

The children are greeted at a special Kumari god-house in the Kwache(n) twa: by the delegation. Each one of them is taken and carried by a Jyapu woman (of one of the Jyapu groups traditionally associated with the Taleju temple) who carries them in her arms in a procession. They are first brought to the outside courtyard of the Taleju temple, and then with a greeting and purifying ceremony, the lasakusa , led into the main inner courtyard. The king welcomes them there and washes their feet, as he would visiting deities. The children are then led to a room within the temple on the northeast part of its upper floor, where they are worshiped by the king and the Taleju priests, and by members of the Malla and Pradhananga^[*]thars . These are descendants of the Malla kings, whose lineage goddess is, thus, Taleju.^[76] In the course of the worship these living deities are asked to destroy the power of the Asura enemies of the king and the city. The king is considered the main worshiper, and the worship is for his protection as ruler and for the protection of the city. In contrast with the main Kumari, there is no legendary explanation of this group known to us (although, as we have

noted, such groupings of deities are elsewhere in South Asia associated with Dasai[n]), but the gathering of these representatives of the Mandalic^[*] Matrkas into the Taleju Temple signifies not only the gathering together of the areal forces but also their association with and (as the subsequent Kumari worship indicates more clearly) their incorporation into the power and centrality of Taleju herself.

As they will with the main Kumari later in the day, the priests watch the behavior of the child deities for omens—messages from the deities. While the later omens from the main Kumari will be messages for the king himself concerning his own fate, these are considered messages for the people, for the city in general. That is, this group of Mandalic^[*] Goddesses, plus Ganesa^[*] and Bhairava, speak to and about the city, while the lone Kumari, who, as we will see later, is a manifestation of Taleju herself, speaks to the king, as the personification of traditional political power. It is the function of the main Taleju Josi to interpret the signs. In contrast to the main Kumari, who tends to act seriously in her role as goddess, the child deities of this group usually act like a group of children. They laugh, sometimes fight, tell the priests that they want to go to the toilet or want to go home. The omens are fairly generalized and simple to interpret. If the children fight or cry, it is a bad sign. If they laugh too much or act foolishly, it is also unpropitious, as it would be if they refused food offerings made to them or if they accept them but then eat them too hungrily or with evident greed. The ideal portent, in short, is if they behave properly as guests at a feast.

In contrast to the Gana^[*] Kumari, the main living Kumari (see fig. 32) has her local legends. She is sometimes called the "Ekanta Kumari," the lone or solitary Kumari, to distinguish her from other forms,^[77] but more usually just Kumari. For local informants "Ekanta" implies, in reference to Kumari, that she is the "sole goddess," that is, the Goddess in her full and complete form, as is Taleju, whom she represents.

The Malla kings of Bhaktapur, the story goes, used to talk freely with the goddess Taleju, who often appeared to them in her divine form. One day the goddess saw the king watching her in the way a spy does when trying to discover something about someone without their knowing about it, something that they may wish to hide. Because of this Taleju became angry at the king, and said she would not return anymore. He pleaded with her to come again to him. She said, "Because of what you did I will never appear to you again. But I will talk to you now in the body of a candala^[*] , an untouchable girl." There are other versions of the

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Figure 32.
The living goddess Kumari. People are making offerings and receiv-
ing prasada.

story, but they differ principally in the reason given for the anger of Taleju. Thus, in another telling, the king had a diamond that he cherished. Taleju advised him to keep that diamond secret from everyone. But one day the king's daughter somehow saw the diamond. Taleju became angry and the rest of the story followed.^[78] These stories go on to say that when the king told the Brahmans what had happened, they said, "We cannot bring a Po(n) girl (Bhaktapur's equivalent of a candala^[*] ) here into the temple, but we can choose a Bare's daughter." Thus the water-unacceptable Bare became, according to these Hindu legends,^[79] a compromise substitute for the truly unclean girl with which the angry Taleju—and the Tantric tradition—threatened priestly Bhaktapur.

The child who is the Ekanta Kumari always comes from the same Bare lineage group. She is selected by members of that group among the girls of their phuki . She is usually about six or seven years of age (and thus premenarche) and must not yet have had her Ihi , mock-marriage, ceremony. She must not have lost any teeth (which is one reason that seven is a critical age), nor have any obvious physical defects or blemishes. In contrast to the living Kumaris of Patan and Kathmandu, who maintain their role as goddess for several years and who will find themselves in a permanently altered and disadvantaged state after their tenure as goddess (for they will be unable to marry), the Bhaktapur Kumari plays her part for only a year or two, and lives an ordinary Newar life after it is finished. Furthermore, her only function for the city as a whole is on this and the following day of Mohani, although she is an occasional focus of worship from time to time in her local area, where she and her family will inhabit the nearby special god-house of the living Kumari, in a place called "Casukhel," during her tenure.^[80] Even during this period, however, when not at the center of local worship she can play with other children and go to school.

In contrast with the children of the Gana^[*] Kumari, whose physical propriety was not checked by the Taleju staff, the Ekanta Kumari is checked three times prior to the ninth day. Three days before the beginning of Mohani and again on the fourth and sixth day of the Mohani cycle, a Taleju Brahman—representing the king and the Brahmans—and a Josi and an Acaju from the temple go to the Dipankara vihara to inspect her. They check to see if she has the required physical characteristics. If not, another girl must be substituted. They do not, as a matter of fact, check her completely. She is clothed, and they examine only her face, teeth, and extremities. They ask the responsible Vajracarya

Buddhist priest to swear an oath that her entire state is proper for her to be Kumari, which he does on each of the three occasions.^[81]

By now the children of the Gana^[*] Kumari have finished their time at the Taleju temple, and have been carried back to the living Kumari's god-house in Casukhel. Now once again, the Brahman-king, the Josi, and the Acaju proceed from the Taleju temple to the Sukuldhoka area, to a position along the southern circumference of the city's main processional route as it enters the upper city and wait there. Now members of the Jyapu Kalu thar , thought to have been traditionally messengers for the Malla kings, go, accompanied by musicians, to the living Kumari god-house, where the girl is now staying. She is now elaborately dressed and decorated to represent the goddess, and her forehead has been marked with monhi . The messengers bring her back to the waiting king and priests. The king now takes her in his arms and carries her, accompanied by the other members of the procession, back along the processional route to the Taleju temple. When they arrive there she is met at the entrance to the temple's inner courtyard by another set of priests who welcome her and by means of a laskusa ceremony lead her to the door leading into the Kumari court. Now the king washes her feet, as the feet of the Gana^[*] Kumari gods had earlier been washed, and bows down to her. He then lifts her again and carries her into the Kumari court. In that court is the Na:la swa(n) area, the true image of the goddess Taleju, and the decapitated goat heads from the preceding day.^[82] The blood, however, has been cleaned from the floor, making the scene less horrible, and the heads have been neatly arranged.^[83] Now Kumari becomes the focus of worship, with the king as the chief worshiper. During the worship, which takes perhaps two hours, the girl's behavior is carefully watched. This is the time of the annual darsana , or manifestation of Taleju in the form of the living Kumari to the king. The staff, under the leadership of the Josi, will later interpret her actions as a sign of future events, as they had interpreted the actions of the Gana^[*] Kumari. The staff looks for two different things. First they look for some sign in the girl's behavior, something in her action that seems more knowing or mature than the ordinary behavior of a six-year-old girl that will confirm to them that the goddess is present. This is for their own satisfaction, for however the child acts, that action is taken as a manifestation of Taleju, and as a sign. More important (at least it was in the Malla times) is their search for omens. As with the Gana^[*] Kumari, the child's measured acceptance of food and offerings, neither rejection nor gluttony are good signs, as is the quiet, good-natured acceptance of

the worship, manifesting neither silliness, tears, nor a desire to go home as soon as possible. Proper or improper behaviors are interpreted as giving some very general indication of the sort of year that is in store for the king. In the days of the Malla kings, it is said, the Kumari's behavior actually affected the kings' policy. Now if, and only if, there is some particularly dramatic or portentous occurrence, the Saha king's priest in Kathmandu is informed of it. Although the Ekanta Kumari, like the members of the Gana^[*] Kumari, is a vehicle for a god, the deity does not possess her in the same way as it will the members of the Nine Durgas troupe, who become the deities in an uncanny transformation. She is a child through whose ordinary behavior the goddess manifests herself.

At the end of the worship the priests take prasada from the child goddess, and she is brought out of the Kumari courtyard into the main inner courtyard. Now the king calls for music, and musicians, who are in adjoining courtyards, begin to play. People, who have come in large numbers and now pack the inner courtyard, bow to her and take prasada from her if they can. In the main courtyard the priests transfer her to her Vajracarya priest, who conducts her back to her god-house along the main jatra route, where multitudes of people wait to see her and receive prasada from her (see fig. 32).

On the evening of this ninth day and on the following day there are a number of public events that signal the imminent return of the Nine Durgas to Bhaktapur. During the weeks before Mohani members of that family among the Pu(n) thar which has the hereditary right and responsibility to prepare the masks of the Nine Durgas troupe have been making the masks with the proper and traditional ritual and technical procedures (Teilhet 1978). The masks include among their ingredients a mixture of a specially gathered and prepared clay mixed with some of the ashes saved from the cremation of the previous year's masks. Also during this period the members of the Gatha thar who will perform and become the Nine Durgas are engaged in the secret activities that will ensure the successful and proper public effectiveness of their representation of the Nine Durgas.

On their return from their evening procession to the Tripurasundari pitha many people pass through the courtyard of a special house in the Yache(n) twa: , where the thirteen masks that will be used by the Gatha are arranged side by side on a platform. Many of them then wait along the route on which the Gathas will chase a bull water buffalo, in an echo of the running of the Nikhuthu to the Taleju temple on the previous day. This buffalo is called the "Kha(n) Me:." Me : means "water buffa-

lo," and Kha(n) is a term of uncertain meaning here, although the same term is used as one name of the Na:la swa(n) room, where it is locally interpreted to mean "sword." The Kha(n) Me: has been kept in a special room on the cheil , the ground floor, of the Nine Durgas' god-house. It has been made drunk, as had the Nikhuthu, and now staggering and lurching toward the bystanders, is chased by the Gathas—who are in their ordinary clothes and are not yet the Nine Durgas—from the god-house down to Dattatreya Square, where great crowds of people are waiting to watch it, and then on to the Brahmani pitha , which will be a focus of secret activities for the Gatha during the night, and one of the centers of the next, the tenth, day's activities. The Kha(n) Me:, like Nikhuthu, represents the great Asura, Mahisasura^[*] . This echo of the previous days' events represents, with the involvement of the low-status, marginally clean Gatha, a movement of the Devi myth out of the Royal and aristocratic Taleju temple, and into the demotic realm of the city.

Later in the night, when people are asleep, the Gatha go to "steal" the masks. Those who happen to be abroad in the city during the night avoid the areas on the route from the house where the masks were displayed to the Brahmani pitha where the next Gatha activities will take place, because they fear that to see these things will cause death. The Kha(n) Me: will be secretly sacrificed at the Brahmani pitha by the Gatha during the night. The sacrifice follows the procedures for the Nine Durgas' sacrifices, which we will describe below. The Gathas as the Nine Durgas are at the same time the sacrificers and the deities to whom the sacrifices are offered, and they will drink some of the blood of the Kha(n) Me:. The drinking of this blood, the "life blood," is appropriate to dangerous deities but would be fatal to humans. This thus signals that the Gatha have become the Nine Durgas. It is said that at the Brahmani pitha on this night the Gatha, wearing their costumes as gods, do their first dances as deities for the new cycle. They have not yet, however, attained their full power. This is a preliminary stage during which their slowly waxing powers derive from their sacrifice and from their worship of Brahmani. They will attain their full siddhi , or supernatural effectiveness, from Taleju in the course of the events of the final, the tenth day of Mohani.

The Tenth Day: The Taleju Jatra, and the Transfer of Power to the Nine Durgas

On the morning of this day people dress in their best clothes, the women if possible wearing one of their most beautiful saris , and go

for the last time from their neighborhoods along the jatra route, joining in a great mass of people to visit one of the protective Mandalic^[*] Goddesses of the city. This time they go once more, as they did on the first day of Mohani, to the eastern pitha , that of Brahmani, stopping as they had on the first day to wash or sprinkle themselves with water at her tirtha . Even people who might not have gone previously join in on this day, and large numbers of people from surrounding villages and towns also join in,^[84] so that many thousands of people converge. Seated near the pitha are scores of music groups, playing—each group its own music—at the same time. At the pitha the corpse of the Kha(n) Me: is lying. The Gatha, dressed in their Nine Durgas costumes, which are now splattered with blood, stand close to the buffalo's corpse. Their masks, which have been marked with monhi and other sacred pigments lie on the ground. As people file by the pitha they worship not only Brahmani as they did on the first day but also the Nine Durgas group, represented by the masks. Each person is given a bit of meat from the buffalo carcass, which they eat as prasada , thus sharing in the killing of the buffalo, and in Devi's victory over Mahisasura^[*] .

This morning is the major time for the fulfillment of the pledges for the "offering of lights" vrata (see fig. 33). This is the sitting or lying supine of young men for many hours on end, supporting burning oil lamps, which we described in our discussion of the first day. On this tenth day another, a much more strenuous way of fulfilling such pledges is also done. The devotee will move starting from his home, and then join and proceed along the city jatra route to the Brahmani pitha in one of two ways. He may move forward by lying on the ground, and then alternately rolling himself up into a ball, then extending his body forward, and then rolling it up again by bringing his legs up toward his head while keeping his most forward position, slowly proceed along the jatra route. Another way of proceeding is by alternatively kneeling, prostrating himself, moving his knees forward, rising on his knees, making a gesture of respect, standing up, and then kneeling again. In this latter method a friend or family member may help support a burning oil lamp on his head as he proceeds. These vratas are performed for the same kinds of purposes as we have described for the much more ordinary offerings of lights, but are usually motivated by more severe problems. The devotees, dressed in loincloths, and wearing turbans, have their knees and elbows heavily bandaged to protect them from injury.^[85]

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Figure 33.
A vrata, an offering of light at the Brahmani pitha on the tenth day
of the Mohani festival.

As people leave the Brahmani pitha and enter the main city festival route again, many of them proceed to the Taleju temple. When they pass Sukuldhoka on their way to that Temple they encounter the living goddess, the Ekanta Kumari, seated there at the side of the road. People stop and worship her and give her small offerings and take prasada from her (see fig. 32). When they reach the temple they enter the main courtyard. The fifteen buffalo heads have been arranged in three rows of five each just in front of the closed inner Golden Gate behind which is the jatra image of Taleju. The head in the center of the row just adjoining the gate is considered to be the Nikhuthu. People circumambulate the buffalo heads, walking along the raised ledge just in front of the inner gate in order to do so. The people will now return to their homes for their final activities in the household Na:la swa(n) rooms.

At Taleju the true Taleju image has been in the temple's Na:la swa(n) area, the Kumari court. The activities that will take place there must take place during the proper astrologically determined sait , one of three such saits that are important to the temple's activities during this tenth day. Two of these saits are locally determined by the Taleju Josis; one of them, the taking up of the true Taleju image is, like the two earlier saits of the Mohani period, determined by the central government's astrologer. The first event is a visarjan , a "taking leave" ceremony. During the proper sait the Taleju priests will now complete their reading of the Devi Mahatmya , and do a final puja to the combined Taleju-Bhagavati in the Kumari courtyard. At the end of the worship the goat heads are removed. They will be distributed to members of the Taleju staff, to be cooked and distributed as siu in their next household feast.^[86] All the other objects in the room are left in place until the second of the day's saits , the "tika sait ." This may come immediately after the "taking leave" worship, or may be some hours later. At this time the king gives a tika (a pigmented mixture that is placed on the image or specifically on the forehead if the offering is to an anthropomorphic representation or to a person) to Taleju. He also presents her with barley shoots brought from the Na:la swa(n) rooms in the homes of each of the Taleju priests. These shoots, conceived of now in part as swords, represent Devi's great victory. Then each of the priests takes back some of the tika mixture and barley shoots from the Taleju image. They are now prasada . Each priest then gives tika and some of the barley shoots to each of the others. The barley shoots in the temple's own Na:la swa(n) room are left undisturbed for the time being. During this tika sait the non-priest members of the Taleju staff and members of their families, as well

as the families of the priests, wait in the Taleju main courtyard, outside of the Kumari courtyard. The Taleju priests then leave the Kumari courtyard and give Taleju prasada to them.

Meanwhile the people who have returned from the Brahmani pitha , perhaps via Taleju, go to their Na:la swa(n) room for the final worship there. A puja is held for the representations of Devi, that is, for the kalasa and the Bhagavati image. During the course of this last puja the worshipers do something that is usually restricted to Tantric worship. Using a special oil lamp, often in the shape of a reclining skeleton with the lamp bowl over its genitals, they prepare the lamp-black pigment, monhi , which the worshipers then apply to their foreheads in a straight vertical black line. In esoteric Tantric practices, that monhi mark is used to facilitate the entrance of a deity into the worshiper's body, but here it is a routine ritual gesture. People take pieces of red cloth, which had been brought into the room on the eighth day, and tie them around their necks in another sign of Devi's victory. The blades of barley are now pulled out of the soil and offered to the Devi images, and then some of them are taken back by the worshipers who decorate themselves with them. On the eighth day a pumpkin-like gourd, a bhuiphasi ,^[87] had been placed in the Na:la swa(n) room to represent the Asura. Now the men and young boys in the household take the bhuiphasi out of the Na:la swa(n) room, along with one or more of the swords that had been kept there, and "kill" it by giving it three slashing cuts. They jokingly brandish the swords, pretending to be Ksatriya^[*] warriors. This little domestic victory parade is a forerunner of the goddess Taleju's public victory jatra that will take place later in the evening. Now the men and boys, carrying the swords, return to the Na:la swa(n) room, and they and the other family members take prasada from the goddesses. The bhuiphasi will then be cut up and distributed to all people in the household to eat and once again to share in the killing and the victory.

The Na:la swa(n) worship, which has lasted throughout Mohani, is now over. The remnants of the barley plants are placed on the household pikha lakhu . The soil, the special kalasa , and the Bhagavati painting are left in the room until the fifth day following the end of Mohani, that is, until the next full-moon day. Then the soil is sent to be thrown into the river, the painting hung on a wall, the kalasa stored, and any metal Bhagavati image that might have been used returned to the household puja area.

On this or one of the immediately following nights many households

hold feasts. Married-out household women and their families are invited to the house for these feasts and offered various prasada items from the household Na:la swa(n) room.

Meanwhile in the Taleju temple the priests await the third sait of the day, which will be the proper time for Taleju's jatra . This consists of an internal jatra first within the temple, and a subsequent external one that moves out through the city. In both of these the details of the movements of the goddess Taleju are determined by the position of the moon at the time of the sait . She must be carried in such a way that the moon is either in front of her or at her right in the first movements of her procession.

Just before this sait an esoteric form of Devi^[88] in her warrior manifestation, which had been placed on the soil before the barley seeds were planted, is removed and taken to her quarters in the temple, and the remaining barley shoots are taken up. People have come to the Taleju temple and wait in the inner courtyard to watch the "taking up" of Taleju, the internal jatra . At the proper time a procession leaves the Kumari court. This includes seven people carrying swords, and three others carrying secret objects wrapped in cloth, and covered with flowers, jewels, and barley shoots. Among them is the true Taleju image. The procession goes through the main court and enters the inner Golden Gate. It is led by the king carrying one of the bundles in his hand. He again stops at three points within the main courtyard and turns in a movement that designates a yantra . The exact movements are determined by the position of the moon. The procession then proceeds to carry the true Taleju goddess upstairs again to her room, where she will remain until the next year's Mohani.

The final phase of Mohani is a literal and symbolic moving outward, both into the city and into the new cycle, which begins at this time of harvest. This is enacted in the public victory procession of the goddess Taleju, and is called "Paya(n) Nhyakegu." Nhyakegu means to "cause to move," "to be put into motion." The word "paya(n) " is now used only in this context in Bhaktapur, and its meaning is unknown to our informants.^[89]

The procession assembles in the main courtyard of the Taleju temple. The Taleju jatra image is taken from behind the inner Golden Gate, where it had been left since the previous night. The king takes the jatra image, covered with cloths and ornaments, and goes to an external

courtyard of the temple, the Bekwa (or "zigzag") courtyard. He stands there holding the goddess, and now there begins a conventionalized little drama which takes its context from the legend of the origin and movements of the goddess Taleju, which we have presented in chapter 8. The king, "played" by the chief Taleju Brahman, now represents Harisimhadeva^[*] , the exile from Kanauj who—according to local history—became king in Bhaktapur and established his lineage deity Taleju, whom he had brought with him, as the city's protective "political" deity. The king is met in the courtyard by a Jyapu who plays the part of a merchant visiting from the Indian city of Simraun Gadh^[*] , the city from which Harisimhadeva^[*] had come. The merchant has a carrying pole over his shoulder with baskets at either end, which is identified as "the Newar style" of carrying loads. The king asks the merchant where he comes from. The merchant tells him that he has been sent from Simraun Gadh^[*] by the king Nandideva, who sends his respects and good wishes to the king of Bhaktapur and the goddess Taleju. Now in what is to all local people including the actors an incomprehensible part of the sequence, one that is believed to be a comic interlude, the king asks the merchant whether one can still buy nine pathi of rice for a one-dan coin in Simraun Gadh^[*] . The messenger answers that one still can. The king then asks, "Everything is still cheap and untroubled there?" The Merchant answers affirmatively. He answers with a farcical double-meaning phrase. "Everything is fine; things are well up into other things," a sexual reference that makes the king and bystanders laugh. The king then asks him whether he brought anything with him from Nandideva in Simraun Gadh^[*] . The merchant says he has, and then shows and presents some ta:syi fruits, a kind of citron, to the king and to Taleju. The little drama is then over. This episode, although vaguely naturalized into Bhaktapur's legendary history, is a mystery to the people of Bhaktapur.^[90]

The Taleju jatra procession forms in front of the temple. First in order are two Jyapus, who will walk abreast carrying representations of Bhairava. Next comes a Pa(n)cthariya who carries a sword. He is followed by the two other high-status sword bearers, the second a member of the Chathar Ta:cabhari thar , and the third a Brahman. Each of the three sword bearers represents an esoteric warrior form of Devi. At the center of the procession is the Taleju jatra image carried by the king, and followed by a white horse, Taleju's vehicle. And, now, at the end of the procession come the Gatha, dressed as the Nine Durgas. The Nine Durgas have their own order in the procession. The portable shrine of

their own deity the Siphadya:, identified with Mahalaksmi^[*] , is carried first. It is followed, in order, by Bhairava and Mahakali, the group's dominant deities, and they, in turn, by Varahi. The next group comes in the order of the sequence (in both their position around the city and their respective days during Mohani) of the peripheral Mandalic^[*] Goddesses (except for Mahakali and Varahi, who have already appeared). This sequence is Brahmani, Mahesvari, Kumari, Vaisnavi^[*] , and Indrani^[*] . These goddesses are followed in turn by Sima, Duma, Seto Bhairava, and finally Ganesa^[*] .

The direction that the procession will take was determined by the sait , which also determined the way in which the true Taleju image was carried within the temple. In this case the procession will go to either the upper or the lower part of the city depending on the position of the moon so that, as in the earlier procession within the temple, the moon will in the first out-moving phase of the procession, be either at Taleju's right or in front of her.^[91]

Whichever route the procession takes, it loops back via Ga:hiti Square, the spatial focus of much of the Biska: festival. Here the focal point is the stone deity Swtuña Bhairava. When the procession reaches the stone, the entire procession circumambulates it. The Brahman carrying Taleju then stops at a designated point at the right side of a Siva temple^[92] in the square. It is at this point that the Nine Durgas will demonstrate their submission to Taleju. The members of the group, in the same order in which they have marched in the procession, come to "say farewell" to Taleju. They come to the wrapped image, bow and embrace it twice. In esoteric understanding it is through these embraces the power of the Nine Durgas is raised, each one in its turn, to their full power.^[93] Now the Nine Durgas, having said farewell, leave the procession and return to their god-house, stopping to perform formal dances at certain places along the route. Taleju, her work for this elaborate festival being completed for another year with the empowering of the Nine Durgas, returns directly to her temple. On their return there Taleju and her entourage are met just inside the external Golden Gate by a Brahman who had remained behind. He performs a welcoming and purifying laskusa ceremony, and leads the image back into her room in the inner temple, where it will be kept until the next Mohani.

While Taleju is being returned to her inner chamber, her white horse vehicle, which had left the procession at the entrance to Laeku Square and had been met there by a Taleju Acaju, is decorated with an offering of swaga(n) . Then it is led by the Acaju—who runs while leading it by a

rope—in three movements, first to the Golden Gate, then back to the entrance to the square, and then, finally, back to the Golden Gate, where it is taken into the temple.

Now the Devi cycle, insofar as it is a set of events within the annual lunar calendar, is finished. The cycle is continued now in the wanderings of the Nine Durgas over the next nine months, as they move throughout the entire city and many of its hinterland communities.