1. Charles E. Hendry in 1947, quoted in Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 281-282. Hendry was the director of the American Jewish Congress's Commission on Community Interrelations, a key source of support and funding for behavioral research on prejudice in the postwar era. [BACK]

2. The definitive recent work on Myrdal is Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience. Jackson's excellent analysis illuminates not only important biographical issues but An American Dilemma itself and its central role in the development of a lasting liberal orthodoxy on race and race relations in the United States. Although not intended to illuminate the history of psychological experts, Jackson's treatment of the origins, course, and eventual failure of racial liberalism shares important characteristics with my description of the World War II worldview and the challenges eventually directed against it. [BACK]

3. Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 32-33. [BACK]

4. Henry Murray in Milton Senn, "Insights on the Child Development Movement in the United States," quoted in Steve Joshua Heims, The Cybernetics Group (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 65. For more on Lawrence K. Frank's life and career, see Margaret Mead's obituary in American Sociologist 4 (February 1969):57-58. [BACK]

5. Walter A. Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective:

The Wartime Context of Gunnar Myrdal's An American Dilemma," in The Estate of Social Knowledge, ed. Joanne Brown and David K. van Keuren (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 209-227; Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, chap. 4. [BACK]

6. Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective," 222; Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 163. [BACK]

7. Gunnar Myrdal to Gustav Cassel, 5 March 1940, quoted in Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective," 214; Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 139. [BACK]

8. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 1022-1024. [BACK]

9. To Secure These Rights: The Report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947), 139. [BACK]

9. To Secure These Rights: The Report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947), 139.

10. Ibid., 145-146. [BACK]

11. Myrdal drew scores of U.S. social and behavioral scientists into the project. Of the individuals whose postwar work is addressed at length in this chapter, Kenneth Clark and E. Franklin Frazier were directly involved. [BACK]

12. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 928, emphasis in original. For amplification, see the section rifled "The Negro Community as a Pathological Form of an American Community" in chap. 43. [BACK]

13. Otto Klineberg, ed., Characteristics of the American Negro (New York: Harper & Row, 1944). [BACK]

14. For a discussion of Klineberg's importance in the debate about race and intelligence during the late 1920s and 1930s, see Carl N. Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 179-186. [BACK]

15. This is one of Jackson's major conclusions as well. See Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, esp. chap. 7. [BACK]

16. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, xlvii-xlviii, emphasis in original. [BACK]

17. See the photograph in Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 84. [BACK]

18. Sissela Bok, Alva Myrdal: A Daughter's Memoir (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1991), 159. [BACK]

19. On the couple's collaborative work and on Alva's wartime views, see Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, chaps. 2 and 4. During the Myrdals' temporary return to Sweden in 1940-41, they coauthored a book about the United States designed to stiffen the anti-Nazi resolve of the Swedish population. In this book, Kontakt med Amerika (Contact with America), they dwelled on the virtues of democratic morale and formulated the outlines of the "American Creed," which would become the central theme in An American Dilemma. [BACK]

20. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 31. [BACK]

21. The argument of An American Dilemma did not face its first serious challenges until the 1960s, when fresh behavioral research suggested that white Americans might not have such guilty consciences after all, and the "American Creed" might not be nearly as powerful a force in shaping white attitudes as Myrdal had hoped. See also Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective," 209-227. Jackson argues that it was Myrdal's own guilty response

to the dilemma of Swedish neutrality that led him to distort and romanticize the "American Creed." [BACK]

22. Otto Klineberg, "Tests of Negro Intelligence," in Characteristics of the American Negro, 23-96. See also his review of personality test studies, on pages 97-138. Carl Degler and Franz Samelson have both suggested that the shift away from a psychology of objective racial differences was largely completed by the time of World War II, perhaps as early as the early 1930s. See Degler, In Search of Human Nature, esp. chap. 7; and Samelson, "From 'Race Psychology' to 'Studies in Prejudice,'" 265-278. [BACK]

23. Rapport also emerged as a significant concern among World War II, and then among Veterans Administration, clinicians, especially white psychiatrists and psychologists who were treating black patients. See, for example, Jerome D. Frank, "Adjustment Problems in Selected Negro Soldiers," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 105 (January-June 1947):647-660; Ralph W. Heine, "The Negro Patient in Psychotherapy," Journal of Clinical Psychology 6 (October 1950):373-376; Harvey R. St. Clair, ''Psychiatric Interview Experiences with Negroes," American Journal of Psychiatry 108 (August 1951): 113-119.

Not surprisingly, the work of black psychologists during World War II also displayed concern with "rapport" between experts and their subjects, even in nonclinical fields. See, for example, Kenneth B. Clark, "Group Violence: A Preliminary Study of the Attitudinal Pattern of Its Acceptance and Rejection: A Study of the 1943 Harlem Riot," Journal of Social Psychology 19 (May 1944):320.

Interestingly, the issue of gender rapport, in both clinical treatment and psychological research, was initially overlooked, probably because the vast majority of both wartime experts and subjects were male. As more and more women filled the professional ranks of clinical psychology and social work, however, and as women became more frequent subjects of psychological expertise, conflicting assumptions were sometimes made about the gender dynamics between experts and subjects.

The Bettelheim and Janowitz study, Dynamics of Prejudice, discussed below, assumed that female interviewers always had better rapport with male subjects. See Bruno Bettelheim and Morris Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), 114-116. In contrast, the research design of The Authoritarian Personality incorporated the view that male subjects would achieve better rapport with male interviewers and female subjects would do better with female interviewers. See Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality, 301. [BACK]

24. For an analysis that suggests the early civil rights movement anticipated much of the "new consciousness" of the counterculture, see Robert N. Bellah, "The New Consciousness and the Berkeley New Left," in The New Religious Consciousness, ed. Charles Y. Glock and Robert N. Bellah (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 77-92. [BACK]

25. Walter Jackson points out that Myrdal's analysis of religion in the black community led him to make a very serious error in the otherwise prophetic An American Dilemma. Rather than seeing the church as the source of civil rights

activism it would become, he discounted black Americans' religious convictions as overly emotional, a view doubtlessly shaped by his own emphatic secularism. After a field trip to Father Divine's Kingdom in Harlem, he even suggested that the tools of abnormal psychology be applied to the subject! See Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 107, 223-224. [BACK]

26. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 1023. [BACK]

27. Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 281. [BACK]

28. Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, abbr. ed. (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958), chap. 9. [BACK]

29. Although the view that minority group members were necessarily victimized by their status was adopted as a fundamental assumption of the U.S. legal and educational systems in the postwar decades, this was a new development. For a perspective on important historical shifts in the understanding of the term "minority," see Philip Gleason, "Minorities (Almost) All: The Minority Group Concept in American Social Thought," American Quarterly 43 (September 1991):392-424. [BACK]

30. C. H. Thompson, "The Conclusions of Scientists Relative to Racial Differences," quoted in Otto Klineberg, "Tests of Negro Intelligence," 95. [BACK]

31. Max Deutscher and Isidor Chein, "The Psychological Effects of Enforced Segregation: A Survey of Social Science Opinion," quoted in Helen Leland Witmer and Ruth Kotinsky, "The Effects of Prejudice and Discrimination," in Personality in the Making: The Fact-Finding Report of the Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952), 139. [BACK]

32. Exceptions to this rule are documented in Newby, Challenge to the Court. [BACK]

33. It was reprinted, along with a number of follow-up essays, in Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice. [BACK]

33. It was reprinted, along with a number of follow-up essays, in Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice.

34. Ibid., 105. [BACK]

35. This application of frustration-aggression theory to racial prejudice was not, of course, new after World War II. It had been an essential part of psycho-analytically oriented theoretical works such as John Dollard et al., Frustration and Aggression. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107.

37. Ibid., 278. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107.

38. Ibid., 285. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107.

39. Ibid., 289. [BACK]

40. The epidemic of national destruction supposedly being caused by "momism" was, in large part, a product of the fears that clinical work during World War II produced about the precarious mental state of male soldiers and the decidedly defective mental state of the 1.8 million men who had been rejected from the military for psychiatric reasons. After the war, as clinicians' client base shifted from male veterans to their female kin, "momism" came to denote the notion that mothers were responsible for male neurosis, which was, in turn, responsible for social and political problems ranging from McCarthyite

hysteria to labor strife, political corruption, alcoholism, sexual perversion, and war. See Philip Wylie, "Common Women," in Generation of Vipers (New York: Pocket Books, 1942), 184-206. Wylie coined the term "momism." For a general discussion of the importance of postwar gender and family ideology, see Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988). [BACK]

41. There is good reason to wonder whether "matriarchy" existed at any point in the history of black American families. For example, even at the height of the "black matriarchy" debate during the mid-1960s, approximately 75 percent of black families included male breadwinners, conforming to the patriarchal nuclear norm. I nevertheless include the term ''matriarchy" in my discussion because it was the term used at the time. [BACK]

42. Julius Horwitz, "The Arithmetic of Delinquency," New York Times Magazine (31 January 1965):52. [BACK]

42. Julius Horwitz, "The Arithmetic of Delinquency," New York Times Magazine (31 January 1965):52.

43. Ibid., 54-55. [BACK]

44. The major statement on this issue was, of course, Friedrich Engels's The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1891). While this work, and the historical specificity of the relationship between women's subordination and capitalism, would become a major theoretical preoccupation within the socialist-feminist wing of the second wave of feminism, it was typically treated as an ahistorical and universal truth—a fact to be asserted rather than explained—at the time Frazier's study was published. That Frazier took pains to make the connection between capitalism and patriarchy explicit recalled elements of Engels's analysis (although Engels was not cited anywhere) and made his book something of an exception to the rule. See especially the treatments of family economy and property rights in E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), chaps. 9 and 10. On Frazier's complex amalgam of left-wing politics, see Walter A. Jackson, "Between Socialism and Nationalism," Reconstruction I (1991): 124-134. [BACK]

45. "Motherhood in Bondage" is the title of chapter 3 in Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States. [BACK]

46. "Roving Men and Homeless Women" is the title of chapter 13 in Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States. "In the City of Destruction" is the title of part 4 of the book. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

48. Ibid., 54. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

49. Ibid., 65. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

50. Ibid., 297. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

51. Ibid., 387, emphasis in original. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

52. Ibid., 310. [BACK]

53. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 47-50. [BACK]

53. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 47-50.

54. Ibid., 70. [BACK]

53. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 47-50.

55. Ibid., 70-74, section rifled "The Negro Matriarchy and the Distorted Masculine Image." [BACK]

56. Although they published several articles in 1939 and 1940 on the topic of segregation, racial identification, and sense of self in young black children, two later articles seem to have made the deepest impression on policy-makers, if published references to them are any indication. These were Kenneth B. Clark and Mamie P. Clark, "Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," in Theodore M. Newcomb and Eugene L. Hartley, eds., Readings in Social Psychology, rev. ed. (New York: Holt, 1952), 551-560, and "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," Journal of Negro Education 19 (1950):341-350. [BACK]

57. Clark and Clark, "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," 342. [BACK]

57. Clark and Clark, "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," 342.

58. Ibid., 350. [BACK]

57. Clark and Clark, "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," 342.

59. Ibid. [BACK]

60. Witmer and Kotinsky, "The Effects of Prejudice and Discrimination," 135-158. This document can also be found, in somewhat revised form, in Kenneth B. Clark, Prejudice and Tour Child, 2nd ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963), pts. 1 and 2. [BACK]

61. Clark, Prejudice and Tour Child, 61, 63. [BACK]

62. Quoted in Richard Kluger, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987), 316. The state of South Carolina apparently tried to line up some expert testimony too, but was unable to find a single, well-known figure willing to testify in favor of segregation, more evidence of how overwhelming the civil rights consensus was among social and behavioral scientists by the early 1950s. [BACK]

63. It is probable that Kenneth Clark took on this job because of Mamie Clark's connections to a number of the professionals involved in the state-level cases. After graduating from college, she had worked as a secretary in the law office of William Houston, a "hub" of National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's Legal Defense Fund activity. See Mamie Clark's autobiography in Agnes N. O'Connell and Nancy Felipe Russo, eds., Models of Achievement: Reflections on Eminent Women in Psychology (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 266-277. [BACK]

64. Briggs V. Elliott, quoted in Newby, Challenge to the Court, 29-30. [BACK]

65. Kenneth Clark to Gordon Allport, 30 July 1953, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1951-53, Ca-Cn," GA Papers. A summary of these events is offered in Otto Klineberg, "SPSSI and Race Relations, in the 1950s and After," Journal of Social Issues 42 (Winter 1986):53-59. For Kenneth Clark's description, see "The Role of the Social Sciences in Desegregation," in Clark, Prejudice and Tour Child, 210-214, app. 5. For a general discussion of the role of social-scientific experts in Brown, see Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 292-293. [BACK]

66. "The Effects of Segregation and the Consequences of Desegregation: A Social Science Statement," Minnesota Law Review 37 (1952-53):427-429. Also reprinted in Clark, Prejudice and Your Child, app. 3. [BACK]

67. "The Effects of Segregation and the Consequences of Desegregation: A Social Science Statement," 438,429. [BACK]

68. Gordon Allport to Kenneth Clark, 4 August 1953, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1951-53, Ca-Cn," GA Papers. See also Gordon Allport, "Backgrounds—Radio Talk on the Supreme Court Ruling," HUG 4118.10, folder: "Supreme Court Ruling, May 1954," GA Papers. [BACK]

69. Brown v. Board of Education, 34 U.S. 494. The full text of this opinion is also reprinted in Clark, Prejudice and Your Child, app. 2. [BACK]

70. Brown v. Board of Education, 34 U.S. 494-495. [BACK]

71. For more on segregationist social science, see Newby, Challenge to the Court. For McCarthyite equations between racial liberalism and socialism, see Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 292-293. Because Brown cited his work, Gunnar Myrdal was denounced by Mississippi Senator James Eastland as a "Swedish socialist" and editorialists across the South accused him of membership in the international Communist conspiracy. [BACK]

72. For mention of one such effort, see "The Desegregation Cases: Criticism of the Social Scientist's Role," in Clark, Prejudice and Your Child, 206, app. 4, n. 12. [BACK]

73. Kenneth Clark to Gordon Allport, 7 June 1954, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1954-57, Ca-Cn," GA Papers. [BACK]

74. Stuart W. Cook, "The 1954 Social Science Statement and School De-segregation: A Reply to Gerard," American Psychologist 39 (August 1984):830. Cook was responding to the criticisms expressed in Harold B. Gerard, "School Desegregation: the Social Science Role," American Psychologist 38 (August 1983):869-877.

Kenneth Clark never gave in to criticisms of experts' role in Brown. In the face of early criticism, in the late 1950s and early 1960s, Clark insisted that "the collaboration between psychologists and other social scientists which culminated in the Brown decision will continue in spite of criticism" because the goals of law, government, and social science were identical, "to secure for man personal fulfillment in a just, stable, and viable society." See "The Desegregation Cases: Criticism of the Social Scientist's Role," 205, app. 4. A decade later, Clark still forcefully defended the effort he had spearheaded in the early 1950s. "This citation [footnote no. 11] demonstrated dramatically that the theories and research findings of social scientists could influence public policy decisions on educational and other problems." Kenneth B. Clark, ''Social Policy, Power, and Social Science Research," Harvard Educational Review 43 (February 1973):113-121. [BACK]

75. Such questions remain the subject of intense debate. See, for example, J. G. Morawski, "Psychology and the Shaping of Policy," Berkshire Review 18 (1983):92-117, and the response to Morawski by Saul Kassin, which mentions Brown, among other examples. [BACK]

76. Robert Lindner, The Fifty-Minute Hour (New York: Bantam Books, 1955). See especially the case of Mac, the Communist party member whom Lindner met at a civil rights meeting. This case is also a useful illustration of how readily political commitments of any sort—integrationist, socialist, whatever—were interpreted in psychological terms, even by a sympathetic psychoanalyst. [BACK]

77. For an interesting discussion of how psychological research and theory shaped the various responses of policy-makers to rising rates of nonmarital pregnancy among both black and white women after 1945, a social problem with dimensions that were explicitly sexual as well as racial, see Rickie Solinger, Wake Up Little Susie: Single Pregnancy and Race Before Roe v. Wade (New York: Routledge, 1992), esp. chaps. 3 and 6. [BACK]

78. One of the best overviews of the Moynihan Report is Lee Rainwater and William L. Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1967). It includes the entire text of the report itself, a number of important contemporary responses to the report, and a comprehensive analysis of the controversy. A discussion of the continuing salience of Moynihan's ideas about the black family during the neoconservative revival of the 1970s and 1980s, which stressed "family values" and "self-help" as goals in welfare reform, can be found in Carl Ginsburg, Race and Media: The Enduring Lift of the Moynihan Report (New York: Institute for Media Analysis, 1989). [BACK]

79. The term "social scientist-politico" is from Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 18,262. Other terms included "idea broker," "scientific diagnostician," and "scholar-politician." See ''Light in the Frightening Corners," Time 90 (28 July 1967):10-15; Fred Powledge, "Idea Broker in the Race Crisis," Lift 63 (3 November 1967):72-80; Thomas Meehan, "Moynihan of the Moynihan Report," New York Times Magazine, 31 July 1966, 5. [BACK]

80. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Family and Nation (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1987), 18. [BACK]

81. Lisa Hsiao, "Project 100,000: The Great Society's Answer to Military Manpower Needs in Vietnam," Vietnam Generation 1 (Summer 1989):14. Hsiao uses Project 100,000 to argue that, even during the War on Poverty, a high point in the history of the U.S. welfare state, the government's prosecution of the Vietnam War was used as a critically important institutional vehicle of domestic social welfare goals. Further, the government officially recognized the social welfare and gender socialization functions of the Department of Defense and some of the goals of the War on Poverty were transferred, at least in theory, to the military. In less than three years (the program lasted five years and was officially terminated in 1972), approximately 250,000 men had been recruited under the program, most from low-income, female-headed families. The vast majority were high school dropouts with very poor literacy skills. Close to 40 percent were black, compared to 8 percent of the military population overall. Although the stated purpose of the program was to provide education and training, over 40 percent received combat assignments in Vietnam and only 7.5 percent received extra benefits. [BACK]

82. Among professional historians, Stanley Elkins offered the personality-destroying portrait of slavery that was most compatible with E. Franklin Frazier's thesis in The Negro Family in the United States. Elkins's book Slavery, published in 1959, was also one of Moynihan's major sources for his report on the black family. [BACK]

83. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (Washington, D.C.: Office of Policy Planning and Research, United States Department of Labor, March 1965), 5, 29, 42-43. [BACK]

84. Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City (Cambridge: MIT and Harvard University Press, 1963). [BACK]

85. "Light in the Frightening Corners," 12. [BACK]

86. Daniel P. Moynihan, "The President & the Negro: The Moment Lost," Commentary 43 (February 1967):31-45. [BACK]

87. Bayard Rustin and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Which Way? A Discussion of Racial Tensions (New York: The America Press, 1966), 23-24. [BACK]

88. Mary Dublin Keyserling, "The Negro Woman at Work: Gains and Problems," 3, speech given 11 November 1965 to the Conference on the Negro Woman in the U.S.A., in Mary Dublin Keyserling Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College, Cambridge, Massachusetts. [BACK]

89. Tracey A. Fitzgerald, The National Council of Negro Women and the Feminist Movement, 1935-1975 (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1985), 42. [BACK]

90. Important feminist responses to the ideas of the Moynihan Report included Angela Davis, "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role in the Community of Slaves," Black Scholar 3 (December 1971):2-15. [BACK]

91. William Ryan, "Mammy Observed: Fixing the Black Family," in Blaming the Victim (New York: Vintage Books, 1971), 76-77. This was based on Ryan's 1965 critique. See William Ryan, "Savage Discovery: The Moynihan Report," The Nation 201 (22 November 1965):380-384. Another prominent civil rights movement critic was Rev. Benjamin Payton. See Benjamin Payton, "New Trends in Civil Rights," Christianity in Crisis (13 December 1965), reprinted in Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 395-402. [BACK]

92. This phrase was William Ryan's. See his Blaming the Victim (New York: Vintage Books, 1971). Two notable exceptions to the rule that civil rights activists and leaders took positions critical of Moynihan were Bayard Rustin and Kenneth Clark, although Clark later changed his mind and went so far as to support Moynihan's Republican opponent in his first run for the Senate in 1976. See Bayard Rustin, "A Way Out of the Exploding Ghetto," in Down the Line: The Collected Writings of Bayard Rustin, ed. C. Vann Woodward (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971), 178-186, originally published in the New York Times Magazine, 13 August 1967; Rustin and Moynihan, Which Way?; Douglas Schoen, Pat: A Biography of Daniel Patrick Moynihan (New York: Harper & Row, 1979), 166, 258. [BACK]

93. Interestingly, Moynihan seems to have been deeply influenced by Alva Myrdal's and Gunnar Myrdal's ideas about family policy and inspired by their successful example of turning conservative fears of population decline and family disorganization to the progressive purpose of constructing a comprehensive welfare state. One of Moynihan's recent books, Family and Nation (1987), recalls the title of Alva Myrdal's Nation and Family (1941). Moynihan wrote the introduction to the 1968 MIT Press paperback reissue. [BACK]

94. For his analysis of this failure, see Moynihan, Family and Nation; Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Action in the War on Poverty (New York: The Free Press, 1969); Moynihan, "The President & the Negro," 31-45. [BACK]

95. Daniel P. Moynihan, "Text of 'Benign Neglect' Memorandum on the Status of Negroes," New York Times, 1 March 1970, 69. [BACK]

96. Moynihan, "The President & the Negro," 35. [BACK]

97. Moynihan, Family and Nation, 26. [BACK]

98. Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 26. [BACK]

99. On the numbers of copies printed and circulated, see Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 26, 151-152, 158. [BACK]

100. Wall Street Journal, 16 August 1965; Washington Post, 23 August 1965. For a discussion of the role played by the establishment press in publicizing and perpetuating Moynihan's ideas, see Ginsburg, Race and Media. [BACK]

101. Moynihan, "The President & the Negro," 38-39. [BACK]

102. Powledge, "Idea Broker in the Race Crisis," 72. [BACK]

103. "Light in the Frightening Corners," 12. [BACK]