1. "American Psychological Association Membership Totals, 1892-Present" (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association Membership Department, 1992). [BACK]

2. "American Psychiatric Association Membership Figures, 1873-Present" (Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Association, 1994). [BACK]

3. Most of the statistics in this paragraph are drawn from National Science Foundation, Profiles—Psychology: Human Resources and Funding (NSF 88-325, Washington, D.C., 1988), 3,70 (table 4), and 127-128 (table 24). Comparative historical statistics presented by James Capshew, "Constructing Subjects, Reconstructing Psychology" (paper delivered at the Twenty-third Annual Meeting of Cheiron, Slippery Rock, Pennsylvania, 22 June 1991). [BACK]

4. Daniel Goleman, "New Paths to Mental Health Put Strains on Some Healers," New York Times, 17 May 1990, A1, B12. [BACK]

5. In spite of its increasingly clinical orientation, psychology has recently been classified as one of the "behavioral sciences." The "behavioral" orientation of a new type of social expert was, in large measure, the product of large-scale philanthropy and foundations' support for research that government policy-makers could use to ameliorate the ever-worsening social problems of modern industrial capitalist society. This quest for practical modes of social engineering began in earnest after World War I. The golden years of "behavioral science," however, were to come in the 1950s, when the generosity of the Ford Foundation made ''behavioral science" into shorthand for a subset of the more general category "social sciences." The "behavioral sciences" were defined so as to include psychology, anthropology, sociology, and those aspects of economics and political science devoted to the analysis of individual and group behavior rather than institutions. [BACK]

6. C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American Middle Classes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1951), 160. [BACK]

6. C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American Middle Classes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1951), 160.

7. Ibid., xx. [BACK]

8. B. F. Skinner, audio interview by Dennis Trumble, 23 April 1985, B. F. Skinner Papers, Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts. [BACK]

9. Edwin G. Boring to Ruth S. Tolman, 3 January 1946, Correspondence, 1919-1956, box 54, folder 1318, EB Papers. [BACK]

10. Letter from Clarence Cheyney to Douglas Thom, 28 November 1947, quoted in Gerald N. Grob, From Asylum to Community: Mental Health Policy in Modern America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 34. [BACK]

11. Noam Chomsky, "The Responsibility of Intellectuals," in American

Power and the New Mandarins (New York: Vintage Books, 1967), 325, 358-359. [BACK]

12. For an extensive discussion of recent historiographical trends, see my "Psychology. as Politics: How Psychological Experts Transformed Public Life in the United States, 1940-1970" (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1993), chap. 2. [BACK]

13. For sophisticated treatments of these issues as they relate to historians' use of "experience," psychology's epistemological foundations, and radical undercurrents in the history of philosophy itself, see Joan Scott, "The Evidence of Experience," Critical Inquiry 17 (Summer 1991):773-797; Jill Morawski, "Toward the Unimagined: Feminism and Epistemology in Psychology," in Making a Difference: Psychology and the Construction of Gender, ed. Rachel T. Hare-Mustin and Jeanne Marecek (Yale University Press, 1990), 150-183; James T. Kloppenberg, Uncertain Victory: Social Democracy and Progressivism in European and American Thought, 1870-1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), chaps. 2 and 3. [BACK]

1. The best general secondary source on psychology in world war is James Herbert Capshew, "Psychology on the March: American Psychologists and World War II" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1986). Other useful overviews are Peter Buck, "Adjusting to Military Life: The Social Sciences Go to War, 1941-1950," in Military Enterprise and Technological Change, ed. Merritt Roe Smith (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985), 203-252, and Nikolas Rose, Governing the Soul: The Shaping of the Private Self (London: Routledge, 1990), pt. 1. [BACK]

2. J. McKeen Cattell, "Retrospect: Psychology as a Profession," Journal of Consulting Psychology I (January-February 1937):1. [BACK]

3. For a discussion of how World War I advanced the professionalization efforts of psychologists, see Thomas M. Camfield, "Psychologists at War: The History of American Psychology and the First World War" (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1969); Franz Samelson, "Putting Psychology on the Map: Ideology and Intelligence Testing," in Psychology in Social Context, ed. Allan R. Buss (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1979), 103-168; and Franz Samelson, "World War I Intelligence Testing and the Development of Psychology," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 13 (July 1977):274-282. For a consideration of World War I testing that focuses specifically on the negotiating process between psychological experts and the military, see John Carson, "Army Alpha, Army Brass, and the Search for Army Intelligence," Isis 84 (1993):278-309. [BACK]

4. For background on Yerkes's work, see Donna Haraway, "A Pilot Plant for Human Engineering: Robert Yerkes and the Yale Laboratories of Primate

Biology, 1924-1942," in Primate Visions: Gender, Race, and Nature in the World of Modern Science (New York: Routledge, 1989,) 59-83. [BACK]

5. Karl M. Dallenbach, "The Emergency Committee in Psychology, National Research Council," American Journal of Psychology 59 (October 1946):497. [BACK]

6. "War cabinet" was Leonard Carmichael's phrase. See Capshew, "Psychology on the March," 40 n. 52. [BACK]

7. Robert M. Yerkes, "Psychology and Defense," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 84 (June 1941 ):536. [BACK]

7. Robert M. Yerkes, "Psychology and Defense," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 84 (June 1941 ):536.

8. Ibid. [BACK]

7. Robert M. Yerkes, "Psychology and Defense," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 84 (June 1941 ):536.

9. Ibid., 541. [BACK]

10. Capshew, "Psychology on the March," 45. [BACK]

11. Gordon W. Allport, "Psychological Service for Civilian Morale," Journal of Consulting Psychology 5 (September-October 1941 ):235. [BACK]

11. Gordon W. Allport, "Psychological Service for Civilian Morale," Journal of Consulting Psychology 5 (September-October 1941 ):235.

12. Ibid. [BACK]

11. Gordon W. Allport, "Psychological Service for Civilian Morale," Journal of Consulting Psychology 5 (September-October 1941 ):235.

13. Ibid., 238. [BACK]

14. Gordon Allport to Alice Bryan, 5 April 1941, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1938-48, Bro-Bz," GA Papers. [BACK]

15. Charles William Bray, Psychology and Military Proficiency: A History of the Applied Psychology Panel of the National Defense Research Committee (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1948), v. This glowing assessment was made by the navy representative to the National Defense Resource Council, Captain Lybrand Palmer Smith. [BACK]

16. "Some Notes on the History of the American Psychological Association, Remarks on the Occasion of the Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the Association, September 3, 1967," Correspondence 1919-1965, box 80, folder 1679, EB Papers. For a useful summary of the war's impact on the American Psychological Association, see James H. Capshew and Ernest R. Hilgard, "The Power of Service: World War II and Professional Reform in the American Psychological Association," in The American Psychological Association: A Historical Perspective, ed. Rand B. Evans, Virginia S. Sexton, and Thomas C. Cadwallader (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1992), 149-175. [BACK]

17. For more on the screening of immigrants and its important connection to psychiatry's work in World War I, see Rebecca Schwartz Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1977), 16-30. [BACK]

18. "American Psychiatric Association Membership Figures, 1873-Present." [BACK]

18. "American Psychiatric Association Membership Figures, 1873-Present."

19. Ibid. [BACK]

20. "American Psychological Association Membership Totals, 1892-Present." [BACK]

21. Gladys C. Schwesinger, "Wartime Organizational Activities of Women Psychologists, II. The National Council of Women Psychologists," Journal of Consulting Psychology 7 (November-December 1943):300. For a discussion of the experience of female psychologists during World War II, see James H. Capshew and Alejandra C. Laszlo," 'We would not take no for an answer': Women Psychologists and Gender Politics During World War II," Journal of Social

Issues 42 (1986): 157-180, followed by comments by Alice I. Bryan and Cynthia P. Deutsch. [BACK]

22. While the population increased by 57 percent between the mid-1940s and the mid-1970s, American Psychological Association membership shot up 850 percent. For a statistical overview of the growth of the psychological profession during these years, see Albert R. Gilgen, American Psychology Since World War II: A Profile of the Discipline (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982), 21, table 1. [BACK]

23. For more on the work of psychological experimentalists, see Bray, Psychology and Military Proficiency. For more on Skinner's Project Pigeon, see B. F. Skinner, "Pigeons in a Pelican," in Theories of Personality: Primary Sources and Research, 2nd ed., ed. Gradner Lindzey, Calvin S. Hall, and Martin Manosevitz (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1973), 399-413, and Capshew, "Psychology, on the March," 135-150. [BACK]

24. Letters by Gregory Bateson and Harold Lasswell quoted in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics: Mobilizing Culture and Personality for World War II," History of Anthropology 4 (1986): 196-197. [BACK]

25. For examples, see Eli Ginzberg, Breakdown and Recovery, vol. 2 of The Ineffective Soldier: Lessons for Management and the Nation (New York: Columbia University, Press, 1959), 3; Alexander H. Leighton, The Governing of Men: General Principles and Recommendations Based on Experience at a Japanese Relocation Camp (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1945), 358; Daniel Lerner, Sykewar: Psychological Warfare Against Germany, D-Day to VE-Day (New York: George W. Stewart, 1949), 324; Samuel A. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier: Adjustment During Army Life, vol. I of Studies in Social Psychology in World War II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949), vii. [BACK]

26. See, for example, "Memorandum for the Chief of Special Services, Subject: Some Reflections on the Program of the Research Division," 3 June 1942, HUG (FP) 31.8, box 2, folder: "Research Problems," SS Papers. [BACK]

27. "The Psychiatric Approach in Problems of Community Management," American Journal of Psychiatry 100 (November 1946):328-333. [BACK]

28. Samuel Stouffer to Paul Lazarsfeld, 30 November 1945, HUG (FP) 31.8, box l, folder: "Columbia University," SS Papers. Stouffer's 1930 doctoral dissertation, which compared statistical and life history techniques in attitude research, was typical of the interwar effort to advance and legitimate social science by making it conform to the perceived objectivity of methodological standards including quantitative measurement, value neutrality, and emotional detachment from the subject. For a discussion of this era in the University of Chicago sociology, department, where Stouffer was a student, see Dorothy Ross, The Origins of American Social Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 428-437. [BACK]

29. Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: Macmillan, 1922), chap. 1. [BACK]

30. For an extended discussion of the contradiction between scientific and democratic ideals in the history of academic political science, see David Ricci, The Tragedy of Political Science: Politics, Scholarship, and Democracy (New Ha-

ven: Yale University Press, 1984). Ricci's chapter 3 touches on the World War I experience. [BACK]

31. An overview of the early intellectual history of crowd psychology. can be found in Jaap van Ginneken, Crowds, Psychology, and Politics, 1871-1899 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). [BACK]

32. William McDougall, Group Mind: A Sketch of the Principles of Collective Psychology, With Some Attempt to Apply Them to the Interpretation of National Life and Character (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1920); Everett Dean Martin, The Behavior of Crowds: A Psychological Study (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1920). A general discussion of the importation of crowd psychology into U.S. social science can be found in Eugene E. Leach," 'Mental Epidemics': Crowd Psychology and American Culture, 1890-1940," American Studies 33 (Spring 1992):5-29. [BACK]

33. For useful treatments of Freudian social thought, see Louise E. Hoffman, "From Instinct to Identity: Implications of Changing Psychoanalytic Concepts of Social Life from Freud to Erikson," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 18 (April 1982):130-146; and "The Ideological Significance of Freud's Social Thought," in Psychology in Twentieth-Century Thought and Society, ed. Mitchell G. Ash and William R. Woodward (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 253-269. [BACK]

34. Reba N. Softer, Ethics and Society in England: The Revolution in the Social Sciences, 1870-1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), esp. chap. 10. Soffer singles out social psychology as the single "revisionist" and counterrevolutionary intellectual tradition in an era of otherwise "revolutionary" and progressive social science. [BACK]

35. Herbert Hoover, American Individualism (New York: Garland Publishing, 1922), 24-25. [BACK]

36. Harold D. Lasswell, Psychopathology and Politics (New York: Viking Press, 1930). [BACK]

37. Harold D. Lasswell, "What Psychiatrists and Political Scientists Can Learn from One Another," Psychiatry 1 (February 1938):37. [BACK]

38. For examples of how an orientation toward "prevention" opened a plethora of new opportunities, see William Menninger, "The Role of Psychiatry, in the World Today," in A Psychiatrist for a Troubled World: Selected Papers of William C. Menninger, M.D., ed. Bernard H. Hall (New York: Viking, 1967), 568-581, originally published in American Journal of Psychiatry. 104 (September 1947):155-163; William C. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World: Yesterday's War and Today's Challenge (New York: Macmillan, 1948), pt. 2. [BACK]

39. Barbara Sicherman, "The Quest for Mental Health in America, 1880-1917," Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1967 (New York: Arno Press, 1980). [BACK]

40. Lasswell, Psychopathology and Politics, 198. [BACK]

41. Leighton, The Governing of Men, viii. [BACK]

42. The formal title of the project was the Bureau of Sociological Research. For details on the background and evolution of the project, see Leighton, The Governing of Men, especially the appendix titled "Applied Anthropology in a

Dislocated Community" by Alexander Leighton and Edward Spicer. Other sources include "The Psychiatric Approach in Problems of Community Management," 328-333; and Edward H. Spicer, "The Use of Social Scientists by the War Relocation Authority," Applied Anthropology 5 (Spring 1946): 16-36. [BACK]

43. Leighton's team was not alone in attempting to bring psychological insight to the challenge of military occupation. Kurt Lewin put his leadership and group training skills and theories to use in this area. See "Training of Social Administrators in the Field of Leadership and Social Management," n.d., c. 1943. This document specified the human management tasks involved in military occupation. HUG 4118.10, folder: "Lewin, Kurt, 1944-45," GA Papers. [BACK]

44. Leighton, The Governing of Men, 377. [BACK]

45. Tom Sasaki, Chica Sugino, Hisako Fujii, Misao Furuta, Iwao Ishino, Mary Kinoshita, June Kushino, Yoshiharu Matsumoto, Florence Mohri, Akiko Nishimoto, Jyuichi Sato, James Sera, Gene Sogioka, George Yamaguchi, and Toshio Yatsushiro were among the project's staff members. [BACK]

46. Leighton, The Governing of Men, 44. [BACK]

46. Leighton, The Governing of Men, 44.

47. Ibid., 366. [BACK]

46. Leighton, The Governing of Men, 44.

48. Ibid., 315. [BACK]

46. Leighton, The Governing of Men, 44.

49. Ibid., 362. [BACK]

50. For an example of this typical view of morale, see John Rawlings Rees, The Shaping of Psychiatry by. War (New York: W. W. Norton, 1945), 82-88. [BACK]

51. Leonard Carmichael in A History of Psychology. in Autobiography, vol. 5, ed. Edwin G. Boring and Gardner Lindzey (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967), 49. [BACK]

52. Harold D. Lasswell, "Political and Psychological Warfare," in Propaganda in War and Crisis: Materials for American Policy, ed. Daniel Lerner (New York: George W. Stewart, 1951), 264. [BACK]

52. Harold D. Lasswell, "Political and Psychological Warfare," in Propaganda in War and Crisis: Materials for American Policy, ed. Daniel Lerner (New York: George W. Stewart, 1951), 264.

53. Ibid., 261-266. [BACK]

54. For example, military intelligence agencies wanted to know how U.S. citizens felt about martial law, the loyalty of various racial and ethnic groups, and how far military policy-makers could go with security restrictions before overstepping the bounds of democracy. For obvious reasons, they could not make these needs public, but were creative in obtaining this information from other government agencies, or private organizations. See letter from unnamed official in Honolulu's 14 ND Intelligence Office to Elmo Wilson, 16 August 1942, HUG (FP) 31.8, box 1, folder: "Miscellaneous (2 of 2)," SS Papers. [BACK]

55. Brett Gary, personal communication, 17 October 1991. [BACK]

56. Brett Gary, "Mass Communications Research, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the Imperatives of War, 1939-1945," Research Reports from the Rockefeller Archive Center, Spring 1991 (North Tarrytown, N.Y.: Rockefeller Archive Center), 3-5. [BACK]

57. Hadley Cantril to John Marshall, 1 May 1947, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 271, folder 3226, RF Archives. [BACK]

58. For a sympathetic overview of the concept, including its historical development and application during World War II, see Margaret Mead, "The Study of National Character," in The Policy Sciences: Recent Developments in

Scope and Method, ed. Daniel Lerner and Harold D. Lasswell (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1951 ), 70-85. [BACK]

59. Franz Alexander, Our Age of Unreason: A Study of the Irrational Forces in Social Life, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1951, originally published 1942); Erich Fromm, Escape from Freedom (New York: Avon Books, 1941); Karen Homey, The Neurotic Personality of Our Time (New York: W. W. Norton, 1937). Harry Stack Sullivan's books were not published until after World War II, but as president of the William Alanson White Foundation, editor of its journal, Psychiatry, and key figure in World War II psychiatry, Sullivan's "culture and personality," perspective and his commitment to making psychiatry useful during the wartime emergency, were widely known. For an unsympathetic treatment of the neo-Freudians as an example of "conformist psychology," see Russell Jacoby, Social Amnesia: A Critique of Conformist Psychology. from Adler to Laing (Boston: Beacon Press, 1975), esp. chap. 3. [BACK]

60. An excellent overview of their wartime efforts can be found in Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics," 184-217. An overview of the culture and personality school over several decades is Milton Singer, "A Survey of Culture and Personality Theory and Research," in Studying Personality Cross-Culturally, ed. Bert Kaplan (New York: Harper & Row, 1961), 9-90. [BACK]

61. Edward Sapir, "Why Cultural Anthropology Needs the Psychiatrist," Psychiatry 1 (February 1938):10. [BACK]

62. Gregory Bateson, "Morale and National Character," in Civilian Morale, ed. Goodwin Watson (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1942), 84-85. [BACK]

63. Geoffrey Gorer, "The Scientific Study of National Character," unpublished paper, quoted in H. V. Dicks, "Some Psychological Studies of the German Character," in Psychological Factors of Peace and War, ed. T. H. Pear (New York: The Philosophical Society, 1950), 197-198. [BACK]

64. Lawrence K. Frank, "Society as the Patient," American Journal of Sociology, 42 (November 1936):335. This and numerous other articles by Frank advocating the "psychocultural approach" were reprinted in Lawrence K. Frank, Society as the Patient: Essays on Culture and Personality (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1948). Twenty years later, Frank noted that psychology's incredible progress was indebted to the idea of "society as patient." Lawrence K. Frank, "Psychology and Social Order," in The Human Meaning of the Social Sciences, ed. Daniel Lerner (New York: Meridian Books, 1959), 214-241. [BACK]

65. Edward A. Strecker, Beyond the Clinical Frontiers: A Psychiatrist Views Crowd Behavior (New York: W. W. Norton, 1940), 84, 180. [BACK]

66. Richard M. Brickner, Is Germany Incurable? (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1943), 30, 45. [BACK]

66. Richard M. Brickner, Is Germany Incurable? (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1943), 30, 45.

67. Ibid., 307. [BACK]

68. Margaret Mead, And Keep Your Powder Dry: An Anthropologist Looks at America (New York: William Morrow, 1942), 261. See also Mead's introduction to Brickner's Is Germany Curable? for another typical statement about the great wartime responsibilities and capabilities of social scientists. [BACK]

69. Bruno Bettelheim to Gordon Allport, 16 August 1943, HUG 4118.20, box 4, folder 109, GA Papers. [BACK]

70. Otto Klineberg, "A Science of National Character," Journal of Social Psychology 19 (1944):147-162. For a methodological critique of the concept following the war, see Maurice L. Farber, "The Problem of National Character: A Methodological Analysis," Journal of Psychology 30 (October 1950):307-316, reprinted in Social Scientists and International Affairs: A Case for a Sociology. of Social Science, ed. Elisabeth T. Crawford and Albert D. Biderman (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1969), 207-213. [BACK]

71. For an overview of the work of the Yale Institute of Human Relations, see Mark A. May, Toward a Science of Human Behavior: A Survey of the Work of the Institute of Human Relations Through Two Decades, 1929-1949 (New Haven: Yale University, 1950); and J. G. Morawski, "Organizing Knowledge and Behavior at Yale's Institute of Human Relations," Isis 77 (1986):219-242. Many human links connected the "culture and personality" school with the Yale Institute. Geoffrey Gorer, for example, had been a member of the faculty at the Yale Institute of Human Relations. [BACK]

72. John Dollard et al., Frustration and Aggression (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1939). [BACK]

73. Ibid., 1, emphasis in original; May, Toward a Science of Human Behavior, 20. [BACK]

74. Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, trans. James Strachey (1930; reprint, New York: W. W. Norton, 1961). [BACK]

75. Sigmund Freud, "Why War?" in Collected Papers of Sigmund Freud, ed. James Strachey (New York: Basic Books, 1959), 5:283, 286-287. [BACK]

76. Mr. Frank to Mr. Edmund Day, 14 June 1932, Rockefeller Foundation internal memorandum, Record Group 1.1, series 200, box 67, folder 807, RF Archives. [BACK]

77. Alan Gregg, diary excerpt, 15 December 1941, Record Group 1.1, series 200, box 68, folder 812, RF Archives. [BACK]

78. "Memoranda for the Study of the Social Effects of War," 10 March 1942, Record Group 1.1, series 200, box 68, folder 813, RF Archives.

Several members of the Yale faculty also consulted to the Research Branch of the army's Morale Division (later called the Information and Education Division), and brought to this work a conviction that the business of army researchers was to "perform an important function in checking up continually on the frustrations which arise from Army life. We want to know exactly what they are and their real as well as apparent causes are. We want to know also the results in the form of aggression, open or devious, attempts to escape, passivity, and the like. In connection with aggression, it is particularly important to know under what circumstances it is directed in a socially serviceable way, i.e., against the enemy." "Notes on Research Discussions of Carl I. Hovland and John Dollard," 25-26 April 1942, pp. 5-6, HUG (FP) 31.8, box 2, folder: "Yale University," SS Papers. [BACK]

79. May, Toward a Science of Human Behavior, 31-32. [BACK]

80. Gardner Murphy, ed., Human Nature and Enduring Peace (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1945), 21. [BACK]

81. For other examples of frustration-aggression theory applied to war, see H. J. Eysenck, "War and Aggressiveness: A Survey of Social Attitude Studies," and Hilde Himmelweit, "Frustration and Aggression: A Review of Recent Ex-

perimental Work," in Psychological Factors in Peace and War, 49-81, 161-191. For a less sophisticated, but emphatically psychological analysis, see C. S. Bluemel, War, Politics, and Insanity: In Which the Psychiatrist Looks at the Politician (Denver: The World Press, 1950). Bluemel considered political leadership as practically equivalent to mental illness and war as the direct product of leaders' sick personalities, especially their characteristic obsessiveness and need for dominance. [BACK]

82. John Dollard, "Yale's Institute of Human Relations: What Was It?" Ventures (Winter 1964), 32, Record Group 1.1, series 200, box 67, folder 804, RF Archives. This article is also quoted in Morawski, "Organizing Knowledge and Behavior at Yale's Institute of Human Relations," 241. [BACK]

83. Lerner, Sykewar, 43; and also the Psychological Warfare Division "Standing Directive for Psychological Warfare," 403-417. [BACK]

84. Lerner, Sykewar, 69-70, 91 n. 1. [BACK]

85. In addition to the "culture and personality" school, this approach to Germany in particular found inspiration in the work of Kurt Lewin. See, for example, the 1936 article "Some Social-Psychological Differences Between the United States and Germany," in Kurt Lewin, Resolving Social Conflicts: Selected Papers on Group Dynamics (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948), 3-33. [BACK]

86. Lerner, Sykewar, 121-124. Dicks developed the typology with the assistance of University of Chicago sociologist Edward Shils. [BACK]

87. Lerner, Sykewar, 138. [BACK]

88. Henry V. Dicks, "German Personality Traits and National Socialist Ideology: A War-Time Study of German Prisoners of War," in Propaganda in War and Crisis, 102-104. [BACK]

89. Eisenhower letter to Psychological Warfare Division Brigadier General, Robert A. McClure, quoted in Lerner, Sykewar, 286. [BACK]

90. Lerner, Sykewar, chap. 11. [BACK]

91. Alexander H. Leighton and Morris Edward Opler, "Psychiatry and Applied Anthropology in Psychological Warfare Against Japan," American Journal of Psychoanalysis 6 (1946):25. [BACK]

92. Even Leighton himself conceded this point. See Alexander H. Leighton, Human Relations in a Changing World: Observations on the Use of the Social Sciences (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1949), 55, 117. He notes too the utter failure of the Foreign Morale Analysis Division to effect the most momentous of all decisions in the war against Japan: dropping the atomic bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. According to their evidence of morale decline, such a drastic option was clearly unnecessary. See page 126. See also Carleton Mabee, "Margaret Mead and Behavioral Scientists in World War II: Problems in Responsibility, Truth, and Effectiveness," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 23 (January 1987):8-9. [BACK]

93. Hermann Spitzer, "Psychoanalytic Approaches to the Japanese Character," Psychoanalysis and the Social Sciences 1 (1947): 131-156. Hermann Spitzer and Ruth Benedict were responsible for compiling a comprehensive Bibliography of Articles and Books Relating to Japanese Psychology for the Office of War Information. See also Ruth F. Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1946). [BACK]

94. Leighton, Human Relations in a Changing World, app. C. [BACK]

95. Jerome S. Bruner in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, vol. 7, ed. Gardner Lindzey (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman and Company, 1980), 93. For a general discussion of the U.S. Department of Agriculture Division of Program Surveys, see Jean M. Converse, Survey Research in the United States: Roots and Emergence 1890-1960 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 157-161. For a discussion of the administrative challenges that the morale experts faced in the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey in Japan, see George H. H. Huey, "Some Principles of Field Administration in Large-Scale Surveys," Public Opinion Quarterly 11 (Summer 1947):254-263. [BACK]

96. For background on the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues and its role in World War II, see Dorwin Cartwright, "Social Psychology, in the United States During the Second World War," Human Relations 1 (1948):332-352; and Lorenz J. Finison, "The Psychological Insurgency: 1936-1945," Journal of Social Issues 42 (1986):21-33. [BACK]

97. See, for example, Helen Peak, "Observations on the Characteristics and Distribution of German Nazis," Psychological Monographs 59, no. 276 (1945), whole issue. This study had much in common with the Dicks's breakdown of the German population according to its psychological responses to Nazism. The final reports were: U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, Morale Division, The Effects of Strategic Bombing on German Morale, 2 vols. (Washington, D.C.: USSBS, 1946-47); and U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, Morale Division, The Effects of Strategic Bombing on Japanese Morale (Washington, D.C.: USSBS, 1947). "The Morale Index" is described in detail in The Effects of Strategic Bombing on Japanese Morale, app. K, 201-204. [BACK]

98. Leighton, Human Relations in a Changing World, 74. [BACK]

99. For a brief summary of the Office of War Information mission, see Elmer Davis, "War Information," in Propaganda in War and Crisis, 274-277. [BACK]

100. This experience was a common one among wartime psychological experts. Jerome S. Bruner, a psychologist who worked in the Office of War Information Bureau of Overseas Intelligence as well as the Federal Communication Commission's Foreign Broadcast Monitoring (later Intelligence) Service and the Department of Agriculture's Division of Program Surveys, commented that no feedback was ever received about the mountains of research reports conscientiously sent to policy-makers in the War Department, the State Department, or the Office of Strategic Services. "We had the sense of sending our daily offering into the void," he noted. "The relation between research and policy at times seemed more political than practical." Jerome S. Bruner in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, 7:93, 95. [BACK]

101. Leonard Doob, "The Utilization of Social Scientists in the Overseas Branch of the Office of War Information," American Political Science Review 41 (August 1947):666. [BACK]

102. Very little is known about the Office of Strategic Services Psychological Division. The only discussion I could find in the secondary literature is in Carol Cina, "Social Science for Whom? A Structural History of Social Psychology" (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York, Stony Brook, 1981), 188-

208. Cina's Appendix C, on pages 368-393, includes the text of the ''OSS Generic Country Outline for Psychological Warfare." [BACK]

103. Far more information is available on the Office of Strategic Services Research and Analysis Branch, headed by historian William A. Langer from 1942 to 1946. Langer's operation was grand, involving around a thousand researchers in Washington and another five hundred around the world by the end of the war: mainly historians with a sprinkling of social scientists. In the postwar period Langer maintained his involvement with the newly founded Central Intelligence Agency and became a vocal proponent of having academic experts involved in the business of intelligence because, according to Langer, "the R and A Branch of the organization was the oldest and largest part of the OSS and proved to have the most lasting value." William Langer to R. Harris Smith, 12 January 1973, HUG (FP) 19.46, folder: "OSS 1967-72," William W. Langer Papers, Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts. See also William L. Langer, Up from the Ranks: The Autobiography of William L. Langer, typescript, 1975, chap. 9, later published with minor revisions as In and Out of the Ivory Tower: The Autobiography of William L. Langer (New York: Neale Watson Academic Publications, 1977); and William L. Langer, "Scholarship and the Intelligence Problem," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 92 (8 March 1948):43-45. [BACK]

104. Robert MacLeod letter to Gordon Allport, 9 October 1942, quoted in Cina, "Social Science for Whom?" 223. See also Gordon Allport to R. C. Tryon, 18 November 1942, and Gordon Allport to R. C. Tryon, 28 December 1942, HUG 4118.10, folder: "T, 1938-43," GA Papers. [BACK]

105. Robert Yerkes, "Man-Power and Military Effectiveness: The Case for Human Engineering," Journal of Consulting Psychology 5 (September-October 1941):206. For more on German psychology, see Ulfried Geuter, "German Psychology During the Nazi Period," in Psychology in Twentieth-Century Thought and Society, 166, 170, 174. For an extended discussion, see Geuter's The Professionalization of Psychology in Nazi Germany, trans. Richard Holmes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), esp. chap. 3. The study of German psychological experts was an area of major initial effort for the Emergency Committee in Psychology which produced a confidential study in 1940 on the testing methods used by psychologists in the German army. See Dallenbach, "The Emergency Committee in Psychology," 572. Several other surveys and bibliographies about German psychological warfare and military psychology followed. See H. L. Ansbacher, "German Military Psychology," Psychological Bulletin 38 (June 1941):370-392; and Ladislas Farago, ed., German Psychological Warfare (New York: Committee on National Morale, 1941). [BACK]

106. Farago, ed., German Psychological Warfare, 79. [BACK]

107. For a description, see Capshew, "Psychology on the March," 87-94. Samples of the many different psychological tests that were utilized can be found in "History of the Assessment Schools in the United States"; Files 63-65; Entry 99, OSS History Office Collection; Record Group 226, Records of the Office of Strategic Services, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [BACK]

108. Quoted in Capshew, "Psychology on the March," 114 n. 37. [BACK]

109. Office of Strategic Services Assessment Staff, "The Assessment of

Men," in Propaganda in War and Crisis, 287. See also Office of Strategic Services, Assessment of Men: Selection of Personnel for the Office of Strategic Services (New York: Rinehart, 1948). [BACK]

110. Eugene Taylor, personal communication, 23 June 1991. See also Henry A. Murray in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, 5:306-307. [BACK]

111. Excerpt from Trustees' Confidential Report, May 1952, "Picking the Personality that Will Succeed," Record Group 1.2, series 205, box 3, folder 19, RF Archives. [BACK]

112. Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, "Hearings on Science Legislation," October 1945-March 1946, pts. 1-6, 79th Cong., 1st sess., testimony of Brigadier General John Magruder, 899-901. [BACK]

1. Gordon Allport, "The Nature of Democratic Morale," in Civilian Morale, 18, emphasis in original. [BACK]

2. Farago, ed., German Psychological Warfare . [BACK]

3. Committee for National Morale letterhead, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1941-43, Co-Cz," GA Papers. A list of early members can also be found in Farago, ed., German Psychological Warfare. See also Mabee, "Margaret Mead and Behavioral Scientists in World War II," 4; and PAFP, testimony of Margaret Mead, 98-99. [BACK]

4. Farago, ed., German Psychological Warfare . [BACK]

5. Erik H. Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis (New York: W. W. Norton, 1968) 52. [BACK]

6. Erik Erikson, "On Nazi Mentality," in A Way of Looking at Things: Selected Papers from 1930 to 1980, Erik H. Erikson, ed. Stephen Schlein (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), 342. [BACK]

7. Dallenbach, "The Emergency Committee in Psychology," 541. [BACK]

8. Gordon Allport in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, 5:16. [BACK]

9. Dallenbach, "The Emergency Committee in Psychology," 521-523. [BACK]

10. Watson, ed., Civilian Morale, vi. [BACK]

11. Mead, And Keep Your Powder Dry, 20-21, emphasis in original. [BACK]

11. Mead, And Keep Your Powder Dry, 20-21, emphasis in original.

12. Ibid., 24. [BACK]

11. Mead, And Keep Your Powder Dry, 20-21, emphasis in original.

13. Ibid., 25. [BACK]

14. Margaret Mead in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, vol. 6, ed. Gardner Lindzey (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974), 295. Mead's inclusion in this highly selective series is itself evidence of how significant her contributions to psychology were. [BACK]

15. A draft of Blackberry Winter, quoted in Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics," 194. [BACK]

16. Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics," 194. [BACK]

17. Margaret Mead, "On Methods of Implementing a National Morale Program," Applied Anthropology 1 (October-December 1941):20-24. [BACK]

18. For discussions of And Keep Tour Powder Dry, see Richard Handler, "Boasian Anthropology and the Critique of American Culture," American Quarterly 42 (June 1990):252-273, and Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy., and Ethics," 204-207. [BACK]

19. Mead, And Keep Tour Powder Dry, 261. [BACK]

20. Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics," 197. [BACK]

21. For more on Mead's World War II work, see Mabee, "Margaret Mead and Behavioral Scientists in World War II," 3-13; and Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics," 184-217. [BACK]

22. Gordon Allport, "Morale, American Style," 2, 5, HUG 4118.50, box 1, folder 2, GA Papers. [BACK]

23. Gordon Allport, "Evidence for the State of National Morale," lecture given 29 October 1941, HUG 4118.50, box 1, folder 3, GA Papers. [BACK]

24. Gordon Allport, "Vision of the Democratic Personality," lecture at Cleveland College, 12 December 1951, HUG 4118.50, box 5, folder 176, GA Papers. [BACK]

25. Gordon Allport to Archibald MacLeish, 2 December 1941, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1941-43 Ma-Md," GA Papers. Allport was not alone in communicating findings about civilian morale to MacLeish's Office of Facts and Figures. Franz Alexander's Chicago Institute of Psychoanalysis did the same thing with the results of its morale studies. While such studies were a "special activity" for the Chicago Institute, strapped for researchers and clinicians due to the wartime personnel shortage, Alexander also acknowledged that the war had "certain stimulating effects, adding new lines to our regular work." See Franz Alexander to Alan Gregg, 4 February 1942, Record Group 1.1, series 216A, box 4, folder 40, RF Archives. [BACK]

26. Ralph Barton Perry, to Gordon Allport, 14 March 1944; Gordon All-port to Ralph Barton Perry, 15 March 1944; Ralph Barton Perry to Gordon Allport, 10 April 1945; HUG 4118.10, folder: "American Defense Harvard Group, 1944-45," GA Papers. [BACK]

27. The advertising industry, whose profiteering image placed it in jeopardy during the war years, made its own dramatic and very successful effort to stay on the right side of public opinion, consumer loyalty, and tax laws by demonstrating "the politics of sacrifice" in the patriotic ad campaigns run by the War Advertising Council in cooperation with the government's war mobilization agencies. See Mark H. Left, "The Politics of Sacrifice on the American Home Front in World War II," Journal of American History 77 (March 1991):1307-1312. [BACK]

28. Crawford and Biderman, eds., Social Scientists and International Affairs, 7. For a useful overview of survey research and its place in the federal government, both before and after World War II, see Converse, Survey Research in the United States. [BACK]

29. Tracy B. Kittredge memorandum, 6 August 1940, Record Group 2, series 717, box 204, folder 1440, RF Archives. Psychological experts were highly sensitive to the work of their German counterparts and, especially early in the war, looked to them as a model of what mobilized expertise could do. Robert Yerkes's important call to arms, for example, suggested that "with suffi-

cient determination and good fortune, we might succeed in compressing the worthwhile progress of a Nazi decade into a year of American effort." Yerkes, "Psychology and Defense," 533.

Christopher Simpson has pointed out that the term "psychological warfare" itself first entered the English vocabulary. in 1941 as a translation of the Nazi concept Weltanschauungskrieg, which literally meant worldview warfare. See Christopher Simpson, "U.S. Mass Communications Research and Counter-insurgency After 1945: An Investigation of the Construction of Scientific 'Reality'" (paper delivered at conference on "Rethinking the Cold War," Madison, Wisconsin, October 1991), 10. [BACK]

30. Hadley Cantril to John Marshall, 13 March 1940, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 270, folder 3217, RF Archives. [BACK]

31. "Utilization of Project Data by Government Agencies," 24 December 1941, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 270, folder 3221; Hadley Cantril to John Marshall, 4 October 1943, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 270, folder 3225; John Marshall memorandum, 16 December 1943, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 270, folder 3225, RF Archives. [BACK]

32. "Some Suggestions for Gauging Public Opinion in Foreign Countries: A Confidential Guide Prepared by H. C. for O.W.I. Outpost Men," 13 January 1943, HUG 4118.60, box 3, folder 61, GA Papers. In the postwar period, under Cold War pressure, Cantril's Office of Public Opinion Research became one of the Central Intelligence Agency's two wholly owned polling organizations. See Donald Freed with Dr. Fred Simon Landis, Death in Washington: The Murder of Orlando Letelier (Westport, Conn.: Lawrence Hill, 1980), 34. [BACK]

33. For example, Allen Edwards, a Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues member, was contacted by the War Relocation Authority about how to measure attitudes toward Japanese-Americans and other minority group members, without letting subjects know what was being investigated or why. His response was that "disguised attitude measurement" constituted a real challenge for researchers. See Allen Edwards to Gordon Allport, 27 February 1944, HUG 4118.10, folder: "SPSSI correspondence, 1944-45," GA Papers. [BACK]

34. Jerome S. Bruner in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, 7:95. [BACK]

35. "Confidential Report to the Rockefeller Foundation on Work of the Office of Public Opinion Research," n.d., see esp. "Confidential Reports for Government Agencies and Departments," 9-11, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 271, folder 3229, RF Archives. [BACK]

36. Hadley Cantril to John Marshall, 16 April 1943, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 270, folder 3225, RF Archives. [BACK]

37. James McKeen Cattell, quoted in J. G. Morawski, "Psychologists for Society and Societies for Psychologists: SPSSI's Place Among Professional Organizations," Journal of Social Issues 42 (Spring 1986):118. [BACK]

38. E. W. Scripps, founding letter of the American Society for the Dissemination of Science, quoted in Morawski, "Psychologists for Society and Societies for Psychologists," 116. [BACK]

39. Lasswell, Psychopathology and Politics, 191-192. [BACK]

40. Gordon Allport in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, 5:14.

"Group Mind" was also the title of an important treatise on crowd psychology. See McDougall, Group Mind. [BACK]

41. Strecker, Beyond the Clinical Frontiers, 79. [BACK]

41. Strecker, Beyond the Clinical Frontiers, 79.

42. Ibid., 180. [BACK]

43. Jerome S. Bruner, a psychologist who worked with Cantril at the Princeton Office of Public Opinion Research, as well as for the Office of War Information, the Division of Program Surveys of the Department of Agriculture, and the Psychological Warfare Division of Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Force, remembers that he "was shocked at how poorly informed they [U.S. citizens] were." Jerome S. Bruner in A History of Psychology in Autobiography, 7:93. [BACK]

44. Bluemel, War, Politics, and Insanity, 107. [BACK]

45. Murphy, ed., Human Nature and Enduring Peace, 372. Chapter 20, from which this quotation is drawn, was authored by Jerome Bruner with Hadley Cantril. [BACK]

46. Richard H. S. Crossman, "Supplementary Essay," in Sykewar, 345. [BACK]

47. Gordon W. Allport, ABC's of Scapegoating, rev. ed. (New York: Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai B'Rith, 1948), 7. [BACK]

48. Such rumors were also a major concern of military morale managers and experts in propaganda agencies. See, for example, Samuel Stouffer to R. Keith Kane, 30 May 1942, HUG (FP) 31.8, box 1, folder: "Kane, R. Keith"; Gordon Allport to Samuel Stouffer, 23 September 1942, box 1, folder: "Harvard University"; "OWI confidential memo on Rumors and Rumor Columns," 19 November 1942, box 1, folder: ''Miscellaneous (2 or 2)," SS Papers. [BACK]

49. Harold P. Lasswell, "The Psychology of Hitlerism," Political Quarterly 4 (July-September 1933):380. [BACK]

50. Wilhelm Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism (1933 in German, 1946 in English; reprint, New York: Farrar, Straus, & Giroux, 1970); Fromm, Escape from Freedom. [BACK]

51. See, for example, Dollard et al., Frustration and Aggression, 43-44, 89-90, 151-156. [BACK]

52. Bruno Bettelheim, "Behavior in Extreme Situations," Politics (August 1944):209, emphasis in original, reprinted in shorter form from the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, October 1943, where it was published as "Individual and Mass Behavior in Extreme Situations." [BACK]

53. Murphy, ed., Human Nature and Enduring Peace, esp. chaps. 7, 11-14, 16. See also Bruno Bettelheim to Gordon Allport, 16 August 1943, HUG 4118.20, box 4, folder 109, GA Papers. The evolution of "reeducation" analysis was heavily indebted to Kurt Lewin's work. See especially Lewin's "Cultural Reconstruction," "The Special Case of German," and "Conduct, Knowledge, and Acceptance of New Values," in Resolving Social Conflicts, 34-68. [BACK]

54. A useful overview of the historical context and importance of The Authoritarian Personality can be found in Franz Samelson, "Authoritarian-ism from Berlin to Berkeley: On Social Psychology and History," Journal of Social Issues 42 (Spring 1986):191-208 (followed by comment by Nevitt Sanford). [BACK]

55. T. W. Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 16. [BACK]

55. T. W. Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 16.

56. Ibid., 5, emphasis in original. [BACK]

57. An early study of U.S. anti-Semitism and antiblack prejudice found that 80 percent of its subjects had seriously prejudiced attitudes. See Gordon W. Allport and Bernard M. Kramer, "Some Roots of Prejudice," Journal of Psychology 22 (July 1946):9-39. [BACK]

58. "Survey of Intelligence Materials, Supplement to Survey No. 25," 14 July 1942, HUG (FP) 31.8, box 1, folder: "Negro in America," SS Papers. [BACK]

59. Alfred McClung Lee and Norman Daymond Humphrey, Race Riot (New York: The Dryden Press, 1943), ix, 87. [BACK]

60. Kenneth Clark, "Morale among Negroes," in Civilian Morale, 228-248. [BACK]

61. These are the titles of the final two chapters in Lee and Humphrey, Race Riot. They illustrate not only the impulse to be practically useful but the pervasiveness of the therapeutic and medically oriented language of diagnosis and treatment. [BACK]

62. Gordon Allport to Lillian Wald Kay, 8 March 1945, HUG 4118.10, folder: "SPSSI, miscellaneous, 1944-45," GA Papers. [BACK]

63. Among those who acknowledged debts to Allport's work in this area was Alfred McClung Lee, the coauthor of an important analysis of the 1943 race riot in Detroit. See Alfred McClung Lee to Gordon Allport, 23 February 1942, HUG 4118.10, folder: "La-Lh, 1941-43," GA Papers. [BACK]

64. Gordon W. Allport, "Catharsis and the Reduction of Prejudice," Journal of Social Issues 1 (August 1945):3. [BACK]

65. Lee and Humphrey, Race Riot, 13. [BACK]

65. Lee and Humphrey, Race Riot, 13.

66. Ibid., 103, emphasis in original. [BACK]

65. Lee and Humphrey, Race Riot, 13.

67. Ibid., 128. [BACK]

65. Lee and Humphrey, Race Riot, 13.

68. Ibid., 97. [BACK]

69. Franz Samelson argues that the momentous transition from a psychology that proved objective racial differences to one that proved subjective racial emotions occurred during the interwar period, the result of developments such as restrictive immigration legislation during the 1920s, the slow but steady ethnic diversification of the psychological profession itself, and its leftward tilt during the depression. He considers World War II a dramatic confirmation of the validity of psychology's change of focus, rather than a "cause." See Franz Samelson, "From 'Race Psychology' to 'Studies in Prejudice': Some Observations on the Thematic Reversal in Social Psychology," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 14 (July 1978):265-278. [BACK]

70. Richard Sterba, "Some Psychological Factors in Negro Race Hatred and in Anti-Negro Riots," Psychoanalysis and the Social Sciences 1 (1947):419. [BACK]

71. Menninger, Psychiatry. in a Troubled World, 422. See also Menninger, "The Role of Psychiatry in the World Today," 572. [BACK]

72. Military Mobilization Committee of the American Psychiatric Association, Psychiatric Aspects of Civilian Morale (New York: Family Welfare Association of America, 1942), 11-14. [BACK]

73. Robert Castel, Françoise Castel, and Anne Lovell, The Psychiatric Soci-

ety, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), chaps. 3-5; Gerald N. Grob, "World War II and American Psychiatry," Psychohistory Review 19 (Fall 1990):41-69; Grob, From Asylum to Community, chap. 1; Peter Miller and Nikolas Rose, eds., The Power of Psychiatry (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1986), 1-11, 43-84. For an argument that the "community" orientation originated during the Progressive Era, see Sicherman, ''The Quest for Mental Health in America, 1880-1917." [BACK]

74. S. Harvard Kaufman, "The Problem of Human Difference and Prejudice," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 17 (April 1947):352, 356. [BACK]

75. Helen V. McLean, "Psychodynamic Factors in Racial Relations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 244 (March 1946):162. [BACK]

76. Lecture notes for Brandeis Institute, 11 August 1960, HUG 4118.60, box 7, folder 151: "Prejudice" GA Papers. Richard I. Evans, Gordon Allport: The Man and His Ideas, vol. 6 in Dialogues with Notable Contributors to Personality Theory (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1971), 61-62. See also Kenneth Clark to Gordon Allport, 4 October 1944, HUG 4118.10, folder: "Ca-Cn, 1944-45," GA Papers. [BACK]

77. The two were not, of course, always easy to distinguish in practice. See, for example, the correspondence between Gordon Allport and Cornelius Golightly, an analyst for the Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC). Golightly approvingly reported to Allport the FEPC's promotion of an "educational persuasion campaign" to supplement its more formal, legal functions. Cornelius Golightly to Gordon Allport, 28 December 1943, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1938-45, Go-Gz," GA Papers. [BACK]

78. Quoted in Russell Marks, "Legitimating Industrial Capitalism: Philanthropy and Individual Differences," in Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: The Foundations at Home and Abroad, ed. Robert F. Arnove (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1980), 105. Yerkes chaired the National Research Council's postwar Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, appointed in 1922. [BACK]

79. For more on the relationship between World War I intelligence testing and eugenics, as well as for a good overview of World War I psychology, see Samelson, "Putting Psychology on the Map," 103-168; and Samelson, "World War I Intelligence Testing and the Development of Psychology," 274-282. For a general historical overview of the role psychological technologies—especially testing—have played in racist and nativist movements, see Robert V. Guthrie, Even the Rat Was White: A Historical View of Psychology (New York: Harper & Row, 1976). [BACK]

80. Yerkes, "Psychology and Defense," 540. [BACK]

81. Edward A. Strecker, "Presidential Address," American Journal of Psychiatry 101 (July 1944):2. [BACK]

82. There were dissidents, of course, even during the 1950s and 1960s, although they were rare. Psychological testing continued to provide much of the ammunition for a new-fashioned school of scientific racism, whose advocates never tired of the example offered by World War I intelligence tests. For a discussion of how heavily advocates of school segregation relied on analysis

of psychological tests in the post- Brown era, as well as for fascinating commentaries by some of these advocates, see I. A. Newby, Challenge to the Court: Social Scientists and the Defense of Segregation, 1954-1966 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967), chap. 4 and commentaries. [BACK]

83. Edward L. Bernays, "Morale: First Line of Defense," Infantry Journal 48 (May 1941 ):32. [BACK]

84. Samuel Stouffer, "Social Science and the Soldier," HUG (FP) 31.45, box 2, folder: "1943," SS Papers. This was subsequently published in William Fielding Ogburn, ed., American Society in Wartime (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1943), 105-117. [BACK]

85. W. R. Bion, "The 'War of Nerves': Civilian Reaction, Morale and Prophylaxis," in The Neuroses in War, ed. Emanuel Miller (New York: Macmillan, 1943), 180-200. [BACK]

86. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier: Adjustment During Army Life, 27. [BACK]

87. For a general discussion of the army's Research Branch, see Converse, Survey Research in the United States, 165-171, 217-224. [BACK]

88. "Basic Record," HUG (FP) 31.8, box 1, SS Papers. [BACK]

89. "Some Afterthoughts of a Contributor to The American Soldier," quoted in Converse, Survey Research in the United States, 218. [BACK]

90. Samuel A. Stouffer, "Studying the Attitudes of Soldiers," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 92 (12 November 1948):336. [BACK]

91. "Objectives of Demobilization Study," HUG (FP) 31.8, box 1, folder: "Demobilization Process," SS Papers. [BACK]

92. For example, see Russell Sage Foundation, Effective Use of Social Science Research in the Federal Services (New York, 1950), 14-16. Officers of the Rockefeller Foundation also thought that Stouffer's Research Branch in the army and William Langer's Research and Analysis Branch in the Office of Strategic Services were clear examples of how behavioral experts "helped the top command to wiser policies." See Social Sciences Program, Brief Review, 1939-1949, and Future Targets, by Joseph H. Willits, prepared for Trustees' Meeting, 7 December 1949, Record Group 3.1, series 910, box 3, folder 18, item PRO-38, RF Archives. [BACK]

93. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, 433. [BACK]

93. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, 433.

94. Ibid., 436 (table 2), 438. [BACK]

93. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, 433.

95. Ibid., 449, emphasis in original. [BACK]

93. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, 433.

96. Ibid., 461. [BACK]

97. Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 453-455. See also Leland Sitwell and Julius Schreiber, "Neuropsychiatric Program for a Replacement Training Center," War Medicine 3 (January 1943):20-29. [BACK]

98. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, 465. [BACK]

98. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, 465.

99. Ibid., chap. 8. [BACK]

100. For an interesting, revisionist interpretation of the Hawthorne experiments, see Richard Gillespie, Manufacturing Knowledge: A History of the Hawthorne Experiments (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991). A shorter version is Richard Gillespie, "The Hawthorne Experiments and the Politics of

Experimentation," in The Rise of Experimentation in American Psychology, ed. Jill G. Morawski (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 114-137. [BACK]

101. Hadley Cantril to Joseph Willits, 13 May 1947, Record Group 1.1, series 200S, box 388, folder 4596; Hadley Cantril to Eric Hodgin, 27 November 1940, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 270, folder 3219; "The Changing Attitude Toward War," grant summary, January 1941, Record Group 1.1, series 200R, box 270, folder 3219, RF Archive. [BACK]

102. The consequences of Lewin's theory are much debated. For the critical perspective that Lewin advanced an antidemocratic style of social engineering, see Peter Emanuel Franks, "A Social History of American Social Psychology Up to the Second World War" (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York, Stony Brook, 1975), pt. 3, chap. 4; and Cina, "Social Science for Whom?" chap. 4. For a celebratory perspective on Lewin as the champion of democracy. and individual integrity, see Edward A. Shils, "Social Inquiry and the Autonomy of the Individual," in The Human Meaning of the Social Sciences, 114-157. For an interpretation somewhere between these two poles, which considers Lewin very critically as a democratic social engineer but without the simplistic, sinister overtones of Franks and Cina, see William Graebner, "The Small Group and Democratic Social Engineering, 1900-1950,'' Journal of Social Issues 42 (Spring 1986): 137-154. For a discussion of Lewin's legacy in the field of prejudice reduction, see Walter A. Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience: Social Engineering and Racial Liberalism, 1938-1987 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 282. [BACK]

103. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, chap. 10. Almost all of the other surveys conducted by the Research Branch were limited to white soldiers. [BACK]

104. Quoted in Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944), 1006. [BACK]

105. Malcolm X with the assistance of Alex Haley, The Autobiography. of Malcolm X (New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1964), 104-107. [BACK]

106. Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 277-298; Rutherford B. Stevens, "Racial Aspects of Emotional Problems of Negro Soldiers," American Journal of Psychiatry (January 1947):493-498. [BACK]

107. U.S. Department of War, "The Negro Soldier," directed by Frank Capra, 1943. [BACK]

108. "Some Notes on Research Methods," 13 October 1944, emphasis in original, HUG (FP) 31.8, box 2, folder: "Research Problems," SS Papers. [BACK]

109. "Embarrassing Questions," n.d. (c. January 1945), HUG (FP) 31.8, box 2, folder: "Research Problems," SS Papers. [BACK]

110. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, 37. [BACK]

111. Gordon Allport to Dwight Chapman, 5 November 1943, HUG 4118,10, folder: "1944-45, SPSSI misc," GA Papers. [BACK]

112. Kurt Danziger, Constructing the Subject: Historical Origins of Psychological Research (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), esp. chap. 7; Nikolas Rose, "Calculable Minds and Manageable Individuals," History of the Human Sciences 1 (October 1988):181-200; Samelson, "Putting Psychology on the Map," 103-168; Samelson, "World War I Intelligence Testing and the

Development of Psychology," 274-282; Robert I. Watson, "A Brief History of Clinical Psychology," Psychological Bulletin 50 (September 1953):321-346. [BACK]

113. "A Barometer of International Security," n.d. (c. July 1944), HUG (FP) 31.8, box 1, folder: "Dodd, Stuart C.," SS Papers. [BACK]

114. Leighton, Human Relations in a Changing World, 190. [BACK]

115. Stouffer, "Studying the Attitudes of Soldiers," 340. [BACK]

116. Paul F. Lazarsfeld, "The American Soldier —An Expository Review," Public Opinion Quarterly 13 (Fall 1949):404. [BACK]

117. Gordon Allport to All Members of Congress, 5 April 1945, HUG 4118.50, box 1, folder 10, GA Papers. [BACK]

118. "Human Nature and the Peace: A Statement by Psychologists," HUG 4118.50, box 1, folder 10, GA Papers. The statement is also reprinted in Murphy, ed., Human Nature and Enduring Peace, 455-457. [BACK]

118. "Human Nature and the Peace: A Statement by Psychologists," HUG 4118.50, box 1, folder 10, GA Papers. The statement is also reprinted in Murphy, ed., Human Nature and Enduring Peace, 455-457.

119. Ibid., emphasis in original. [BACK]

120. See the extensive correspondence related to publicity and key contacts among policy-makers in HUG 4118.10, folders: "SPSSI correspondence, 1944-45" and "SPSSI miscellaneous, 1944-45"; HUG 4118.10, box 1, folder 10, GA Papers. [BACK]

121. Robert Yerkes to Secretaries of War and Navy, 18 December 1944 and "Recommendations Concerning Post-War Psychological Services in the Armed Forces," Records of the American Psychological Association, box G-8, folder: "Psychology and the Military, Yerkes Committee: Misc. Reports," Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. [BACK]

122. William Ogburn, a University of Chicago sociologist who directed Hoover's famous Research Committee on Social Trends, is credited with coining the term "cultural lag" to designate the distance between rapid technological advance and slow cultural adjustment. "Cultural lag" was among the most fundamental presumptions animating the history of U.S. social scientists during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; it indicated that Americans were not responding all that well, personally and socially, to the massive changes occurring around them in the economy, the world of science, and elsewhere. See William F. Ogburn, Social Change, with Respect to Culture and Original Nature (New York: B. W. Buebsch, 1922). [BACK]

123. Murphy, ed., Human Nature and Enduring Peace, 271, emphasis in original. [BACK]

124. "Social Engineering," 1-2, HUG 4118.10, folder: "SPSSI miscellaneous, 1944-45," GA Papers. [BACK]

125. Fromm, Escape from Freedom, xiv. [BACK]

126. Edwin Boring, "Psychology for the Common Man," Summer 1945, 20, HUG 4229.80, folder: "Personal Mss, unpublished," EB Papers. [BACK]

127. Edward A. Purcell, The Crisis of Democratic Theory: Scientific Naturalism & the Problem of Value (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1973). Purcell suggests that World War II resolved "the crisis of democratic theory" that had generated by the model of scientific naturalism and decades of evidence that the scientific truth about human behavior undermined the very basis of liberal democratic institutions. Beginning early in the century, the pessimistic findings of psychological science about mental inequalities and mass irrational-

ity had contributed directly to causing the crisis. World War II managed to resolve it, at least temporarily, by producing a consensus among intellectuals that the normative state of U.S. institutions and policy was equivalent to U.S. democratic ideals. The experiences of psychological experts offer a useful illustration of this equation. For a discussion of this development within political science, see Ricci, The Tragedy of Political Science, chap. 4. [BACK]

128. Quoted in Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics," 195. [BACK]

128. Quoted in Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics," 195.

129. Ibid., 209. [BACK]

130. Murphy, ed., Human Nature and Enduring Peace, 442, emphasis in original. [BACK]

131. For a general discussion of the appeal and spread of "scientism" within the social sciences after World War I, see Ross, The Origins of American Social Science, chap. 10. [BACK]

1. Edward A. Strecker and Kenneth E. Appel, "Morale," American Journal of Psychiatry 99 (September 1942):159. [BACK]

1. Edward A. Strecker and Kenneth E. Appel, "Morale," American Journal of Psychiatry 99 (September 1942):159.

2. Ibid., 160. [BACK]

3. The best general secondary source on psychiatry in World War II is Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II." Another useful summary is Grob, From Asylum to Community, chap. 1. Key primary sources are Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, and U.S. Army, Medical Department, Neuropsychiatry in Worm War II, 2 vols., ed. Albert J. Glass (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General, Department of the Army, 1966). In different ways, each of these sources offers evidence that World War II precipitated a radical shift in the concerns of clinicians: from mental illness to health, from prediction to prevention, from the individual to the environment. [BACK]

4. Donald S. Napoli, Architects of Adjustment: The History of the Psychological Profession in the United States (Port Washington, N.Y.: National University Publications, 1981), 103. [BACK]

5. Sol L. Garfield, "Psychotherapy: A 40-Year Appraisal," American Psychologist 36 (February 1981 ):174. [BACK]

6. Steuart Henderson Britt and Jane D. Morgan, "Military Psychologists in World War II," American Psychologist 1 (October 1946):427 (tables 6 and 8), 428; Watson, "A Brief History of Clinical Psychology," 339-340. [BACK]

7. Quoted in Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, xiv. [BACK]

7. Quoted in Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, xiv.

8. Ibid., xiv. [BACK]

9. Comparative statistics on World War I and II psychiatry can be found in Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, chap. 23. [BACK]

10. Castel, Castel, and Lovell, The Psychiatric Society, 45; Purcell, The Crisis of Democratic Theory, 98-99; Samelson, "Putting Psychology on the Map,"

123; Samelson, "World War I Intelligence Testing and the Development of Psychology," 277-278. [BACK]

11. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 17, 254. [BACK]

11. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 17, 254.

12. Ibid., 7. [BACK]

13. Southern Psychiatric Association, "Report of Its Committee on Psychiatry and the National Defense," Psychiatry 3 (1940):619. [BACK]

13. Southern Psychiatric Association, "Report of Its Committee on Psychiatry and the National Defense," Psychiatry 3 (1940):619.

14. Ibid., 620. [BACK]

15. William C. Menninger, "A Condensed Neuropsychiatric Examination for Use by Selective Service Boards," War Medicine 2 (November 1941):851. [BACK]

16. Martin Cooley, "The Economic Aspect of Psychiatric Examination of Registrants," War Medicine 2 (May 1941 ):376-378. [BACK]

17. Southern Psychiatric Association, "Report of Its Committee on Psychiatry and the National Defense," 619. [BACK]

18. Menninger, "A Condensed Neuropsychiatric Examination for Use by Selective Service Boards," 843-853. [BACK]

19. Selective Service System, Medical Circular No. 1, "Minimum Psychiatric Inspection," revised, May 1941, Journal of the American Medical Association 116 (3 May 1941):2060. [BACK]

19. Selective Service System, Medical Circular No. 1, "Minimum Psychiatric Inspection," revised, May 1941, Journal of the American Medical Association 116 (3 May 1941):2060.

20. Ibid., 2061. [BACK]

21. Medical Bulletin No. 58, issued in April 1941, quoted in Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 66. [BACK]

22. Arthur Weider, Keeve Brodman, Bela Mittelmann, David Wechsler, and Harold G. Wolff with the technical assistance of Margaret Meixner, "Cornell Service Index: A Method for Quickly Assaying Personality and Psychosomatic Disturbances in Men in the Armed Forces," War Medicine 7 (April 1945):209-213. [BACK]

23. For a chart contrasting the psychiatric screening program as it was designed with how it was actually conducted, see Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 171. See also Harry Stack Sullivan, "Psychiatry, the Army, and the War," Record Group 1.1, series 200A, box 117, folder 1444, RF Archives. [BACK]

24. Albert Deutsh, "Military Psychiatry: World War II, 1941-1943," in One Hundred Tears of American Psychiatry (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 426. [BACK]

24. Albert Deutsh, "Military Psychiatry: World War II, 1941-1943," in One Hundred Tears of American Psychiatry (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 426.

25. Ibid. [BACK]

26. All statistics in this paragraph are from Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 341-343, app. D. Just as the four-volume work The American Soldier (1949) presented and analyzed the survey data gathered by the Research Branch of the army's Morale Division on soldiers' attitudes, another postwar multivolume work interpreted military personnel and medical records in order to discover why 2.5 million individuals had been rejected or discharged for psychological reasons. See Ginzberg, The Ineffective Soldier, 3 vols. [BACK]

27. Statistics in this paragraph are from Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 114, chap. 23, app. D, 587-588; Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 187-191,253, 277. [BACK]

28. Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 210-211, 282-284; Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 39-40. For an example

in which such statistics could not be cited, see Roy R. Grinker and John P. Spiegel, Men Under Stress (Philadelphia: Blakiston, 1945), viii. [BACK]

29. Gordon Allport, for example, wrote the following about a former student of his who had just been drafted: "Although I am not a psychiatrist and should not like to be quoted as diagnosing a case, I should way [ sic ] that he is hysterical, sexually compulsive, lacks self control and breaks down in minor crises. He seems to me to be exactly the type of psycho-neurotic who will hinder rather than help national defense. The case is of interest because the same newspaper [that mentioned the student] featured the fact that 1/5 of the draftees were being rejected for physical reasons by army doctors. I suspect that only a small per cent of these physical defects were in fact as serious a liability as my former student's neurosis." Gordon Allport to Lawrence K. Frank, 30 November 1940, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1944-45 Frank, Lawrence K.," GA Papers. [BACK]

30. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 293. [BACK]

30. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 293.

31. Ibid., 460. [BACK]

32. Alan Gregg, "Lessons to Learn: Psychiatry in World War II," American Journal of Psychiatry 104 (October 1947):219. For data on the incomes of neuropsychiatrists, relative to other physicians during the 1930s and early 1940s, see Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 433 n. 34. [BACK]

33. Alan Gregg to Franklin Ebaugh, 28 September 1943, Record Group 1.1, series 200A, box 109, folder 1345, RF Archives. [BACK]

34. For example, see William C. Porter, "The School of Military Neuropsychiatry," American Journal of Psychiatry 100 (July 1943):25-27. [BACK]

35. The term "visiting fireman" is from Franklin Ebaugh to Alan Gregg, 28 February 1944, Record Group 1.1, series 200A, box 109, folder 1346, RF Archives. For other documents related to this program, see Walter Bauer to Alan Gregg, 4 January 1944, Record Group 1.1, series 200A, box 109, folder 1346; William Menninger to Robert Morison, 11 April 1946; RF grant action 46073, Record Group 1.1, series 200A, box 110, folder 1355, RF Archives. [BACK]

36. Alan Gregg, "A Critique of Psychiatry," American Journal of Psychiatry 101 (November 1944):291. [BACK]

37. Grob, From Asylum to Community, 17; and Gary R. Vandenbos, Nicholas A. Cummings, and Patrick H. Deleon, "A Century of Psychotherapy: Economic and Environmental Influences," in History of Psychotherapy: A Century of Change, ed. Donald K. Freedheim (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1992), 76. [BACK]

38. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 459. [BACK]

39. Lawrence J. Friedman, Menninger: The Family and the Clinic (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990), esp. chaps. 7 and 9. [BACK]

40. Lewis Terman, quoted in Samelson, "Putting Psychology on the Map," 105. [BACK]

41. Napoli, Architects of Adjustment, 90. [BACK]

42. Bray, Psychology and Military Proficiency, 49. [BACK]

43. Gilgen, American Psychology Since World War II, 173. [BACK]

44. Capshew, "Psychology on the March," 73-75. [BACK]

45. Walter V. Bingham with James Rorty, "How the Army Sorts Its Man Power," Infantry Journal 51 (October 1942):28-29. [BACK]

46. For example, see Carleton W. Leverenz, "Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory," War Medicine 4 (December 1943):618-629. [BACK]

47. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, app. D, 592, 597. [BACK]

48. Capshew, "Psychology on the March," 102. For an enthusiastic description by a psychologist of "a patient-directed 'talking-out session' on the Carl Rogers model" near the German front lines, see Stephen T. Boggs to Gordon Allport, 24 March 1945, HUG 4118.10, folder: "Boggs, Stephen T. 1958-61," GA Papers. [BACK]

49. James G. Miller, "Clinical Psychology in the Veterans Administration," American Psychologist 1 (June 1946):182. [BACK]

50. Britt and Morgan, "Military Psychologists in World War II," 423-437, see esp. tables 6, 8, and 21. [BACK]

51. Sullivan, "Psychiatry, the Army, and the War." [BACK]

52. Roy R. Grinker and John P. Spiegel, War Neuroses (Philadelphia: Blakiston, 1945), 115, emphasis in original. [BACK]

53. Menninger, "The Role of Psychiatry in the World Today," 570. [BACK]

54. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 340. The term "everyman" is used in Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, vii. [BACK]

55. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 55, emphasis in original. [BACK]

55. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 55, emphasis in original.

56. Ibid., 352. [BACK]

57. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 411. [BACK]

58. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 38, 344. [BACK]

59. Technical nosologies were radically altered by the war. For detailed comparison and definition of various types of war neuroses, see Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, and Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, app. B. See also Gerald N. Grob, "Origins of DSM-I: A Study in Appearance and Reality," American Journal of Psychiatry 148 (April 1991 ):427-430. [BACK]

60. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, app. B, 557. In appendix D, Menninger placed the following note under a chart documenting the percentages of neuropsychiatric admissions in various diagnostic categories: "Stress Often So Severe in Army That Psychiatric Reactions Develop in Normal Men." [BACK]

61. Not enough time remained in the war to determine whether or not this policy prevented or reduced mental trouble. Years later, some evidence from the Vietnam War indicated that fixed one-year tours of duty may have contributed to dramatically lower rates of psychiatric disorder. See Robert E. Huffman, "Which Soldiers Break Down: A Survey of 610 Psychiatric Patients in Vietnam," Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 34 (November 1970):346-347. [BACK]

62. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 84. [BACK]

63. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 181. [BACK]

63. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 181.

64. Ibid., 39. [BACK]

65. Strecker and Appel, "Morale," 162. [BACK]

66. Kenneth Appel, report to Eighth Service Command, June 1944, 4a-4b, Record Group 1.1, series 200A, box 110, folder 1348, RF Archives. For descriptions of one such effort that integrated lectures about adjustment with visual material, see R. Robert Cohen, "Factors in Adjustment to Army Life: A Plan for Preventive Psychiatry by Mass Psychotherapy," War Medicine 5 (February 1944):83-91, and "Visual Aids in Preventive Psychiatry," War Medicine 6 (July 1944):18-23. [BACK]

67. Edwin Boring, "Psychology for the Common Man," 30, presidential address written in summer 1945 for the Eastern Psychological Association, HUG 4229.80, EB Papers. [BACK]

67. Edwin Boring, "Psychology for the Common Man," 30, presidential address written in summer 1945 for the Eastern Psychological Association, HUG 4229.80, EB Papers.

68. Ibid., 36. [BACK]

69. "Sell" was the word Edwin Boring used, in quotation marks. See Edwin Boring to T. D. Stamps, 27 February 1943, HUG 4229.5, box 48, folder 1065, EB Papers. For a summary of the book project, see the description of the Subcommittee on a Textbook in Military Psychology in Dallenbach, "The Emergency Committee in Psychology," 526-530. A general discussion of the effort can be found in Capshew, "Psychology on the March," chap. 5. [BACK]

70. National Research Council, Psychology for the Fighting Man (Washington: The Infantry Journal, 1943), 300-301, 410-412. [BACK]

71. Edwin Boring to Alice Bryan, 27 January 1943; and Mildred Atwood to Boring, 15 December 1942, HUG 4229.5, box 8, folder 168 and box 44, folder 949, EB Papers. [BACK]

72. National Research Council, Psychology for the Fighting Man, 12. [BACK]

72. National Research Council, Psychology for the Fighting Man, 12.

73. Ibid., 339. [BACK]

72. National Research Council, Psychology for the Fighting Man, 12.

74. Ibid., 336. [BACK]

75. The best source on homosexuality during World War II, which gives a starting role to military psychiatrists, is Allan Bérubé, Coming Out Under Fire: The History of Gay Men and Women in World War Two (New York: The Free Press, 1990), esp. chaps. 1, and 5-6. [BACK]

76. "Neuropsychiatry in the Army," Journal of the American Medical Association 121 (3 April 1943):1155. [BACK]

77. National Research Council, Psychology for the Fighting Man, 340. [BACK]

77. National Research Council, Psychology for the Fighting Man, 340.

78. Ibid., 304. [BACK]

79. Roy R. Grinker, St., Fifty Years in Psychiatry: A living History (Springfield, Ill.: Charles C. Thomas, 1979), 81. [BACK]

80. John Dollard, Fear in Battle (Washington, D.C.: The Infantry Journal, 1944), and "Twelve Rules on Meeting Battle Fear," Infantry Journal 54 (May 1944):36-38. Fear in Battle , which incorporated results of research done with three hundred veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade of the Spanish Civil War, was originally published in 1943 by the Yale Institute of Human Relations. It was funded by the Rockefeller Foundation but used by the army. See, for example, John Dollard to Samuel Stouffer, 28 April 1943, and John Dollard to Samuel Stouffer, 25 May 1943, HUG (FP) 31.8, box 2, folder: "Yale University," SS Papers. [BACK]

81. Dollard, "Twelve Rules on Meeting Battle Fear," 38. [BACK]

81. Dollard, "Twelve Rules on Meeting Battle Fear," 38.

82. Ibid., 37. [BACK]

81. Dollard, "Twelve Rules on Meeting Battle Fear," 38.

83. Ibid., 38. [BACK]

84. Strecker, "Presidential Address," 2. [BACK]

84. Strecker, "Presidential Address," 2.

85. Ibid. [BACK]

86. Roy D. Halloran and Malcolm J. Farrell, "The Function of Neuropsychiatry in the Army," American Journal of Psychiatry 100 (July 1943): 17. [BACK]

87. This delayed delivery of on-site mental health services was avoided entirely in Vietnam, where clinicians relied heavily on the World War II learning curve in spite of the many important differences between the conflict in South-

east Asia and the earlier world war. Clinicians accompanied troops into the field from the very beginning of military escalation in 1965 and focused their efforts on environmental manipulation and preventive techniques. Lower psychiatric casualty rates, at least until late 1969, led leaders of the clinical effort to conclude that "the American soldier in Vietnam has generally been psychologically healthier than his counterpart in previous wars." Edward M. Colbach and Matthew D. Parrish, "Army Mental Health Activities in Vietnam, 1965-1970," Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 34 (November 1970):339. [BACK]

88. Grinker and Spiegel, War Neuroses, 70. [BACK]

89. Grinker and Spiegel estimated that the drug was used on 50 percent of all their psychotherapeutic patients. See Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, chap. 17. For another general discussion of "narcosynthesis," see Grinker and Spiegel, War Neuroses, 78-86. Essentially, the idea behind narcosynthesis was that by inducing semiconsciousness, sedatives would prompt patients to reexperience the traumatic events in a therapeutic setting, bring repressed anxieties to consciousness, and allow the damaged ego to gather strength and heal. [BACK]

90. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 305-307. [BACK]

91. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 348, emphasis in original. [BACK]

91. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 348, emphasis in original.

92. Ibid., 218. [BACK]

91. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 348, emphasis in original.

93. Ibid., 158. [BACK]

91. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 348, emphasis in original.

94. Ibid., 368. [BACK]

95. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 451. [BACK]

96. Grinker and Spiegel, Men Under Stress, 149. [BACK]

97. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 451, emphasis in original. [BACK]

98. Henry W. Brosin, "The Army Has Learned These Lessons," quoted in Grob, From Asylum to Community, 18, emphasis in original. [BACK]

99. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 410. [BACK]

100. The term "pensionitis" is taken from B. M. Baruch's report to Gen. Omar Bradley, director of the Veterans Administration, on 16 August 1945, quoted in Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 391. The cost of pensions based on psychiatric discharges was a significant concern among policy-makers. In 1946, 60 percent of all cases in Veterans Administration hospitals were psychiatric and they cost $40,000 or more per case. As of June 1947, all the neuropsychiatrically disabled vets from World War I and World War II combined were receiving pensions costing the government $20 million each month. Jeanne L. Brand, "The National Mental Health Act of 1946: A Retrospective," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 39 (May-June 1965):236-237; and Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 380. [BACK]

101. Daniel Blain, "Programs of the Veterans Administration for the Physical and Mental Health of Veterans," Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 10 (March 1946) 34. [BACK]

102. Gregg, "A Critique of Psychiatry," 291. [BACK]

103. Franz Alexander, "What Can Psychiatry Contribute to the Alleviation of National and International Difficulties? A Symposium," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry (October 1941 ):619. [BACK]

104. Alexander, Our Age of Unreason, 235. [BACK]

105. Strecker, Beyond the Clinical Frontiers, 199. [BACK]

106. Lawrence K. Frank, "Freedom for the Personality," Psychiatry 3 (August 1940):349. [BACK]

1. John G. Darley, "Contract Support of Research in Psychology," American Psychologist 7 (December 1952):719. [BACK]

2. Department of the Army, "Psychological Operations," Department of the Army Field Manual, FM 33-5 (Washington, D.C.: Dept. of the Army, January 1962), i. [BACK]

3. Even decades later, this was still considered the most significant lesson of the World War II experience. See National Academy of Sciences, Behavioral and Social Science Research in the Department of Defense: A Framework for Management, Report of the Advisory Committee on the Management of Behavioral Science Research in the Department of Defense, Division of Behavioral Sciences, National Research Council (Washington, D.C., 1971), 6. [BACK]

4. This phrase was used by Theodore Vallance, the director of Project Camelot's sponsoring organization, the Special Operations Research Office (SORO) at the American University. See Theodore R. Vallance, "Psychological Aspects of Social Change Mediated Through the Interaction of Military Systems of Two Cultures," in U.S. Army Behavioral Science Research Laboratory, Technical Report S-I, Psychological Research in National Defense Today (June 1967), 314. Although not published until 1967, Vallance presented this material as a talk at the September 1964 meetings of the American Psychological Association, before Camelot was canceled. [BACK]

5. Darley, "Contract Support of Research in Psychology," 720. On the institutionalization and scope of psychological research for the military in the immediate postwar period, and articulation of the idea that defense research was an example of psychological professionals' public service in a democratic society, see Lyle H. Lanier, "The Psychological and Social Sciences in the National Military Establishment," American Psychologist 4 (May 1949), 127-147.

The critical postwar role of Department of Defense funding has been more widely acknowledged by historians of the physical sciences than by historians of psychology, probably because the sums involved and absence of other public sources of support were even more dramatic. By the early 1950s, 70 percent of all work conducted in academic physics departments was for the DOD, and university campuses were inundated with classified scientific research contracts. See, for example, Paul Forman, "Behind Quantum Electronics: National Security as Basis for Physical Research in the United States, 1940-1960," Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 18 (1987):149-229. [BACK]

6. National Science Foundation, Federal Funds for Science, 1950-51 and 1951-52 (Washington, D.C.):39-40, table F. [BACK]

7. Quoted in Simpson, "U.S. Mass Communications Research and Counterinsurgency After 1945," 12-13. [BACK]

8. Frank A. Geldard, "Military Psychology: Science or Technology?" American Journal of Psychology 66 (July 1953):335-348. [BACK]

9. See Talcott Parsons, "Social Science: A Basic National Resource," in The Nationalization of the Social Sciences, ed. Samuel Z. Klausner and Victor M. Lidz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986), 41-112. This important document, although not published until 1986, was commissioned by the Social Science Research Council as part of its effort to persuade politicians that National Science Foundation funding for social science should be mandated from the outset. (The NSF was finally "allowed" but not "required" to support social research.) Although Parsons's report was thought ill-suited for its purpose because it considered philosophical issues as well as cataloging the practical effectiveness of government-supported social science, it does illustrate how thoroughly arguments for social science's inclusion in the government's expanded postwar science effort relied upon World War II successes. For a general discussion of the initial campaign to include social science in the NSF, see Otto N. Larsen, Milestones and Millstones: Social Science at the National Science Foundation, 1945-1991 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1992), chap. 1. [BACK]

10. Barton Meyers, "The Effects of Funding on Psychology in the United States after World War II" (unpublished paper, n.d.), 20. [BACK]

11. Lerner and Lasswell, eds., The Policy Sciences. [BACK]

12. Parsons, "Social Science," 107. [BACK]

13. For one such prophetic warning, see E. A. Shils, "Social Science and Social Policy," Philosophy of Science 16 (July 1949):219-242, reprinted in Social Scientists and International Affairs, 35-49. [BACK]

14. Henry W. Riecken, Assistant Director for Social Sciences, National Science Foundation, "National Resources in the Social Sciences," in Symposium Proceedings: The U.S. Army's Limited-War Mission and Social Science Research, 26-28 March 1962, ed. William A. Lybrand (Washington, D.C.: Special Operations Research Office, 1962), 300. In 1938 the entirè budget for military research and development was $14 million. See Crawford and Biderman, eds., Social Scientists and International Affairs, 10. [BACK]

15. Good sources for data on levels of military funding for psychological and social science research include: DDSFAR; Irving Louis Horowitz, "Social Science and Public Policy: Implications of Modem Research," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot: Studies in the Relationship Between Social Science and Practical Politics, ed. Irving Louis Horowitz (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1967), 339-376; Michael T. Klare, War Without End: American Planning for the Next Vietnams (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972), apps. For a comparison with recent Department of Defense expenditures, see James E. Driskell and Beckett Olmstead, "Psychology and the Military: Research Applications and Trends," American Psychologist 44 (January 1989):43-54. This review is also useful for illustrating how little the perspective of military psychologists has changed over the fifty-year period since World War II. Driskell and Olmstead summarize the current relationship between psychology and the military as one of "reciprocal

exchange'' and conclude that "the 'growth potential' for military psychology is great."

For comparative data on levels of funding by the Defense Department and the Department of Health, Education and Welfare (and other domestically oriented agencies), see National Science Foundation, Federal Funds for Science, 1950-62 (Washington, D.C.), followed by Federal Funds for Research, Development, and Other Scientific Activities, 1962-70 (Washington, D.C.). According to the statistics provided in these volumes, fiscal year 1961 was the first during which total HEW spending on psychological sciences surpassed total DOD funding. HEW spent $20.4 million during that year, fully half of the federal government's total for such research. The DOD, in comparison, spent only $15.7 million. See National Science Foundation, Federal Funds for Science, 1960, 1961, 1962 (Washington, D.C.), 102, table 16. [BACK]

16. Arthur W. Melton, "Military Requirements for the Systematic Study of Psychological Variables," in Psychology in the World Emergency, John C. Flanagan et. al. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1952), 136. [BACK]

17. John G. Darley, "Psychology and the Office of Naval Research: A Decade of Development," American Psychologist 12 (June 1957):305. [BACK]

18. Psychologists, such as McGill University's Donald Hebb, whose work on sensory deprivation for the Canadian Defense Research Board emerged directly out of war-inspired concerns with "brainwashing" were not permitted to say as much in their published studies. See Gilgen, American Psychology Since World War II, 122. For a general discussion among psychiatrists of the issues raised by the Korean War controversy, see "Factors Used to Increase the Susceptibility of Individuals to Forceful Indoctrination: Observations and Experiments" and "Methods of Forceful Indoctrination: Observations and Interviews," in Psychiatry and Public Affairs: Reports and Symposia of the Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966, originally published as GAP symposia #3 and #4), 205-311. [BACK]

19. For a general discussion of this development, see Simpson, "U.S. Mass Communications Research and Counterinsurgency After 1945." [BACK]

20. The most important Central Intelligence Agency experiments of these kinds occurred from approximately 1945 to 1965, and included 149 projects, 80 institutions, 183 researchers (many of them academics), and $25 million. Known as MK/ULTRA and MK/DELTA, details of their existence were not exposed until the late 1970s. Much of the research involved laboratories at home, but the CIA also sent teams comprised of a psychiatrist, a hypnotist, and an interrogator to Communist countries to try out their scientific techniques. See John Marks, The Search for the "Manchurian Candidate": The CIA and Mind Control (New York: Times Books, 1979).

There is evidence that the American Psychological Association continued its World War II practice of helping the government's secret agencies recruit psychological experts after 1945, although such covert activities were never publicly acknowledged. See, for example, Matthew W. Baird to Robert R. Sears, 26 March 1951, quoted in Napoli, Architects of Adjustment, 146.

CIA recruitment, as well as operations, required help from psychological experts. Aside from performing strenuous batteries of tests, CIA psychological

experts developed profiles of individuals, analyzed audio and video tapes, and aided case officers with a variety of human management problems. John Stock-well, personal communication, 23 October 1990.

One congressional estimate in the 1960s was that the CIA employed 13 percent of all the social scientists working for the federal government, but the actual number was never public information. See "The Case for a National Social Science Foundation," in Social Science and National Policy, 2nd ed., ed. Fred R. Harris (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1973), 221. [BACK]

21. Quoted in John Marks and Patricia Greenfield, "How the CIA Assesses Weaknesses: The Gittinger Personality Assessment System," in The Power of Psychology, ed. David Cohen (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 25.

The extent of the CIA's nontherapeutic approach to personality assessment was illustrated when the architect of the agency's "personality assessment system," psychologist John Gittinger, was rushed to the White House during the Cuban Missile Crisis to advise the Kennedy administration on Khrushchev's probable responses to a variety of moves (p. 13). [BACK]

22. George W. Croker, "Some Principles Regarding the Utilization of Social Science Research within the Military," in Social Scientists and International Affairs, 189-192; Peter Watson, War on the Mind: The Military Uses and Abuses of Psychology (New York: Penguin, 1980), 216-223. [BACK]

23. Proposed Consultant Panels, Records of the Psychological Strategy Board, quoted in Simpson, "U.S. Mass Communications Research and Counterinsurgency After 1945," 13a-13b. [BACK]

24. Don K. Price, Government and Science: Their Dynamic Relation in American Democracy (1954; reprint, New York: Oxford University Press, 1962 ), 89, 96. [BACK]

25. DDSFAR, testimony of Vice Admiral Hyman G. Rickover, pt. 2, 28 May 1968, 25. [BACK]

25. DDSFAR, testimony of Vice Admiral Hyman G. Rickover, pt. 2, 28 May 1968, 25.

26. Ibid., 26. [BACK]

27. Earlier indications existed that social and psychological expertise was associated with gender nonconformity as well as sheer silliness. Consider, for example, the following statement from Ohio congressional representative Clarence Brown, during the 1946 debate over establishment of a national science foundation: "The average American just does not want some expert running around prying into his life and his personal affairs and deciding for him how he should live, and if the impression becomes prevalent in the Congress that this legislation is to establish some sort of an organization in which there would be a lot of short-haired women and long-haired men messing into everybody's personal affairs and lives, inquiring whether they love their wives or do not love them and so forth, you are not going to get your legislation." Quoted in Mark Solovey, "Shattered Dreams and Unfulfilled Promises: The Wisconsin Social Systems Research Institute and Interdisciplinary Social Science Research, 1945-1965" (M.A. thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1990), 12. [BACK]

28. Investigating the validity of this accusation was the 1953 mandate of the Cox Committee. It was joined by the Reece Committee in 1954, which denounced the "socialism" and "un-Americanism" of the social sciences. The Cox Committee is quoted in Gent M. Lyons, The Uneasy Partnership: Social

Science and the Federal Government in the Twentieth Century (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1969), 278. For the records of the congressional hearings, see House Select Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations and Comparable Organizations, November, December 1952, 82nd Cong., and House Special Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations and Comparable Organizations, May-July 1954, 83rd Cong.

For contemporary analyses of changes in congressional attitudes toward the social sciences during the 1950s, see Harry Alpert, "Congressmen, Social Scientists, and Attitudes Toward Federal Support of Social Science Research," American Sociological Review 23 (December 1958):682-686, and Harry Alpert, "The Government's Growing Recognition of Social Science," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 327 (January 1960):59-67. The best recent discussion can be found in Mark Solovey, "Shaping the Social Sciences: Private and Public Patronage Since World War II (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, in progress).

Although mainly a product of the McCarthy years, the socialist taint remained an undercurrent in many different areas of psychology's history. In the late 1960s, Fred Harris blamed the failure of the campaign for a National Social Science Foundation on the long-lasting confusion of social science and socialism. See "The Case for a National Social Science Foundation," 222. [BACK]

29. The support of the Behavioral Science Division of the Ford Foundation in the 1950s (one of the private foundations suspected of left-wing inclinations) also did a great deal to promote the term. "Behavioral science" became shorthand for a subset of the more general category "social sciences." The term included psychology, anthropology, sociology, and those aspects of economics and political science devoted to the analysis of individual and group behavior rather than institutions or processes. Although the Ford Foundation's division was disbanded in 1957, the term stuck. See Peter J. Seybold, "The Ford Foundation and the Triumph of Behavioralism in American Political Science," in Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism, 269-303.

For a review of McCarthy-era attacks on social psychologists, see S. Stansfeld Sargent and Benjamin Harris, "Academic Freedom, Civil Liberties, and SPSSI," Journal of Social Issues 42 (Spring 1986):43-67. The best general overview of academic McCarthyism is Ellen W. Schrecker, No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities (New York: Oxford University, Press, 1986). Interestingly, she finds that physical scientists (especially physicists) were most likely to be the first targets of congressional investigation because of their collective reputation for radicalism and their actual participation in or connection to the Manhattan Project. Much of the House Un-American Activities Committee's interest in higher education in the late 1940s was inspired by its hunt for atomic spies. [BACK]

30. Gordon Allport, "Social Science and Human Values/Wellesley Address," 17 May 1955, 1, emphasis in original, HUG 4118.50, box 3, folder 79, GA Papers. This lecture was actually delivered on 17 March 1955. The folder is dated incorrectly. [BACK]

31. In the late 1960s, Jerome Wiesner, who had been John F. Kennedy's science advisor and an advocate for government support of behavioral science, was still warning professional colleagues that misgivings lurked in Congress.

See Jerome B. Wiesner, "The Need for Social Engineering," in Psychology and the Problems of Society, ed. Frances F. Korten, Stuart W. Cook, and John I. Lacey (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1970), 85. Even in the early 1980s, Tom Foley (then Speaker of the House), made the following comment about congressional attitudes toward social science: "Do the media respond, do your colleagues give a damn? Members of Congress can easily vote with the representative from Ohio [John Ashbrook] against social science because they gain credit with constituents for opposing nonsense and for saving money. Nobody else seems to care." Quoted in Larsen, Milestones and Millstones, xiii. [BACK]

32. WCW, pt. 8, 15-16 January 1964, 1028. [BACK]

33. How little military psychologists actually knew (as well as how much the military could do for psychology) was a refrain in virtually all the essays written for Flanagan et al., Psychology in the World Emergency. [BACK]

34. Franz Samelson, personal communication, 23 June 1991. For another glowing report about how much World War II did for psychology, see John G. Jenkins, "New Opportunities and New Responsibilities for the Psychologist," Science 103 (11 January 1946):33-38. See also Edwin Boring to Helen Peak, 10 June 1946, HUG 4229.5, box 46, folder 1017, EB Papers. [BACK]

35. Melton, "Military Requirements for the Systematic Study of Psychological Variables," 134. [BACK]

36. Dwight D. Eisenhower, 31 May 1954 address at Columbia University Bicentennial Dinner, reprinted in "The Use of Social Research in Federal Domestic Programs," A Staff Study for the Research and Technical Programs Subcommittee of the House Committee on Government Operations, 90th Cong., 1st sess., pts. 1-4, April 1967, 164. [BACK]

36. Dwight D. Eisenhower, 31 May 1954 address at Columbia University Bicentennial Dinner, reprinted in "The Use of Social Research in Federal Domestic Programs," A Staff Study for the Research and Technical Programs Subcommittee of the House Committee on Government Operations, 90th Cong., 1st sess., pts. 1-4, April 1967, 164.

37. Ibid., 169. [BACK]

38. For lists and descriptions of psychological think tanks founded in the postwar period, see DDSFAR, 38; Horowitz, "Social Science and Public Policy," 346, table 1; Federal Funds for Research, Development, and Other Scientific Activities, 1962, 1963, and 1964 (Washington, D.C.), 101-102; Watson, War on the Mind, app. 2. [BACK]

39. Crawford and Biderman, eds., Social Scientists and International Affairs, 11 n. 1. [BACK]

39. Crawford and Biderman, eds., Social Scientists and International Affairs, 11 n. 1.

40. Ibid., 2. [BACK]

41. In addition to Federal Contract Research Centers like RAND and the Special Operations Research Office, there were literally thousands of private research businesses contracting with the military by the late 1960s. See DDSFAR, 39. [BACK]

42. Crawford and Biderman, eds., Social Scientists and International Affairs, 156. For a methodological critique of the concept following World War II, see Farber, "The Problem of National Character. [BACK]

43. Report of Carl I. Hovland, 13 May 1946, Record Group 3.1, series 910, box 3, folder 10, RF Archives. [BACK]

44. Leonard W. Doob, Becoming More Civilized: A Psychological Explanation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960). [BACK]

44. Leonard W. Doob, Becoming More Civilized: A Psychological Explanation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960).

45. Ibid., 225-226, emphasis in original. [BACK]

44. Leonard W. Doob, Becoming More Civilized: A Psychological Explanation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960).

46. Ibid., 3. [BACK]

44. Leonard W. Doob, Becoming More Civilized: A Psychological Explanation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960).

47. Ibid., app. C. This appendix includes a brief summary of all the hypotheses about "civilized" and "uncivilized" personalities discussed, in detail, throughout the book. [BACK]

44. Leonard W. Doob, Becoming More Civilized: A Psychological Explanation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960).

48. Ibid., 60-66, app. B. For a discussion of the appeal of projective testing techniques in postwar cross-cultural research, see Gardner Lindzey, Projective Techniques and Cross-Cultural Research (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1961). [BACK]

49. William Henry, "Projective Tests in Cross-Cultural Research," in Studying Personality Cross-Culturally, ed. Bert Kaplan (New York: Harper & Row, 1961), 587. [BACK]

50. David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1961), 337, 429. [BACK]

50. David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1961), 337, 429.

51. Ibid., 387. [BACK]

50. David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1961), 337, 429.

52. Ibid., 105. [BACK]

50. David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1961), 337, 429.

53. Ibid., 437, emphasis in original. [BACK]

50. David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1961), 337, 429.

54. Ibid., 424. [BACK]

55. Subcommittee on International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, "Modern Communications and Foreign Policy." Part 10 of Winning the Cold War: The U.S. Ideological Offensive, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 8-9 February 1967, David McClelland testimony, 86. [BACK]

56. McClelland, The Achieving Society, 427. [BACK]

57. PAFP and PAIR. [BACK]

58. PAFP, 1. [BACK]

58. PAFP, 1.

59. Ibid., 2. [BACK]

60. PAIR, Jerome Frank testimony, 15. [BACK]

61. Evidence of the seriousness with which nonpsychologists took psychological research can be seen, for example, in the activities of the Harvard University Center for International Affairs in the early 1960s. During the 1960-61 academic year, it sponsored a Faculty Seminar on Social and Cultural Aspects of Development whose purpose was to identify areas deserving of intensive future research. David McClelland was an invited seminar speaker and the report which summarized the seminar's conclusions identified "personality traits" as a top priority. See "Summary Report on Research Problems," 10 July 1961, HUG (FP) 42.25, box 1, folder: "International Affairs Seminar: 1961, vol. II," Talcott Parsons Papers, Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts. [BACK]

62. Robert Staughton Lynd, Knowledge for What? The Place of Social Science in American Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1939), 160. [BACK]

63. Wait W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960). Chapter 10 includes the most explicit discussion of Rostow's psychological assumptions. [BACK]

64. WCW, pt. 6, 13-14 January I964 and 20 February 1964, 751. [BACK]

65. Gabriel A. Almond, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1963), 13, emphasis in original. For the origin of the "political culture" concept, see Gabriel Almond, "Comparative Political Systems," Journal of Politics 18 (August

1956):391-409. For elaborations, see also Lucian W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965). [BACK]

66. Almond, The Civic Culture, 11-12. [BACK]

67. Lucian W. Pye, "Political Culture and Political Development," in Political Culture and Political Development, 7-8. [BACK]

68. Gertrude Blanck and Rubin Blanck, Ego Psychology: Theory & Practice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), chap. 1. [BACK]

69. Sidney Verba, "Comparative Political Culture," in Political Culture and Political Development, 516. [BACK]

70. Almond, The Civic Culture, 30-35. [BACK]

71. Pye and Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development, vii. [BACK]

72. Lucian W. Pye was the chairman of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) Committee on Comparative Politics. Members included: Gabriel A. Almond, Leonard Binder, R. Taylor Cole, James S. Coleman, Herbert Hyman, Joseph LaPalombara, Sidney Verba, Robert E. Wood, and Myron Weiner. For a summary of the work of the Committee on Comparative Politics, see Seybold, "The Ford Foundation and the Triumph of Behavioralism in American Political Science," 286-292. For an overview of the political development literature during this period, see Jean Hardisty Dose, "A Social and Political Explanation of Social Science Trends: The Case of Political Development Research" (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1976). [BACK]

73. Lucian W. Pye, Politics, Personality, and Nation Building: Burma's Search for Identity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), xv. [BACK]

74. Verba, "Comparative Political Culture," 529-535. [BACK]

75. Rex D. Hopper, "The Revolutionary Process: A Frame of Reference for the Study of Revolutionary Movements," Social Forces 28 (March 1950):270-279. [BACK]

75. Rex D. Hopper, "The Revolutionary Process: A Frame of Reference for the Study of Revolutionary Movements," Social Forces 28 (March 1950):270-279.

76. Ibid., 270. [BACK]

75. Rex D. Hopper, "The Revolutionary Process: A Frame of Reference for the Study of Revolutionary Movements," Social Forces 28 (March 1950):270-279.

77. Ibid. [BACK]

78. Rex D. Hopper, "Cybernation, Marginality, and Revolution," in The New Sociology: Essays in Social Science and Social Theory in Honor of C. Wright Mills, ed. Irving Louis Horowitz (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), 328. [BACK]

79. See HUG (FP) 42.25, box 1, folder: "Princeton Symposium on Internal War, 1961," Talcott Parsons Papers. Papers from the Princeton Symposium were eventually published as Harry Eckstein, ed., Internal War: Problems and Approaches (1964; reprint, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980). [BACK]

80. Cina, "Social Science for Whom?" 302, 399. [BACK]

81. Edward A. Tiryakian, "A Model of Societal Change and Its Lead Indicators," in The Study of Total Societies, ed. Samuel Z. Klausner (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967), 69-97. This book collects pieces from a conference connected with the just canceled Project Camelot. It was held on 28-29 July 1965 in Washington, D.C., sponsored by the army through the Special Operations Research Office "as part of SORO's long-term research interests in the problems of analyzing societies." Samuel Klausner, the editor, had been a Camelot consultant. [BACK]

82. Paul Fitts et al., Report of the Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Psychology and

the Social Sciences, 19 December 1957, p. 8, Record Group 179, Research Group in Psychology and the Social Sciences, 1957-63, box 2, folder: "Director of Defense Research and Engineering," Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. [BACK]

82. Paul Fitts et al., Report of the Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Psychology and

the Social Sciences, 19 December 1957, p. 8, Record Group 179, Research Group in Psychology and the Social Sciences, 1957-63, box 2, folder: "Director of Defense Research and Engineering," Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

83. Ibid., 3. [BACK]

82. Paul Fitts et al., Report of the Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Psychology and

the Social Sciences, 19 December 1957, p. 8, Record Group 179, Research Group in Psychology and the Social Sciences, 1957-63, box 2, folder: "Director of Defense Research and Engineering," Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

84. Ibid., 12. [BACK]

85. Remarks of Dr. John W. Riley, Jr., Second Vice-President and Director of Social Research, Equitable Life Insurance Society, in Symposium Proceedings, 155. [BACK]

86. E. K. Karcher, Jr., Office Chief, Research and Development, "Army Social Science Programs and Plans," in Symposium Proceedings, 348. [BACK]

87. Lybrand, ed., Symposium Proceedings, x, emphasis in original. [BACK]

88. The term "technology of human behavior" was used to describe the Smithsonian Group's work by Dr. Carroll L. Shartle, Chief, Psychology and Social Science Division, Office of Science, Office of the Director of Defense Research and Engineering, Office of the Secretary of Defense. See Symposium Proceedings, 336. It was also the title of an article Bray published right after the conference. See Charles W. Bray, "Toward a Technology of Human Behavior for Defense Use," American Psychologist 17 (August 1962):527-541.

On the importance of leaving one's political philosophy at home, see Guy J. Pauker, RAND Corporation, "Sources of Turbulence in the New Nations," and E. K. Karcher, Jr., "Army Social Science Programs and Plans," in Symposium Proceedings, 178-179, 359. [BACK]

89. Lieutenant General Arthur G. Trudeau, Chief of Research and Development, Department of the Army, "Welcoming Address," in Symposium Proceedings, 11-12. [BACK]

90. Lybrand, ed., Symposium Proceedings, vii. [BACK]

91. For one example, see the remarks of Elmo C. Wilson, President, International Research Associates, in Symposium Proceedings, 193-199. Wilson himself had been chief oft he Office of War Information Surveys Division. [BACK]

92. Frederick T. C. Yu, "Images, Ideology and Identity in Asian Politics and Communication," in Symposium Proceedings, 214. [BACK]

92. Frederick T. C. Yu, "Images, Ideology and Identity in Asian Politics and Communication," in Symposium Proceedings, 214.

93. Ibid., 218. [BACK]

92. Frederick T. C. Yu, "Images, Ideology and Identity in Asian Politics and Communication," in Symposium Proceedings, 214.

94. Ibid., 215. [BACK]

95. Lucian W. Pye, "The Role of the Military in Political Development," in Symposium Proceedings, 167. [BACK]

96. Vallance, "Psychological Aspects of Social Change Mediated Through the Interaction of Military Systems of Two Cultures," 315. [BACK]

1. Ralph Beals, Politics of Social Research: An Inquiry Into the Ethics and Responsibilities of Social Scientists (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1969), 18. [BACK]

2. Horowitz, ed., The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 47. [BACK]

3. Excerpt from Theodore Vallance's congressional testimony, reprinted in "Testimony Before House Subcommittee on International Organizations and Movements of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, July 8, 1965," American Psychologist 21 (May 1966):469. [BACK]

4. BSNS, testimony of Lt. Gen. W. W. Dick, Jr., Chief of Research and Development, Department of the Army, 28. [BACK]

5. Bray, Psychology and Military Proficiency, 171. [BACK]

6. Charles Windle and T. R. Vallance, "The Future of Military Psychology: Paramilitary Psychology," American Psychologist 19 (February 1964):128. See also Theodore R. Vallance and Charles D. Windle, "Cultural Engineering," Military Review 42 (December 1962):60-64. [BACK]

7. Theodore Vallance, "Project Camelot: An Interim Postlude," American Psychologist 21 (May 1966):441, emphasis in original. [BACK]

8. For a detailed chronology of Camelot's projected research, see BSNS, testimony of Lt. Gen. W. W. Dick, Jr., Chief of Research and Development, Department of the Army, 30-32. [BACK]

8. For a detailed chronology of Camelot's projected research, see BSNS, testimony of Lt. Gen. W. W. Dick, Jr., Chief of Research and Development, Department of the Army, 30-32.

9. Ibid., 32. [BACK]

10. Irving Louis Horowitz, "The Life and Death of Project Camelot," American Psychologist 21 (May 1966):452; Horowitz, ed., The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 27. [BACK]

11. Aniceto Rodriguez, "A Socialist Commentary on Camelot," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 229. [BACK]

12. See the review of federally sponsored research in the year immediately after Camelot's exposure in FSISSBR. In these hearings, Thomas L. Hughes, Director of Intelligence and Research, Department of State, noted that many projects similar to Camelot had in fact been classified and these, obviously, never came to public attention. For a list of classified projects in military psychology during this period, see Watson, War on the Mind, 30. Later, Hughes declared that the futility of structural reform, such as that mandated by Johnson's memo, was an inevitable product of the confusing relationship between objective expertise and policy-making, unequal experts and policy-makers, and the unpredictability of human personality in general. "It is the human variables that defy the jurisdictional reforms, mock the machinery of government and frustrate the organizational tinkering. These are the phenomena that help assure that no rejuggling of administrative charts can finally surmount the uneven qualities of the men who inhabit the institutions. The human material, much as the institutional framework, will in the end determine whether intelligence and policy, either or both, have feet of clay." Thomas L. Hughes, "The Fate of Facts in a World of Men: Foreign Policy and Intelligence-Making," Headline Series no. 233 (New York: Foreign Policy Association, December 1976), 60. [BACK]

13. Howard Margolis, "McNamara Ax Dooms Camelot," Washington Post, 9 July 1965, B6. [BACK]

14. December 4, 1964, description sent by the Special Operations Research Office to scholars in Camelot, quoted in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 48. [BACK]

15. The term "feasibility" was used in Camelot's own documents and the project was described as a "feasibility study" by Special Operations Research Office Director Theodore Vallance in his "Project Camelot," 442. [BACK]

16. The total Department of Defense budget for behavioral and social science research was $27.3 million in 1965, when Camelot was exposed. In 1966 the figure had reached $34 million and it was almost $50 million in 1970. See BSNS, 97, and Klare, War Without End, 373, app. C. [BACK]

17. BSNS, 5R. [BACK]

17. BSNS, 5R.

18. Ibid., 6R, and testimony of Dean Rusk, Secretary of State, 108. [BACK]

19. The most useful single source on the response to Camelot among social and behavioral scientists is Horowitz, ed., The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot. See also his "The Life and Death of Project Camelot," 445-454, reprinted from Trans-action (1965):3-7, 44-47. [BACK]

20. Robert A. Nisbet, "Project Camelot and the Science of Man," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 316, 323. See also Nisbet's "Project Camelot: An Autopsy," in On Intellectuals: Theoretical Studies/Case Studies, ed. Philip Rieff (New York: Anchor Books, 1970), 307-339. [BACK]

21. Horowitz, "The Life and Death of Project Camelot," 448. See also Robert Boguslaw, "Ethics and the Social Scientist," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot , 107-127. Of all the experts involved in Camelot, Boguslaw defended most strongly the noble motive—"to find nonmilitary and nonviolent solutions to international problems." [BACK]

22. "Feedback from Our Readers," Trans-action 3 (January-February 1966):2. For another statement of the view that the U.S. military's patronage of behavioral science demonstrated more enlightenment than was evident in civilian government agencies, see George E. Lowe, "The Camelot Affair," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 22 (May 1966):48. [BACK]

23. FSISSBR, testimony of Gabriel Almond, 27 June 1966, 114. [BACK]

24. Walt Rostow, quoted in Allan A. Needell, "'Truth Is Our Weapon': Project TROY, Political Warfare, and Government-Academic Relations in the National Security State," Diplomatic History 17 (Summer 1993):417. According to Needell, the center was a direct outgrowth of a top-secret State Department program, Project TROY, which mobilized an impressive group of social and physical scientists (including a number of psychologists with experience in World War II) in the area of anti-Communist political and psychological warfare. For more on the center's CIA ties, and for the role of the new intelligence community in supporting research on mass communication, see Simpson, "U.S. Mass Communications Research and Counterinsurgency after 1945," 21-29. [BACK]

25. Ithiel de Sola Pool, "The Necessity for Social Scientists Doing Research for Governments," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 267-268. [BACK]

25. Ithiel de Sola Pool, "The Necessity for Social Scientists Doing Research for Governments," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 267-268.

26. Ibid., 277. [BACK]

27. Horowitz, ed., The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 7. [BACK]

28. Horowitz, "Social Science and Public Policy," 341. [BACK]

29. Kurt Lewin, "Action Research and Minority Group Problems," in Resolving Social Conflicts, 213. [BACK]

30. Alpert, "Congressmen, Social Scientists, and Attitudes Toward Federal Support of Social Science Research," 685. [BACK]

31. Daniel Lerner, "Social Science: Whence and Whither?" in The Human Meaning of the Social Sciences, 30. [BACK]

32. Horowitz, "The Life and Death of Project Camelot," 454; Irving Louis

Horowitz, "The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 40-41. [BACK]

33. Herbert C. Kelman, "Manipulation of Human Behavior: An Ethical Dilemma," in A Time To Speak: On Human Values and Social Research (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, Inc., 1968), 16. [BACK]

34. Herbert C. Kelman, "The Social Consequences of Social Research," in A Time To Speak, 32-33. [BACK]

35. Franz Boas, "Scientists as Spies" (1919 letter to The Nation ), in The Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883-1911: A Franz Boas Reader, ed. George W. Stocking, Jr. (New York: Basic Books, 1974), 336. See also the reference to this episode in Beals, Politics of Social Research, 51. [BACK]

36. "Statement on Problems of Anthropological Research and Ethics," in Beals, Politics of Social Research, 193, 195-196. Beals's Politics of Social Research was based in large part on the report he did under American Anthropological Association auspices in the aftermath of Camelot. For the original text of the report, see "Background Information on Problems of Anthropological Research and Ethics," American Anthropological Association Newsletter 8 (January 1967). See also Stephen T. Boggs's and Ralph L. Beals's testimony in FSISSBR, 72-93; and Bryce Nelson, "Anthropologists' Debate: Concern Over Future of Foreign Research," Science 154 (December 23, 1966):1525-1527. [BACK]

37. Beals, Politics of Social Research, 78. [BACK]

38. See for example, the testimony of Stephen T. Boggs, Executive Secretary, American Anthropological Association, in FSISSBR, 72-77. He discusses, among other things, anthropologists' deep concerns over the revelations of a CIA-funded project on Vietnam at Michigan State University. For more on the CIA-MSU connection, see Max Frankl, "University Project Cloaked C.I.A. Role in Saigon, 1955-59," New York Times, 14 April 1966, 1-2; and Warren Hinkle, "The University on the Make," Ramparts 4 (April 1966):11-22. [BACK]

39. Martin Diskin, personal communication, 26 October 1990. [BACK]

40. Eric R. Wolf and Joseph G. Jorgensen, "Anthropology on the Warpath in Thailand," The New York Review of Books 15 (19 November 1970):26-35. For additional insight into the debate within anthropology, see "Social Responsibilities Forum," Current Anthropology 9 (December 1968). [BACK]

41. There were, predictably, far more restrictions erected in Latin America than in Asia or Africa, but repercussions were felt by researchers working in Burma, Nepal, Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Egypt, and South Africa, among other countries. See Beals, Politics of Social Research, 20-25. Accounts of research directly and negatively effected by Project Camelot can be found in American Anthropological Association Fellow Newsletter 6 (December 1965):2-3; Elinor Langer, "Foreign Research: CIA Plus Camelot Equals Troubles for U.S. Scholars," Science 156 (23 June 1967):1583-1584; letter to the editor by Dale L. Johnson, American Anthropologist 68 (August 1966):1016-1017; Kalman H. Silvert, "American Academic Ethics and Social Research Abroad: The Lesson of Project Camelot," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 81-82. [BACK]

42. Gabriel Almond, at an American Political Science Association forum on

Project Camelot in September 1965, quoted in Lowe, ''The Camelot Affair," 47. [BACK]

43. Horowitz, ed., The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 20; FSISSBR, 20; Dose, "A Social and Political Explanation of Social Science Trends," 197. For a senior Special Operations Research Office researcher's defense of Project Task as "a most uncynical and unsinister project," and his complaint that the debate surrounding Camelot's demise had been dishonest and shrill, see Milton Jacobs, "L'Affaire Camelot," letter to the editor, American Anthropologist 69 (June-August 1967):364-366. [BACK]

44. On Project Agile, see Lyons, The Uneasy Partnership, 197; Watson, War on the Mind, 319. On post-Camelot research aimed at preventing revolution in Latin America, see DDSFAR, 64-65. [BACK]

45. Memo from Director of Defense Research and Engineering to Assistant Secretaries for Research and Development of the Army, Navy, Air Force, and the Director, Advanced Research Projects Agency, 18 August 1965, 1-2, "NAS Archives Central Policy Files: DNRC: Behavioral Sciences: Com on Govt Programs in Behavioral Sc: Adv: General: 1965," National Academy of Sciences, Washington, D.C. I am indebted to Mark Solovey for sharing this document with me. [BACK]

46. DDSFAR, testimony of John S. Foster, Jr., Director of Defense Research and Engineering, 93. [BACK]

47. FSISSBR, testimony of Arthur Brayfield, Executive Officer, American Psychological Association, 66. [BACK]

48. Mark Solovey, "Social Science and the State during the 1960s: Senator Fred Harris's Effort to Create a National Social Science Foundation" (paper presented at "Toward a History of the 1960s," Madison, Wisconsin, 30 April 1993). [BACK]

49. Subcommittee on Government Research of the Senate Committee on Government Operations, Hearings on "National Foundation for Social Sciences," February, June, July 1967, 90th Cong., 1st sess., pts. 1-3. For excerpts of the hearing testimony, see "The Case for a National Social Science Foundation," 219-252. For a general discussion oft he effort to establish a separate social science foundation, and changes within the NSF during the 1960s, see Larsen, Milestones and Millstones, chap. 4. [BACK]

50. DDSFAR, pt. 1, 52-55. [BACK]

51. A clear statement of this equation was offered by Milton Jacobs, a senior researcher at the Special Operations Research Office during the Camelot era, who noted several years later from a perch in academia that "working for the United States Government should not suddenly become sinful . . .. I am sure that most university professors and intellectuals, in and out of government, feel responsibility to their society as well as to their chosen field of endeavor. I doubt that these responsibilities need be contradictory. If they are, our nation is in deep trouble." Jacobs, "L'Affaire Camelot," 366. [BACK]

52. Quoted in DDSFAR, 16, and in Klare, War Without End, 98. For a critical analysis of the Defense Science Board's Report of the Panel on Defense Social and Behavioral Sciences, which treats it as evidence of "the ominous conversion of social science into a service industry of the Pentagon," see Irving

Louis Horowitz, "Social Science Yogis & Military Commissars," Trans-action 5 (May 1968):29-38. [BACK]

53. Watson, War on the Mind, 307. [BACK]

54. DDSFAR, pt. 1, testimony of John S. Foster, Jr., Director of Defense Research and Engineering, 10, 18. See also BSNS, testimony of Maj. Gen. John W. Vogt, Director, Policy Planning Staff, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, 81-82. [BACK]

55. For a general discussion of the evolution of these morale studies, and their relationship to the conduct of the Vietnam War, see Watson, War on the Mind, 27-28, 265-267, 299-300, 326; and "The RAND Papers," Ramparts 11 (November 1972):25-42, 52-62. [BACK]

56. The source of this oft-repeated phrase appears to be Alexander Leighton, who wrote that "the administrator uses social science the way a drunk uses a lamppost, for support rather than illumination." See Leighton, Human Relations in a Changing World, 128. That this phrase had become conventional wisdom among experts and bureaucrats is illustrated by the fact that Thomas L. Hughes, Director of Intelligence and Research, Department of State, from 1963 to 1969, used it, without attribution, almost thirty years later in his "The Fate of Facts in a World of Men," 24. Leighton was a psychiatrist who worked in the Postan, Arizona, Japanese-American relocation center and then headed the Office of War Information's Foreign Morale Analysis Division, set up by the Military Intelligence Service of the War Department in 1944. Leighton and his group of behavioral scientists studied Japanese-Americans, and then Japanese citizens, by taking a ''psychiatric approach in problems of community management." [BACK]

57. Project head Leon Goure, for example, regularly briefed most of the war's top policy-makers—Bundy, McNamara, Rostow, and Westmoreland— and the Viet-Cong Motivation and Morale Project office in Saigon was a central gathering place for high-level bureaucrats passing through South Vietnam. Carl Rowar, former head of the U.S. Information Service, also wrote in 1966 that the VC M&M "lies at the heart of President Johnson's strategy." "The RAND Papers," 60-61. [BACK]

58. Anthony Russo, "Looking Backward: RAND and Vietnam in Retrospect," Ramparts 11 (November 1972):56. [BACK]

59. D. M. Condit, Bert H. Cooper, Jr., et al., Challenge and Response in Internal Conflict, 3 vols. (Washington, D.C.: American University, Center for Research in Social Systems, 1968), xxi-xxii. [BACK]

60. See Annotated Bibliography of SORO Publications (Washington, D.C.: American University, Special Operations Research Office, February 1966); Annotated Bibliography of CRESS Publications (Washington, D.C.: American University, Special Operations Research Office, August 1966); Annotated Bibliography of CRESS Publications (Washington, D.C.: American University, Special Operations Research Office, April 1969). [BACK]

61. The study refers repeatedly to World War II attitude investigations like Samuel Stouffer's The American Soldier. For an example, see Andrew R. Molnar with Jerry M. Tinker and John D. LeNoir, Human Factors Considerations of Undergrounds in Insurgencies (Washington, D.C.: American University, Center for Research in Social Systems, 1966), 80. [BACK]

62. Hopper, "The Revolutionary Process," 270-279. [BACK]

63. Molnar with Tinker and LeNoir, Human Factors Considerations of Undergrounds in Insurgencies, 270, 274-275. [BACK]

64. Ted Gurr with Charles Ruttenberg, Cross-National Studies in Civil Violence (Washington, D.C.: American University, Center for Research in Social Systems, May 1969), 11-12. [BACK]

65. M. Gordon et al., "COCON—Counterinsurgency (POLITICA): The Development of a Simulation Model of Internal Conflict under Revolutionary Conflict Conditions," quoted in Cina, "Social Science for Whom?" 326. [BACK]

66. Cina, "Social Science for Whom?" 331. [BACK]

67. This comment was made by Iowa congressional representative H. R. Gross during the Camelot hearings. See BSNS, 94. [BACK]

68. For an example of an ambitious, apolitical vision for psycho-technological aid to defense organizations and policy-making, see Bray, "Toward a Technology of Human Behavior for Defense Use," 527-541. For a spirited critique of this postwar trend in the social sciences, see C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959). For an even earlier critique that anticipated these trends, see Lynd, Knowledge for What? [BACK]

69. George A. Lundberg, Can Science Save Us? (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1947), 38. [BACK]

70. Horowitz, ed., The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 48. For some interesting comments on the language of Camelot documents, see Marshall Sahlins, "The Established Order: Do Not Fold, Spindle, or Mutilate," in The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, 77-78. [BACK]

71. For a portrait of these and other individuals, whose commitments to a military policy informed by behavioral expertise decisively shaped the Vietnam War, see David Halberstam, The Best and the Brighten (New York: Penguin Books, 1969). [BACK]

72. Rensis Likert, "Behavioural Research: A Guide for Effective Action," in Some Applications of Behavioural Research, ed. Rensis Likert and Samuel P. Hayes (Paris: UNESCO, 1957), 11. [BACK]

73. B. F. Skinner, Beyond Freedom and Dignity (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), 67. Beyond Freedom and Dignity analyzed the political function of psychology and made explicit recommendations for the public roles of psychological experts. See also B. F. Skinner, "Freedom and the Control of Men," American Scholar 25 (Winter 1955-56):47-65. [BACK]

74. For the argument that, in spite of such challenges, "the military uses of psychology have been pursued with ever more energy and increasing imagination" since the early 1960s, see Watson, War on the Mind. [BACK]

75. Harold D. Lasswell, "Must Science Serve Political Power?" American Psychologist 25 (February 1970):119. [BACK]

76. For comparative data on levels of funding by the DOD and HEW (and other domestically oriented agencies), see National Science Foundation, Federal Funds for Science, 1950-62, followed by Federal Funds for Research, Development, and Other Scientific Activities, 1962-70. [BACK]

77. National Science Foundation, Federal Funds for Science, 1960, 1961, 1962, p. 100, table 15; Federal Funds for Research, Development, and Other Scientific Activities: Fiscal Years 1965, 1966, and 1967 15:102, table C-13. [BACK]

78. Noam Chomsky, "Intellectuals and the State," in Towards a New Cold War: Essays on the Current Crisis and How We Got There (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), 65. [BACK]

79. For more of Chomsky's work on the political consequences of social scientific scholarship and the responsibilities of intellectuals, see American Power and the New Mandarins (New York: Vintage Books, 1967); Deterring Democracy (New York: Hill and Wang, 1991); For Reasons of State (New York: Vintage Books, 1970); Towards a New Cold War: Essays on the Current Crisis and How We Got There (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982); Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies (Boston: South End Press, 1989). For Chomsky's well-known critique of B. F. Skinner's behaviorism and its political implications, see his review of Verbal Behavior by B. F. Skinner, Language 35 (January-March 1959):26-58, and "The Case Against B. F. Skinner," New York Review of Books 17 (30 December 1971):18-24. [BACK]

80. 1972 draft of Blackberry Winter, quoted in Yans-McLaughlin, "Science, Democracy, and Ethics, 214. [BACK]

81. For a description of the conference action, see "Psychology and Campus Issues," in Korten, Cook, and Lacey, eds., Psychology and the Problems of Society, 366-376. In this instance, protest was leveled not against the foreign area research activities of psychologists, but against a research project being conducted on the student New Left itself by Alexander W. Astin and the American Council on Education. [BACK]

1. Charles E. Hendry in 1947, quoted in Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 281-282. Hendry was the director of the American Jewish Congress's Commission on Community Interrelations, a key source of support and funding for behavioral research on prejudice in the postwar era. [BACK]

2. The definitive recent work on Myrdal is Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience. Jackson's excellent analysis illuminates not only important biographical issues but An American Dilemma itself and its central role in the development of a lasting liberal orthodoxy on race and race relations in the United States. Although not intended to illuminate the history of psychological experts, Jackson's treatment of the origins, course, and eventual failure of racial liberalism shares important characteristics with my description of the World War II worldview and the challenges eventually directed against it. [BACK]

3. Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 32-33. [BACK]

4. Henry Murray in Milton Senn, "Insights on the Child Development Movement in the United States," quoted in Steve Joshua Heims, The Cybernetics Group (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 65. For more on Lawrence K. Frank's life and career, see Margaret Mead's obituary in American Sociologist 4 (February 1969):57-58. [BACK]

5. Walter A. Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective:

The Wartime Context of Gunnar Myrdal's An American Dilemma," in The Estate of Social Knowledge, ed. Joanne Brown and David K. van Keuren (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 209-227; Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, chap. 4. [BACK]

6. Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective," 222; Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 163. [BACK]

7. Gunnar Myrdal to Gustav Cassel, 5 March 1940, quoted in Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective," 214; Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 139. [BACK]

8. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 1022-1024. [BACK]

9. To Secure These Rights: The Report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947), 139. [BACK]

9. To Secure These Rights: The Report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947), 139.

10. Ibid., 145-146. [BACK]

11. Myrdal drew scores of U.S. social and behavioral scientists into the project. Of the individuals whose postwar work is addressed at length in this chapter, Kenneth Clark and E. Franklin Frazier were directly involved. [BACK]

12. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 928, emphasis in original. For amplification, see the section rifled "The Negro Community as a Pathological Form of an American Community" in chap. 43. [BACK]

13. Otto Klineberg, ed., Characteristics of the American Negro (New York: Harper & Row, 1944). [BACK]

14. For a discussion of Klineberg's importance in the debate about race and intelligence during the late 1920s and 1930s, see Carl N. Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 179-186. [BACK]

15. This is one of Jackson's major conclusions as well. See Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, esp. chap. 7. [BACK]

16. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, xlvii-xlviii, emphasis in original. [BACK]

17. See the photograph in Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 84. [BACK]

18. Sissela Bok, Alva Myrdal: A Daughter's Memoir (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1991), 159. [BACK]

19. On the couple's collaborative work and on Alva's wartime views, see Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, chaps. 2 and 4. During the Myrdals' temporary return to Sweden in 1940-41, they coauthored a book about the United States designed to stiffen the anti-Nazi resolve of the Swedish population. In this book, Kontakt med Amerika (Contact with America), they dwelled on the virtues of democratic morale and formulated the outlines of the "American Creed," which would become the central theme in An American Dilemma. [BACK]

20. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 31. [BACK]

21. The argument of An American Dilemma did not face its first serious challenges until the 1960s, when fresh behavioral research suggested that white Americans might not have such guilty consciences after all, and the "American Creed" might not be nearly as powerful a force in shaping white attitudes as Myrdal had hoped. See also Jackson, "The 'American Creed' from a Swedish Perspective," 209-227. Jackson argues that it was Myrdal's own guilty response

to the dilemma of Swedish neutrality that led him to distort and romanticize the "American Creed." [BACK]

22. Otto Klineberg, "Tests of Negro Intelligence," in Characteristics of the American Negro, 23-96. See also his review of personality test studies, on pages 97-138. Carl Degler and Franz Samelson have both suggested that the shift away from a psychology of objective racial differences was largely completed by the time of World War II, perhaps as early as the early 1930s. See Degler, In Search of Human Nature, esp. chap. 7; and Samelson, "From 'Race Psychology' to 'Studies in Prejudice,'" 265-278. [BACK]

23. Rapport also emerged as a significant concern among World War II, and then among Veterans Administration, clinicians, especially white psychiatrists and psychologists who were treating black patients. See, for example, Jerome D. Frank, "Adjustment Problems in Selected Negro Soldiers," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 105 (January-June 1947):647-660; Ralph W. Heine, "The Negro Patient in Psychotherapy," Journal of Clinical Psychology 6 (October 1950):373-376; Harvey R. St. Clair, ''Psychiatric Interview Experiences with Negroes," American Journal of Psychiatry 108 (August 1951): 113-119.

Not surprisingly, the work of black psychologists during World War II also displayed concern with "rapport" between experts and their subjects, even in nonclinical fields. See, for example, Kenneth B. Clark, "Group Violence: A Preliminary Study of the Attitudinal Pattern of Its Acceptance and Rejection: A Study of the 1943 Harlem Riot," Journal of Social Psychology 19 (May 1944):320.

Interestingly, the issue of gender rapport, in both clinical treatment and psychological research, was initially overlooked, probably because the vast majority of both wartime experts and subjects were male. As more and more women filled the professional ranks of clinical psychology and social work, however, and as women became more frequent subjects of psychological expertise, conflicting assumptions were sometimes made about the gender dynamics between experts and subjects.

The Bettelheim and Janowitz study, Dynamics of Prejudice, discussed below, assumed that female interviewers always had better rapport with male subjects. See Bruno Bettelheim and Morris Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), 114-116. In contrast, the research design of The Authoritarian Personality incorporated the view that male subjects would achieve better rapport with male interviewers and female subjects would do better with female interviewers. See Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality, 301. [BACK]

24. For an analysis that suggests the early civil rights movement anticipated much of the "new consciousness" of the counterculture, see Robert N. Bellah, "The New Consciousness and the Berkeley New Left," in The New Religious Consciousness, ed. Charles Y. Glock and Robert N. Bellah (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 77-92. [BACK]

25. Walter Jackson points out that Myrdal's analysis of religion in the black community led him to make a very serious error in the otherwise prophetic An American Dilemma. Rather than seeing the church as the source of civil rights

activism it would become, he discounted black Americans' religious convictions as overly emotional, a view doubtlessly shaped by his own emphatic secularism. After a field trip to Father Divine's Kingdom in Harlem, he even suggested that the tools of abnormal psychology be applied to the subject! See Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 107, 223-224. [BACK]

26. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 1023. [BACK]

27. Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 281. [BACK]

28. Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, abbr. ed. (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958), chap. 9. [BACK]

29. Although the view that minority group members were necessarily victimized by their status was adopted as a fundamental assumption of the U.S. legal and educational systems in the postwar decades, this was a new development. For a perspective on important historical shifts in the understanding of the term "minority," see Philip Gleason, "Minorities (Almost) All: The Minority Group Concept in American Social Thought," American Quarterly 43 (September 1991):392-424. [BACK]

30. C. H. Thompson, "The Conclusions of Scientists Relative to Racial Differences," quoted in Otto Klineberg, "Tests of Negro Intelligence," 95. [BACK]

31. Max Deutscher and Isidor Chein, "The Psychological Effects of Enforced Segregation: A Survey of Social Science Opinion," quoted in Helen Leland Witmer and Ruth Kotinsky, "The Effects of Prejudice and Discrimination," in Personality in the Making: The Fact-Finding Report of the Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952), 139. [BACK]

32. Exceptions to this rule are documented in Newby, Challenge to the Court. [BACK]

33. It was reprinted, along with a number of follow-up essays, in Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice. [BACK]

33. It was reprinted, along with a number of follow-up essays, in Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice.

34. Ibid., 105. [BACK]

35. This application of frustration-aggression theory to racial prejudice was not, of course, new after World War II. It had been an essential part of psycho-analytically oriented theoretical works such as John Dollard et al., Frustration and Aggression. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107.

37. Ibid., 278. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107.

38. Ibid., 285. [BACK]

36. Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 106-107.

39. Ibid., 289. [BACK]

40. The epidemic of national destruction supposedly being caused by "momism" was, in large part, a product of the fears that clinical work during World War II produced about the precarious mental state of male soldiers and the decidedly defective mental state of the 1.8 million men who had been rejected from the military for psychiatric reasons. After the war, as clinicians' client base shifted from male veterans to their female kin, "momism" came to denote the notion that mothers were responsible for male neurosis, which was, in turn, responsible for social and political problems ranging from McCarthyite

hysteria to labor strife, political corruption, alcoholism, sexual perversion, and war. See Philip Wylie, "Common Women," in Generation of Vipers (New York: Pocket Books, 1942), 184-206. Wylie coined the term "momism." For a general discussion of the importance of postwar gender and family ideology, see Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988). [BACK]

41. There is good reason to wonder whether "matriarchy" existed at any point in the history of black American families. For example, even at the height of the "black matriarchy" debate during the mid-1960s, approximately 75 percent of black families included male breadwinners, conforming to the patriarchal nuclear norm. I nevertheless include the term ''matriarchy" in my discussion because it was the term used at the time. [BACK]

42. Julius Horwitz, "The Arithmetic of Delinquency," New York Times Magazine (31 January 1965):52. [BACK]

42. Julius Horwitz, "The Arithmetic of Delinquency," New York Times Magazine (31 January 1965):52.

43. Ibid., 54-55. [BACK]

44. The major statement on this issue was, of course, Friedrich Engels's The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1891). While this work, and the historical specificity of the relationship between women's subordination and capitalism, would become a major theoretical preoccupation within the socialist-feminist wing of the second wave of feminism, it was typically treated as an ahistorical and universal truth—a fact to be asserted rather than explained—at the time Frazier's study was published. That Frazier took pains to make the connection between capitalism and patriarchy explicit recalled elements of Engels's analysis (although Engels was not cited anywhere) and made his book something of an exception to the rule. See especially the treatments of family economy and property rights in E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), chaps. 9 and 10. On Frazier's complex amalgam of left-wing politics, see Walter A. Jackson, "Between Socialism and Nationalism," Reconstruction I (1991): 124-134. [BACK]

45. "Motherhood in Bondage" is the title of chapter 3 in Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States. [BACK]

46. "Roving Men and Homeless Women" is the title of chapter 13 in Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States. "In the City of Destruction" is the title of part 4 of the book. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

48. Ibid., 54. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

49. Ibid., 65. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

50. Ibid., 297. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

51. Ibid., 387, emphasis in original. [BACK]

47. "Social engineering" was a term used by Kardiner and Ovesey themselves. See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1951), xiii.

52. Ibid., 310. [BACK]

53. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 47-50. [BACK]

53. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 47-50.

54. Ibid., 70. [BACK]

53. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 47-50.

55. Ibid., 70-74, section rifled "The Negro Matriarchy and the Distorted Masculine Image." [BACK]

56. Although they published several articles in 1939 and 1940 on the topic of segregation, racial identification, and sense of self in young black children, two later articles seem to have made the deepest impression on policy-makers, if published references to them are any indication. These were Kenneth B. Clark and Mamie P. Clark, "Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," in Theodore M. Newcomb and Eugene L. Hartley, eds., Readings in Social Psychology, rev. ed. (New York: Holt, 1952), 551-560, and "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," Journal of Negro Education 19 (1950):341-350. [BACK]

57. Clark and Clark, "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," 342. [BACK]

57. Clark and Clark, "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," 342.

58. Ibid., 350. [BACK]

57. Clark and Clark, "Emotional Factors in Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children," 342.

59. Ibid. [BACK]

60. Witmer and Kotinsky, "The Effects of Prejudice and Discrimination," 135-158. This document can also be found, in somewhat revised form, in Kenneth B. Clark, Prejudice and Tour Child, 2nd ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963), pts. 1 and 2. [BACK]

61. Clark, Prejudice and Tour Child, 61, 63. [BACK]

62. Quoted in Richard Kluger, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987), 316. The state of South Carolina apparently tried to line up some expert testimony too, but was unable to find a single, well-known figure willing to testify in favor of segregation, more evidence of how overwhelming the civil rights consensus was among social and behavioral scientists by the early 1950s. [BACK]

63. It is probable that Kenneth Clark took on this job because of Mamie Clark's connections to a number of the professionals involved in the state-level cases. After graduating from college, she had worked as a secretary in the law office of William Houston, a "hub" of National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's Legal Defense Fund activity. See Mamie Clark's autobiography in Agnes N. O'Connell and Nancy Felipe Russo, eds., Models of Achievement: Reflections on Eminent Women in Psychology (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 266-277. [BACK]

64. Briggs V. Elliott, quoted in Newby, Challenge to the Court, 29-30. [BACK]

65. Kenneth Clark to Gordon Allport, 30 July 1953, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1951-53, Ca-Cn," GA Papers. A summary of these events is offered in Otto Klineberg, "SPSSI and Race Relations, in the 1950s and After," Journal of Social Issues 42 (Winter 1986):53-59. For Kenneth Clark's description, see "The Role of the Social Sciences in Desegregation," in Clark, Prejudice and Tour Child, 210-214, app. 5. For a general discussion of the role of social-scientific experts in Brown, see Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 292-293. [BACK]

66. "The Effects of Segregation and the Consequences of Desegregation: A Social Science Statement," Minnesota Law Review 37 (1952-53):427-429. Also reprinted in Clark, Prejudice and Your Child, app. 3. [BACK]

67. "The Effects of Segregation and the Consequences of Desegregation: A Social Science Statement," 438,429. [BACK]

68. Gordon Allport to Kenneth Clark, 4 August 1953, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1951-53, Ca-Cn," GA Papers. See also Gordon Allport, "Backgrounds—Radio Talk on the Supreme Court Ruling," HUG 4118.10, folder: "Supreme Court Ruling, May 1954," GA Papers. [BACK]

69. Brown v. Board of Education, 34 U.S. 494. The full text of this opinion is also reprinted in Clark, Prejudice and Your Child, app. 2. [BACK]

70. Brown v. Board of Education, 34 U.S. 494-495. [BACK]

71. For more on segregationist social science, see Newby, Challenge to the Court. For McCarthyite equations between racial liberalism and socialism, see Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience, 292-293. Because Brown cited his work, Gunnar Myrdal was denounced by Mississippi Senator James Eastland as a "Swedish socialist" and editorialists across the South accused him of membership in the international Communist conspiracy. [BACK]

72. For mention of one such effort, see "The Desegregation Cases: Criticism of the Social Scientist's Role," in Clark, Prejudice and Your Child, 206, app. 4, n. 12. [BACK]

73. Kenneth Clark to Gordon Allport, 7 June 1954, HUG 4118.10, folder: "1954-57, Ca-Cn," GA Papers. [BACK]

74. Stuart W. Cook, "The 1954 Social Science Statement and School De-segregation: A Reply to Gerard," American Psychologist 39 (August 1984):830. Cook was responding to the criticisms expressed in Harold B. Gerard, "School Desegregation: the Social Science Role," American Psychologist 38 (August 1983):869-877.

Kenneth Clark never gave in to criticisms of experts' role in Brown. In the face of early criticism, in the late 1950s and early 1960s, Clark insisted that "the collaboration between psychologists and other social scientists which culminated in the Brown decision will continue in spite of criticism" because the goals of law, government, and social science were identical, "to secure for man personal fulfillment in a just, stable, and viable society." See "The Desegregation Cases: Criticism of the Social Scientist's Role," 205, app. 4. A decade later, Clark still forcefully defended the effort he had spearheaded in the early 1950s. "This citation [footnote no. 11] demonstrated dramatically that the theories and research findings of social scientists could influence public policy decisions on educational and other problems." Kenneth B. Clark, ''Social Policy, Power, and Social Science Research," Harvard Educational Review 43 (February 1973):113-121. [BACK]

75. Such questions remain the subject of intense debate. See, for example, J. G. Morawski, "Psychology and the Shaping of Policy," Berkshire Review 18 (1983):92-117, and the response to Morawski by Saul Kassin, which mentions Brown, among other examples. [BACK]

76. Robert Lindner, The Fifty-Minute Hour (New York: Bantam Books, 1955). See especially the case of Mac, the Communist party member whom Lindner met at a civil rights meeting. This case is also a useful illustration of how readily political commitments of any sort—integrationist, socialist, whatever—were interpreted in psychological terms, even by a sympathetic psychoanalyst. [BACK]

77. For an interesting discussion of how psychological research and theory shaped the various responses of policy-makers to rising rates of nonmarital pregnancy among both black and white women after 1945, a social problem with dimensions that were explicitly sexual as well as racial, see Rickie Solinger, Wake Up Little Susie: Single Pregnancy and Race Before Roe v. Wade (New York: Routledge, 1992), esp. chaps. 3 and 6. [BACK]

78. One of the best overviews of the Moynihan Report is Lee Rainwater and William L. Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1967). It includes the entire text of the report itself, a number of important contemporary responses to the report, and a comprehensive analysis of the controversy. A discussion of the continuing salience of Moynihan's ideas about the black family during the neoconservative revival of the 1970s and 1980s, which stressed "family values" and "self-help" as goals in welfare reform, can be found in Carl Ginsburg, Race and Media: The Enduring Lift of the Moynihan Report (New York: Institute for Media Analysis, 1989). [BACK]

79. The term "social scientist-politico" is from Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 18,262. Other terms included "idea broker," "scientific diagnostician," and "scholar-politician." See ''Light in the Frightening Corners," Time 90 (28 July 1967):10-15; Fred Powledge, "Idea Broker in the Race Crisis," Lift 63 (3 November 1967):72-80; Thomas Meehan, "Moynihan of the Moynihan Report," New York Times Magazine, 31 July 1966, 5. [BACK]

80. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Family and Nation (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1987), 18. [BACK]

81. Lisa Hsiao, "Project 100,000: The Great Society's Answer to Military Manpower Needs in Vietnam," Vietnam Generation 1 (Summer 1989):14. Hsiao uses Project 100,000 to argue that, even during the War on Poverty, a high point in the history of the U.S. welfare state, the government's prosecution of the Vietnam War was used as a critically important institutional vehicle of domestic social welfare goals. Further, the government officially recognized the social welfare and gender socialization functions of the Department of Defense and some of the goals of the War on Poverty were transferred, at least in theory, to the military. In less than three years (the program lasted five years and was officially terminated in 1972), approximately 250,000 men had been recruited under the program, most from low-income, female-headed families. The vast majority were high school dropouts with very poor literacy skills. Close to 40 percent were black, compared to 8 percent of the military population overall. Although the stated purpose of the program was to provide education and training, over 40 percent received combat assignments in Vietnam and only 7.5 percent received extra benefits. [BACK]

82. Among professional historians, Stanley Elkins offered the personality-destroying portrait of slavery that was most compatible with E. Franklin Frazier's thesis in The Negro Family in the United States. Elkins's book Slavery, published in 1959, was also one of Moynihan's major sources for his report on the black family. [BACK]

83. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (Washington, D.C.: Office of Policy Planning and Research, United States Department of Labor, March 1965), 5, 29, 42-43. [BACK]

84. Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City (Cambridge: MIT and Harvard University Press, 1963). [BACK]

85. "Light in the Frightening Corners," 12. [BACK]

86. Daniel P. Moynihan, "The President & the Negro: The Moment Lost," Commentary 43 (February 1967):31-45. [BACK]

87. Bayard Rustin and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Which Way? A Discussion of Racial Tensions (New York: The America Press, 1966), 23-24. [BACK]

88. Mary Dublin Keyserling, "The Negro Woman at Work: Gains and Problems," 3, speech given 11 November 1965 to the Conference on the Negro Woman in the U.S.A., in Mary Dublin Keyserling Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College, Cambridge, Massachusetts. [BACK]

89. Tracey A. Fitzgerald, The National Council of Negro Women and the Feminist Movement, 1935-1975 (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1985), 42. [BACK]

90. Important feminist responses to the ideas of the Moynihan Report included Angela Davis, "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role in the Community of Slaves," Black Scholar 3 (December 1971):2-15. [BACK]

91. William Ryan, "Mammy Observed: Fixing the Black Family," in Blaming the Victim (New York: Vintage Books, 1971), 76-77. This was based on Ryan's 1965 critique. See William Ryan, "Savage Discovery: The Moynihan Report," The Nation 201 (22 November 1965):380-384. Another prominent civil rights movement critic was Rev. Benjamin Payton. See Benjamin Payton, "New Trends in Civil Rights," Christianity in Crisis (13 December 1965), reprinted in Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 395-402. [BACK]

92. This phrase was William Ryan's. See his Blaming the Victim (New York: Vintage Books, 1971). Two notable exceptions to the rule that civil rights activists and leaders took positions critical of Moynihan were Bayard Rustin and Kenneth Clark, although Clark later changed his mind and went so far as to support Moynihan's Republican opponent in his first run for the Senate in 1976. See Bayard Rustin, "A Way Out of the Exploding Ghetto," in Down the Line: The Collected Writings of Bayard Rustin, ed. C. Vann Woodward (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971), 178-186, originally published in the New York Times Magazine, 13 August 1967; Rustin and Moynihan, Which Way?; Douglas Schoen, Pat: A Biography of Daniel Patrick Moynihan (New York: Harper & Row, 1979), 166, 258. [BACK]

93. Interestingly, Moynihan seems to have been deeply influenced by Alva Myrdal's and Gunnar Myrdal's ideas about family policy and inspired by their successful example of turning conservative fears of population decline and family disorganization to the progressive purpose of constructing a comprehensive welfare state. One of Moynihan's recent books, Family and Nation (1987), recalls the title of Alva Myrdal's Nation and Family (1941). Moynihan wrote the introduction to the 1968 MIT Press paperback reissue. [BACK]

94. For his analysis of this failure, see Moynihan, Family and Nation; Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Action in the War on Poverty (New York: The Free Press, 1969); Moynihan, "The President & the Negro," 31-45. [BACK]

95. Daniel P. Moynihan, "Text of 'Benign Neglect' Memorandum on the Status of Negroes," New York Times, 1 March 1970, 69. [BACK]

96. Moynihan, "The President & the Negro," 35. [BACK]

97. Moynihan, Family and Nation, 26. [BACK]

98. Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 26. [BACK]

99. On the numbers of copies printed and circulated, see Rainwater and Yancey, The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, 26, 151-152, 158. [BACK]

100. Wall Street Journal, 16 August 1965; Washington Post, 23 August 1965. For a discussion of the role played by the establishment press in publicizing and perpetuating Moynihan's ideas, see Ginsburg, Race and Media. [BACK]

101. Moynihan, "The President & the Negro," 38-39. [BACK]

102. Powledge, "Idea Broker in the Race Crisis," 72. [BACK]

103. "Light in the Frightening Corners," 12. [BACK]

1. "Mass treatment programs" was the term used by Bettelheim and Janowitz to describe community-based social welfare programs in their 1964 follow-up to Dynamics of Prejudice. See Bettelheim and Janowitz, Social Change and Prejudice, Including Dynamics of Prejudice, 92. [BACK]

2. Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, Annual Report, 1956, quoted in Grob, From Asylum to Community, 197. [BACK]

3. Kenneth B. Clark, "Problems of Power and Social Change: Toward a Relevant Social Psychology," Journal of Social Issues 21 (July 1965):11. [BACK]

4. Three other presidential commissions investigated crime and civil disturbance and published reports. They were the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice ( The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society, 1967); the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence ( To Establish Justice, To Insure Domestic Tranquility, 1969); the President's Commission on Campus Unrest ( Report of the President's Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, also known as the Scranton Report). [BACK]

5. "Excerpts from President Lyndon B. Johnson's Address to the Nation on Civil Disorder, July 27, 1967," in Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (New York: Bantam Books, 1968), app. C, 539. The full text of this broadcast can also be found in the KC Archives, reel 18, pp. 673-677. [BACK]

6. "Remarks of the President Upon Issuing an Executive Order Establishing a National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, July 29, 1967," in Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, app. B, 536-537. [BACK]

6. "Remarks of the President Upon Issuing an Executive Order Establishing a National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, July 29, 1967," in Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, app. B, 536-537.

7. Ibid., app. B, 537. [BACK]

8. Robert Shellow, "Social Scientists and Social Action from within the Establishment," Journal of Social Issues 26 (Winter 1970):207-208. [BACK]

8. Robert Shellow, "Social Scientists and Social Action from within the Establishment," Journal of Social Issues 26 (Winter 1970):207-208.

9. Ibid., 208. [BACK]

8. Robert Shellow, "Social Scientists and Social Action from within the Establishment," Journal of Social Issues 26 (Winter 1970):207-208.

10. Ibid., 208-209. [BACK]

11. "Review Symposium," American Political Science Review 63 (December 1969):1281. [BACK]

12. Erik H. Erikson, "A Memorandum on Identity and Negro Youth," in A Way of Looking at Things, 650. This piece was originally published in the Journal of Social Issues in 1964. See also Erik H. Erikson, "The Concept of Identity in Race Relations: Notes and Queries," Daedalus 95 (Winter 1966):145-171.

One interesting example of how difficult Erikson found it to understand black nationalism in anything but negative psychological terms is his published dialogue with Huey Newton. See Erik H. Erikson and Huey P. Newton, In Search of Common Ground: Conversations with Erik H. Erikson & Huey P. Newton (New York: W. W. Norton, 1973). Rather than an exchange of ideas, one has the impression that Erikson and Newton did not understand each other at all: Newton kept trying to explain the Black Panther party's ideology while Erikson offered a psychohistorical interpretation of military symbolism in Newton's life and its resonance with U.S. historical themes of westward expansion and conquest. [BACK]

13. James P. Comer, "Individual Development and Black Rebellion: Some Parallels," Midway 9 (Summer 1968):33-48. [BACK]

14. Alvin F. Poussaint, "A Negro Psychiatrist Explains the Negro Psyche," in Being Black: Psychological-Sociological Dilemmas, ed. Robert V. Guthrie (San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1970), 15-25. This piece was reprinted from the New York Times Magazine, 20 August 1967. See also Alvin F. Poussaint, "The Negro American: His Self-Image and Integration," in The Black Power Revolt: A Collection of Essays, ed. Floyd B. Barbour (Boston: Porter Sargent, 1968), 94-102. For another example from two other black psychiatrists, see William H. Grief and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1968).

Interestingly, Abram Kardiner, one of the authors of The Mark of Oppression, contributed an article to a collection compiled in the wake of Project Camelot about the monitoring and prediction of global revolution and upheaval. Kardiner argued that the extreme rage and self-hatred among black Americans qualified them as a population armed with tremendous amounts of aggression, and therefore revolutionary potential. See Abram Kardiner, "Models for the Study of Collapse of Social Homeostasis in a Society," in The Study of Total Societies, 177-190. [BACK]

15. Martin Luther King, Jr., "Letter from Birmingham Jail," in Why We Can't Wait (New York: New American Library, 1963), 82, 81. [BACK]

16. For example, see the important 1966 transitional document, "Position of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee," in A History of Our Time, ed. William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 198-202. [BACK]

17. Eldridge Cleaver, "On Becoming," in Soul on Ice (New York: Delta, 1968), 3-17. [BACK]

18. Walter Truett Anderson, The Upstart Spring: Esalen and the American Awakening (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1983), 162-164, 195-199. [BACK]

19. Quoted in Garry Wills, "The Second Civil War," Esquire 69 (March 1968):142. [BACK]

20. Jesse Jackson to Mayor Richard J. Daley, 2 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 13, p. 1018. [BACK]

21. The eleven commissioners were Illinois governor Otto Kerner (chairman), New York mayor John Lindsay (vice-chairman), Oklahoma senator Fred Harris, Massachusetts senator Edward Brooke, California representative James Corman, Ohio representative William McCulloch, United Steelworkers of America president I. W. Abel, Litton Industries CEO Charles Thornton, NAACP executive director Roy Wilkins, former Kentucky commissioner of commerce Katherine Graham Peden, and Atlanta chief of police Herbert Jew kins. [BACK]

22. Andrew Kopkind, "White on Black: The Riot Commission and the Rhetoric of Reform," in The Politics of Riot Commissions, 1917-1970: A Collection of Official Reports and Critical Essays, ed. Anthony Platt (New York: Macmillan, 1971 ), 381. This article was originally published in Hard Times, 15-22 September 1969. [BACK]

23. Jerome H. Skolnick, "Violence Commission Violence," Trans-action 7 (October 1970):33. Menninger was appointed to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence. [BACK]

24. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1. [BACK]

25. Michael Lipsky and David J. Olson, Commission Politics: The Processing of Racial Crisis in America (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1977), 135. [BACK]

25. Michael Lipsky and David J. Olson, Commission Politics: The Processing of Racial Crisis in America (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1977), 135.

26. Ibid., 137 n. 37. [BACK]

27. Arthur Brayfield to Fred Harris, 14 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 14, p. 371. In his letter to Harris, Brayfield praised the credentials of a number of other psychological experts as well, some of whom—Rensis Liken and David McClelland, to mention only two—were important figures in World War II and Cold War psychology, reviewed in earlier chapters. [BACK]

28. Supplemental Studies for the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968). [BACK]

29. Lipsky and Olson, Commission Politics, 203-204 n. 57. [BACK]

30. Kopkind, "White on Black," 382; Lipsky and Olson, Commission Politics, 120. [BACK]

31. I could find only a single mention of the Vietnam War in the text of the final report, and the gist of it was that the country had enough money to conduct the war and eliminate social problems at home, a conclusion disputed, in 1967, by antiwar and civil rights activists alike. See Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 411. [BACK]

32. Descriptive material on ten cities ended up in the final report, concentrated in chapter 1, "Profiles of Disorder." [BACK]

33. Memo from Robert Shellow to David Ginsburg, 17 January 1968, KC Archives, reel 18, pp. 346-349. [BACK]

34. Angus Campbell and Howard Schuman, "Racial Attitudes in Fifteen American Cities," in Supplemental Studies for the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1-67. [BACK]

35. For a brief, general description of the National Institute of Mental Health "mass violence" studies, see John Gardner's statement to the Kerner Commission, 1 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 1, p. 371. [BACK]

36. "Is Mass Violence an Epidemic Disease?" Medical Worm News 8 (1 September 1967):38-48, in KC Archives, reel 16, pp. 293-296; Elliot Luby et al, "The Detroit Riot: Some Characteristics of Those on the Street," Psychiatric Opinion 5 (June 1968):29-35; Richard D. Lyons, "Riots Laid to Old Hates," New York Times, 6 August 1967, 1, 51; United Press International summary of Detroit Study, KC Archives, reel 16, p. 152. [BACK]

37. "Summary of October 27 Meeting of Survey Research Scientists Active in Studies of Negro-White Attitudes," KC Archives, reel 7, pp. 394-402; memo from Henry B. Taliaferro, Jr., to Arnold Sagalyn, Milan Miskovsky, and Victor Palmieri, 27 October 1967, KC Archives, reel 11, pp. 45-46; D. P. Gerlach, "The U.S.A. and Revolutionary Social Movements," 26 October 1967, KC Archives, reel 11, pp. 58-61. The design of an "Index of Negro Dissatisfaction" was an old project of the Lemberg Center for the Study of Violence at Brandeis University, a research center whose work was widely used by Kerner Commission experts. See, for example, Lemberg Center for the Study of Violence, Brandeis University, Annual Report to the Board of Overseers (1968), 13. [BACK]

38. Memo from Louise Sagalyn to Victor Palmieri, 11 October 1967, KC Archives, reel 22, pp. 622-626; Charles A. Pinderhughes, "Pathogenic Social Structure: A Prime Target for Preventive Psychiatric Intervention," Journal of the National Medical Association 58 (November 1966):424-429; Charles A. Pinderhughes and Herbert O. Levine, "The Psychology of Adolescents in a Peaceful Protest and in an Urban Riot," 6 November. 1967, KC Archives, reel 27, pp. 511-549. [BACK]

39. Kopkind, "White on Black," 379; Lipsky and Olson, Commission Politics, 169; Skolnick, "Violence Commission Violence," 33. At its peak strength, the Kerner Commission staff numbered 191. [BACK]

40. The term "social science input" was part of the work culture of the Kerner Commission itself, and can be found frequently in its records. [BACK]

41. Shellow, "Social Scientists and Social Action from within the Establishment," 213. This anecdote is reported by another member of the Kerner Commission social science staff in Gary T. Marx, "Two Cheers for the National Riot Commission," in Black America, ed. John F. Szwed (New York: Basic Books, 1970), 96 n. 24. [BACK]

42. David Burnham, "New Urban Riots Foreseen in U.S.," New York Times, 30 December 1967, 21. [BACK]

42. David Burnham, "New Urban Riots Foreseen in U.S.," New York Times, 30 December 1967, 21.

43. Ibid. [BACK]

44. "The Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare," American Psychologist 20 (October 1965):811-814. [BACK]

45. Draft of John Gardner's statement to the Kerner Commission, 1 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 1, pp. 87-88. [BACK]

46. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 483. [BACK]

47. Kenneth Clark statement to the Kerner Commission, 13 September 1967, KC Archives, reel 3, pp. 139-140. [BACK]

48. Elliot Liebow, Tally's Corner: A Study of Streetcorner Men (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1967). [BACK]

48. Elliot Liebow, Tally's Corner: A Study of Streetcorner Men (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1967).

49. Ibid., 214. [BACK]

50. Elliot Liebow statement to the Kerner Commission, 9 November 1967, KC Archives, reel 5, pp. 967-968. [BACK]

51. Matthew P. Dumont, "The Role of Youth Groups in the Minority Community," in The Absurd Healer: Perspectives of a Community Psychiatrist (New York: Viking, 1968), 149-155. [BACK]

51. Matthew P. Dumont, "The Role of Youth Groups in the Minority Community," in The Absurd Healer: Perspectives of a Community Psychiatrist (New York: Viking, 1968), 149-155.

52. Ibid., 154. [BACK]

53. One of the very few examples I could find of commission experts asking questions about the gender of rioters was in Robert H. Fogelson and Robert Hill, "Who Riots? A Study of Participation in the 1967 Riots," in Supplemental Studies for the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 234-235. Fogelson and Hill at least speculated about whether police were less likely to arrest women, therefore making female rioters less visible rather than nonexistent. They concluded, however, that rioters were, overwhelmingly, male and young. [BACK]

54. Grob, From Asylum to Community; Miller and Rose, eds., The Power of Psychiatry, 1-42. [BACK]

55. For example, see Leigh M. Roberts, Seymour L. Halleck, and Martin B. Loeb, eds., Community Psychiatry (New York: Anchor Books, 1966), 3, 7. [BACK]

56. Leonard J. Duhl and Robert L. Leopold, "Relationship of Psychoanalysis with Social Agencies: Community Implications," in Modern Psychoanalysis: New Directions and Perspectives, ed. Judd Marmor (New York: Basic Books, 1968), 579. [BACK]

57. See, for example, Judd Marmor, "Some Psychosocial Aspects of Contemporary Urban Violence," in Psychiatry in Transition: Selected Papers (New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1974), 406-415. [BACK]

58. "The City as Patient" is the title of chapter 4, on urban riots, in Dumont, The Absurd Healer. [BACK]

59. The most recent, comprehensive historical analysis of this significant policy shift can be found in Grob, From Asylum to Community. Grob is critical of the postwar shift toward community mental health policy. He argues that, because it was based on utopian hopes and untested assumptions about the nature of mental illness, it abandoned responsibility for the needs of severely and chronically mentally ill, institutionalized individuals, and did little or nothing to treat them or provide an integrated system of long-term care. Instead, it generated new demands for clinical services among healthy, or mildly maladjusted, individuals, serving mainly to extend the reach of psychological expertise to new populations who needed it least. He is careful to point out, however, that such negative consequences were not by any means the intention of malevolent policy-makers or uncaring clinicians, nor could they have been anticipated at the time. The failure of the mental health system to serve truly mentally ill people is, in this instance, simply an example of Grob's generally tragic interpretation of history, which emphasizes the predictably unpredictable effects of human action. [BACK]

60. Robert Reiff, "Social Intervention and the Problem of Psychological

Analysis," Presidential Address to the Division of Community Psychology, 2 September 1967, KC Archives, reel 21, p. 876. [BACK]

61. Dumont, The Absurd Healer, 50. [BACK]

62. Fred Harris, for example, later titled a series of essays on federal urban policy, "Sick Cities . . . And the Search for a Cure." See Harris, ed., Social Science and National Policy, pt. 1. [BACK]

63. Dumont, The Absurd Healer, 74-75. [BACK]

64. V. H. Mark, W. H. Sweet, and F. R. Ervin, "Role of Brain Disease in Riots and Urban Violence," letter to the editor, Journal of the American Medical Association 201 (11 September 1967):217. [BACK]

65. Robert N. McMurry, "Permissiveness and the Riot-Prone," Psychiatric Opinion 5 (June 1968):14. [BACK]

65. Robert N. McMurry, "Permissiveness and the Riot-Prone," Psychiatric Opinion 5 (June 1968):14.

66. Ibid., 13, emphasis in original. [BACK]

65. Robert N. McMurry, "Permissiveness and the Riot-Prone," Psychiatric Opinion 5 (June 1968):14.

67. Ibid., 18. [BACK]

68. Dumont, The Absurd Healer, 125. [BACK]

69. For an interesting early example, based largely on Allport's and Postman's efforts, see Joseph D. Lohman, The Police and Minority Groups: A Manual Prepared for Use in the Chicago Park District Police Training School (Chicago: Chicago Park District, 1947). For an example of 1960s police training in "preventive mental health," see Morton Bard, "Alternatives to Traditional Law Enforcement," in Psychology and the Problems of Society, 128-132. Bard concludes that "police departments might be structured along the lines of highly flexible service organizations without in any way compromising their basic law enforcement mission." [BACK]

70. FBI director J. Edgar Hoover statement to the Kerner Commission, 1 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 1, p. 252. [BACK]

71. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Prevention and Control of Mobs and Crowds (Washington, D.C., 1967), esp. chaps. 2-4, sections on "Crowds and Their Behavior," "The Riot Pattern," "Characteristics of a Riot," and ''The Police Role in Preventing Riots." [BACK]

72. For an explicit rejection of therapeutic analogies in law enforcement because of a comparison between foreign counterinsurgency and the occupation of ghettos by domestic police forces, see Howard Zinn to Kerner Commission, 4 November 1967, KC Archives, reel 11, pp. 422-423. [BACK]

73. Kenneth Keniston, "How Community Mental Health Stamped Out the Riots (1968-78)," Trans-action 5 (July-August 1968):20-29. [BACK]

73. Kenneth Keniston, "How Community Mental Health Stamped Out the Riots (1968-78)," Trans-action 5 (July-August 1968):20-29.

74. Ibid., 28, emphasis in original. [BACK]

75. Mabry Blaylock to Fred Harris, 5 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 14, pp. 82-90; Robert Jackson to the Kerner Commission, 27 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 13, pp. 861-862; Ulric Haynes, Jr., to Lyndon Johnson, 8 April 1968, in Black Studies Research Sources: Microfilms from Major Archival Manuscript Collections, August Meier and John H. Bracey, Jr., eds., Civil Rights Under the Johnson Administration, 1963-1969, pt. 1, White House Files, reel 5, pp. 2-3; Rector L. Smith to the Kerner Commission, 8 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 14, pp. 120-122. [BACK]

76. Memo from Executive Director to the Commission, 22 December

1967, in Black Studies Research Sources.' Microfilms from Major Archival Manuscript Collections, August Meier and John H. Bracey, Jr., eds., Civil Rights Under the Johnson Administration, 1963-1969, pt. 1, White House Files, reel 10, p. 148, emphasis in original. [BACK]

77. Ted Gurr, "Urban Disorder: Perspective from the Comparative Study of Civil Strife," American Behavioral Scientist 11 (March-April 1968):50-55. This issue of the American Behavioral Scientist was edited by Kerner Commission consultant Louis H. Masotti and reported on a number of riot studies that had been sponsored by the military, or cooperatively sponsored by military and civilian bureaucracies. Gurr's study was funded by the Center for Research into Social Systems and the Department of Defense's Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA). William McCord's and John Howard's survey, "Negro Opinions in Three Riot Cities," to mention another example, was funded jointly by the Texas Department of Mental Health and ARPA. [BACK]

78. Lipsky and Olson, Commission Politics, 179. [BACK]

79. Memo on military's "Directly Related Experience," n.d., KC Archives, reel 11, pp. 24-31. [BACK]

80. Wills, "The Second Civil War," 71-81, 136-151. For example, see Col. Rex Applegate's discussion of the indebtedness of riot experts to World War II-era military materials and his criticism of the FBI role in riot training. [BACK]

81. For documentation and analysis of behavioralism in postwar political science, see Ricci, The Tragedy of Political Science, chap. 5; and Seybold, "The Ford Foundation and the Triumph of Behavioralism in American Political Science," 269-303. [BACK]

82. Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: Free Press, 1962); Ralph H. Turner and Lewis M. Killian, Collective Behavior (Engelwood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1957). Smelser called collective behavior "crude," "excessive," and eccentric," the expression of impulses normally repressed. He maintained that Freudian psychology was a necessary element of its analysis. For especially clear examples of the persistence in the postwar era of ideas not unlike Gustave Le Bon's in the late nineteenth century, see Turner and Killian, chap. 4, "Social Contagion," and chap. 5, "The Forms of Crowd Behavior." [BACK]

83. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, chap. 2. Chapter 2, "Patterns of Disorder," is followed by almost fifty pages of statistical footnotes. It is an excellent example of how social and behavioral data was concentrated and presented to confer a feeling of solidity and numerical fact upon the final report. [BACK]

84. These terms were lifted directly out of general theories like Turner's and Killian's. See, for example, Hans W. Mattick, "The Form and Content of Recent Riots," Midway 9 (Summer 1968):3-32. Mattick was a University of Chicago Law School professor who was hired by the Kerner Commission after Robert Shellow and the in-house research team members were fired. His typology also included the possibility of a "rational" riot, caused by objective grievances and characterized by clear goals. [BACK]

85. Clark, "Group Violence," 319-337. Clark found that 60 percent of the

black Harlem residents interviewed one month following the riot condemned this type of group violence out of hand, but a full 30 percent were willing to justify and defend it. [BACK]

86. Clark, Dark Ghetto, 15. [BACK]

87. Kenneth B. Clark, "'The Wonder Is There Have Been So Few Riots,'" New York Times Magazine, 5 September 1965, 10. [BACK]

88. Gary T. Marx, "Civil Disorder and the Agents of Social Control," in Muckraking Sociology: Research as Social Criticism, ed. Gary T. Marx (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1972), 75-97. Another example of psychological tests and models applied to police can be found in David Bayley and Harold Mendelsohn, Minorities and the Police: Confrontation in America (New York: Free Press, 1969). Bayley and Mendelsohn administered standard measures such as the F Scale in order to understand the personalities and "perceptual world" of police officers. What they discovered was a chronically doubtful, anxious, and suspicious self-image. [BACK]

89. Robert Kapsis et al., The Reconstruction of a Riot: A Case Study of Community Tensions and Civil Disorder (Waltham, Mass.: Brandeis University, Lemberg Center for the Study of Violence, 1970), 51-52, 58-60, 62-69. [BACK]

90. Lipsky and Olson, Commission Politics, 38. [BACK]

90. Lipsky and Olson, Commission Politics, 38.

91. Ibid., 77, chap. 11. [BACK]

92. The number of riots in 1967 was 164, according to the Kerner Commission's experts, but they admitted that definitions of "civil disorder" varied widely enough for the total to range between 51 and 217, and they settled for a rough categorization of "major," "serious," and "minor" disorders. See Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 112-113, 158-159. [BACK]

93. Quoted in Lipsky and Olson, Commission Politics, 16. [BACK]

94. The Kerner Commission did not systematically exclude McCone-type theories, but analysis that blamed criminal "riffraff," black nationalists, or Communist agitators for civil disturbances was rare. For an exception to this rule, see J. Edgar Hoover statement to the Kerner Commission, 1 August 1967, KC Archives, reel 1, pp. 249-316. Hoover emphatically blamed black power advocates like H. Rap Brown and Stokely Carmichael for inciting violence, suggested that civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King served the evil purposes of communism, and concluded that riots were often the work of hardened criminals. [BACK]

95. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 2. [BACK]

96. Kopkind, "White on Black," 385, emphasis in original. [BACK]

97. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, chap. 7. [BACK]

97. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, chap. 7.

98. Ibid., 203, chap. 4. [BACK]

97. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, chap. 7.

99. Ibid., chap. 17. [BACK]

100. Francis Keppel testimony before the Subcommittee on Government Research of the Senate Committee on Government Operations, Hearings on "Deprivation and Personality—A New Challenge to Human Resources Development," pts. 1-2, April 1968, 90th Cong., 2nd sess., 70. [BACK]

101. "Review Symposium," 1275. [BACK]

102. Telegram from Lester Maddox to Lyndon Johnson, 9 March 1968,

in Black Studies Research Sources: Microfilms from Major Archival Manuscript Collections, August Meier and John H. Bracey, Jr., eds., Civil Rights Under the Johnson Administration, 1963-1969, White House Files, pt. 1, reel 5, pp. 37-38. [BACK]

103. An example can be found in Skolnick, "Violence Commission Violence," 32-38. Skolnick objects to the pattern of commissions distorting experts' work and exploiting their names for the purposes of legitimizing their dubious conclusions, but he also defends the value of commission expertise. At least data has been gathered, he points out, making alternative interpretations and policy recommendations possible. For other examples of the view that Kerner Commission expertise had been ignored, resisted, and even ridiculed, see Karl Menninger's testimony in PAFP, 52; and the description of Daniel Moynihan's severe criticism of the Kerner Commission in Schoen, Pat, 139. [BACK]

104. Arthur Brayfield testimony before the Subcommittee on Government Research of the Senate Committee on Government Operations, Hearings on "Deprivation and Personality—A New Challenge to Human Resources Development," 265-266. [BACK]

104. Arthur Brayfield testimony before the Subcommittee on Government Research of the Senate Committee on Government Operations, Hearings on "Deprivation and Personality—A New Challenge to Human Resources Development," 265-266.

105. Ibid., 265, emphasis in original. [BACK]

106. Shellow, "Social Scientists and Social Action from within the Establishment," 219. [BACK]

1. William C. Menninger and Munro Leaf, You and Psychiatry (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1948), 70. This book was one of Menninger's efforts to popularize psychodynamic personality theory, as well as convey the overwhelmingly social lessons of wartime clinical work. He called it a "war baby" (p. v). [BACK]

2. John Dollard and Neal E. Miller, Personality and Psychotherapy: An Analysis in Terms of Learning, Thinking, and Culture (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1950), 5, emphasis in original. Dollard and Miller were associated with the important postwar effort, based at Yale's Institute of Human Relations, to put the principles of Freudian psychology to the test of behavioral verification. [BACK]

3. The definitive work on post-World War II mental health policy is Grob, From Asylum to Community. [BACK]

4. Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 499. [BACK]

5. Miller, "Clinical Psychiatry in the Veterans Administration," 182. Similar statistics on the numbers of psychiatric patients in the VA can be found in Blain, "Program of the Veterans Administration for the Physical and Mental Health of Veterans," 33-46; Brand, "The National Mental Health Act of 1946," 236-237; Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 380; NNIA, testimony of Dr. Daniel Blain, Chief, VA Neuropsychiatric Division, 28-30; Veterans Adminis-

tration, Department of Medicine and Surgery Policy Memorandum Number 2 (30 January 1946):4. [BACK]

6. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 380; Brand, "The National Mental Health Act of 1946," 236-237. [BACK]

7. Quoted in Emanuel K. Schwartz, "Is There Need for Psychology in Psychotherapy?" in Psychology, Psychiatry and the Public Interest, ed. Maurice H. Krout (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1956), 118. [BACK]

8. Blain, "Programs of the Veterans Administration for the Physical and Mental Health of Veterans," 39; Nina Ridenour, Mental Health in the United States: A Fifty-Year History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), 61. [BACK]

9. NNIA testimony of Dr. Daniel Blain, Chief, VA Neuropsychiatric Division, 29; Blain, "Programs of the Veterans Administration for the Physical and Mental Health of Veterans," 43-44. [BACK]

10. For a detailed description of this program, see Dana L. Moore, "The Veterans Administration and the Training Program in Psychology," in History of Psychotherapy, 786-798. [BACK]

11. Miller, "Clinical Psychiatry in the Veterans Administration," 182, 189. [BACK]

12. Victor C. Raimy, ed., Training in Clinical Psychology (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1950), 166. [BACK]

13. R. C. Tryon, "Psychology in Flux: The Academic-Professional Bipolarity," American Psychologist 18 (March 1963):136. Tryon's analysis was based on a survey of American Psychological Association membership directories from 1940, 1959, and 1962. For additional statistical evidence, see George W. Albee, Mental Health Manpower Trends, Joint Commission on Mental Health and Illness Monograph Series No. 3 (New York: Basic Books, 1959), 124-125. [BACK]

14. Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 530. [BACK]

14. Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 530.

15. Ibid., 500-504. [BACK]

16. Carl R. Rogers and John L. Wallen, Counseling with Returned Servicemen (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1946), 19. For an even earlier statement of his belief that counseling could help to restore the democratic ethos sacrificed, of necessity, to military goals, see Carl R. Rogers, Counseling and Psychotherapy: Newer Concepts in Practice (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1942), II. [BACK]

17. Rogers and Wallen, Counseling with Returned Servicemen, 23. [BACK]

18. A very useful discussion of this legislation can be found in Grob, From Asylum to Community, chap. 3. [BACK]

19. NNIA, testimony of General Lewis B. Hershey, Director, National Selective Service System, 47-58. [BACK]

20. Ibid., testimony of Dr. S. Bernard Wortis, Chief of Bellevue Hospital's Psychiatric Division, 129. [BACK]

21. There were differences of opinion among experts, but these were confined to questions of funding, organization, and other such bureaucratic details. The only real opposition to the National Mental Health Act came from quarters consistently hostile to the extension of federal power. Even here, however, support from such conservative Republicans as Senator Robert H. Taft and Representative Clarence J. Brown managed to foil what little criticism of the bill existed. See Grob, From Asylum to  Community, 52-53. [BACK]

22. NNIA, Mrs. Lee Steiner, member, American Association of Psychiatric Social Workers, 115. [BACK]

22. NNIA, Mrs. Lee Steiner, member, American Association of Psychiatric Social Workers, 115.

23. Ibid., Captain Robert Nystrom, 100-101. [BACK]

24. Brand, "The National Mental Health Act of 1946," 242. [BACK]

25. NNIA, Senator Claude Pepper, opening statement, 5. J. Percy Priest (D-Tenn.) introduced the bill in the House of Representatives. [BACK]

26. Menninger, Psychiatry in a Troubled World, 471 n. 7. [BACK]

27. Quoted in Grob, From Asylum to Community, 55. [BACK]

28. Ibid., 54-55. The origins of the community mental health movement are frequently dated to psychiatrist Erich Lindemann's Word War II-era observations of soldiers' relatives and his "grief work" with the survivors of a Boston nightclub fire that killed hundreds of people. See Erich Lindemann and Stanley Cobb, "Neuropsychiatric Observations," Annals of Surgery 117 (June 1943):814-824; and Erich Lindemann, "Symptomatology and Management of Acute Grief," American Journal of Psychiatry 101 (September 1944):141-148. For an analysis dating the origin of community mental health in the Progressive Era, see Sicherman, "The Quest for Mental Health in America, 1880-1917." [BACK]

29. John A. Clausen, "Social Science Research in the National Mental Health Program," American Sociological Review 15 (June 1950):404. [BACK]

30. Statistics on National Institute of Mental Health budget and funding levels from Greene, "The Role of the Psychiatrist in World War II," 527; and Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, Action for Mental Health (New York: Basic Books, 1961 ), 6-7. [BACK]

31. Brand, "The National Mental Health Act of 1946," 243. [BACK]

32. Stella Leche Deignan and Esther Miller, "The Support of Research in Medical and Allied Fields for the Period 1946-1951," Science 115 (28 March 1952):330, table 7. [BACK]

32. Stella Leche Deignan and Esther Miller, "The Support of Research in Medical and Allied Fields for the Period 1946-1951," Science 115 (28 March 1952):330, table 7.

33. Ibid., 331, fig. 9. [BACK]

34. Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, Action for Mental Health, 6-7, 210. The Joint Commission estimated that mental illness cost $3 billion annually, compared with a total research expenditure of around $70 million (from all sources) in 1958. [BACK]

35. FSISSBR, testimony of Ralph L. Beals, American Anthropological Association, Committee on Research Problems and Ethics, 83. For a good example of National Institute of Mental Health-supported research devoted to tracking mass trends in the mental health of the normal U.S. population, with special attention to the influence of larger community and national developments, see Norman Bradbum and David Caplovitz, Reports on Happiness: A Pilot Study of Behavior Related to Mental Health (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1965). [BACK]

36. Lyons, The Uneasy Partnership, 276. [BACK]

37. Grob, From Asylum to Community, 66-67. [BACK]

38. "Young Turks" was a frequent designation for the Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry founders. See, for example, Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, Action for Mental Health, 201. For a discussion of GAP's founding and place within postwar psychiatry, see Grob, From Asylum

to Community, chap. 2. Grob points out (pp. 32-34, 311-312 n. 21) that "Young Turks" was hardly an accurate description of the age of GAP members, which averaged forty-seven in 1950. [BACK]

39. Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry Circular Letter 154 (16 September 1949), quoted in Grob, From Asylum to Community, 311 n. 16. [BACK]

40. Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, Committee on Social Issues, "The Social Responsibility of Psychiatry," originally published as GAP Report No. 13 (New York: July 1950), reprinted in Psychiatry and Public Affairs: Reports and Symposia of the Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966), 12. [BACK]

41. Robert Yerkes in Intersociety Constitutional Convention, condensed transcript, American Psychological Association, 29-31 May 1943, quoted in Capshew, "Psychology, on the March," 254; and Capshew and Hilgard, "The Power of Service," 162. [BACK]

42. Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, Committee on Social Issues, "The Social Responsibility of Psychiatry," 11. [BACK]

43. Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, "Psychiatric Aspects of School Desegregation," in Psychiatry and Public Affairs (originally published as GAP Report No. 37, 1957), 15-105. GAP also published an abbreviated and less technical version of this report, titled "Emotional Aspects of School Desegregation," as Report No. 37A, in 1960. [BACK]

44. Grob, From Asylum to Community, 26, 40, 314 n. 39. [BACK]

45. Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, "Considerations Regarding the Loyalty Oath as a Manifestation of Current Social Tension and Anxiety," Symposium No. 1, 1954. [BACK]

46. For a full discussion of the work of the Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, see Grob, From Asylum to Community, chaps. 8 and 9. [BACK]

47. Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, Action for Mental Health, xxvii. [BACK]

48. Ibid., xiv. Gerald Grob argues that to consider the general recommendations of the Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health as the major precursor to the federal legislation of the 1960s is to perpetuate the "myth" that the JCMIH emphasized community-based over institutional services. While the specific proposal of the JCMIH for community centers catering to outpatients certainly became the centerpiece of that decade's legislation, the rest of the JCMIH work, which emphasized the care of severely and chronically mentally ill individuals, was ignored, according to Grob, since these latter populations were underserved by community mental health centers. Even Grob points out that this result was only visible in hindsight, however, Abandoning the mentally ill was not the intention of clinicians or policy-makers, who truly believed that community mental health centers would provide more humane and effective services to previously institutionalized people. See Grob, From Asylum to Community, 229. For an indication that the main concern of the JCMIH actually was treating severe mental illness and increasing public sensitivity to it—rather than diverting attention and money toward the more comfortable subject of mental health—see Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, Action for Mental Health, chap. 3, 242. [BACK]

49. John F. Kennedy, "Special Message to the Congress on Mental Illness and Mental Retardation," 5 February 1963, in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, John F. Kennedy, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to November 22, 1963 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1964), 127. [BACK]

49. John F. Kennedy, "Special Message to the Congress on Mental Illness and Mental Retardation," 5 February 1963, in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, John F. Kennedy, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to November 22, 1963 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1964), 127.

50. Ibid., 127. [BACK]

49. John F. Kennedy, "Special Message to the Congress on Mental Illness and Mental Retardation," 5 February 1963, in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, John F. Kennedy, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to November 22, 1963 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1964), 127.

51. Ibid., 128-129. [BACK]

52. P.L. 88-164, Title II. [BACK]

53. Alfred M. Freedman, "Historical and Political Roots of the Community Mental Health Centers Act," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 37 (April 1967):493. [BACK]

54. For one sample of how broadly the jurisdiction of community mental health was defined, see the table of contents in Stuart E. Colann and Carl Eisdorfer, eds., Handbook of Community Mental Health (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1972). [BACK]

55. Roberts, Halleck, and Loeb, eds., Community Psychiatry, 7. [BACK]

56. Chester C. Bennett, "Community Psychology: Impressions of the Boston Conference on the Education of Psychologists for Community Mental Health," American Psychologist 20 (October 1965):833. [BACK]

57. Chaim Shatan, "Community Psychiatry—Stretcher Bearer of the Social Order?" International Journal of Psychiatry 7 (May 1969):319-320. [BACK]

58. An account of this event at Lincoln Hospital and the Albert Einstein College of Medicine can be found in Castel, Castel, and Loveli, The Psychiatric Society, 156-159. [BACK]

58. An account of this event at Lincoln Hospital and the Albert Einstein College of Medicine can be found in Castel, Castel, and Loveli, The Psychiatric Society, 156-159.

59. Ibid., 157, emphasis in original. [BACK]

60. Joel Kovel, "Desiring Speech," Zeta (July-August 1989):140. [BACK]

61. C. C. Burlingame, "Psychiatric Sense and Nonsense," Journal of the American Medical Association 133 (5 April 1947):971. [BACK]

62. Nevitt Sanford, "Psychotherapy and the American Public," in Psychology, Psychiatry and the Public Interest, 3. [BACK]

63. Lawrence S. Kubie, "A Doctorate in Psychotherapy: The Reasons for a New Profession," in New Horizon for Psychotherapy: Autonomy as a Profession, ed. Robert R. Holt (New York: International Universities Press, 1971), 14. [BACK]

64. Quoted in Jack David Pressman, "Uncertain Promise: Psychosurgery and the Development of Scientific Psychiatry in America, 1935 to 1955" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1986), 318. [BACK]

65. There has been considerable controversy about whether the psychoactive drug "revolution" was a significant factor in deinstitutionalization. All observers do agree that the absolute numbers of institutionalized mental patients began to decline in 1956, sharply reversing long-term trends. See Grob, From Asylum to Community, 260, table 10.2; William Gronfein, "Psychotropic Drugs and the Origins of Deinstitutionalization," Social Problems 32 (June 1985):440, table 1; Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, Action for Mental Health, 7, 21, table 3; Andrew Scull, Decarceration: Community Treatment and the Deviant, A Radical View, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, England: Policy Press, 1984), 68, table 4-2. [BACK]

66. Grob, From Asylum to Community, 42. [BACK]

67. Efforts to explain deinstitutionalization have been marked by disagreement, even though there is widespread agreement that the policy has failed miserably. For a sample, see Castel, Castel, and Lovell, The Psychiatric Society, pt. 2; Grob, From Asylum to Community, chap. 10; Paul Lerman, Deinstitutionalization and the Welfare State (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1982), esp. chap. 6; Scull, Decarceration, esp. chap. 8. [BACK]

68. Scull, Decarceration, 152. [BACK]

69. Gerald N. Grob, "The History of the Asylum Revisited: Personal Reflections," in Discovering the History of Psychiatry, ed. Mark Micale and Roy Porter (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 260-281.

Andrew Scull and Gerald Grob represent opposite poles in this debate. The most succinct statements of their respective historiographical and philosophical views can be found in Andrew Scull, "Humanitarianism or Control? Some Observations on the Historiography of Anglo-American Psychiatry," in Social Control and the State: Historical and Comparative Essays, ed. Stanley Cohen and Andrew Scull (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1983), 118-140; and Gerald N. Grob, "Rediscovering Asylums: The Unhistorical History of the Mental Hospital," in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the Social History of American Medicine, ed. Morris J. Vogel and Charles E. Rosenberg (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 135-157. See also their reviews of each other's recent work in History of Psychiatry 1 (1990):223-232, and Milbank Quarterly 70 (1992):557-579. [BACK]

70. "American Psychiatric Association Membership Figures, 1873-Present"; Grob, From Asylum to Community, 297, table 11.1. [BACK]

71. Grob, From Asylum to Community, 253. [BACK]

72. Martin L. Gross, The Psychological Society: A Critical Analysis of Psychiatry, Psychotherapy, Psychoanalysis and the Psychological Revolution (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978), 272-275; and Vandenbos, Cummings, and Deleon, "A Century of Psychotherapy: Economic and Environmental Influences," 70-71. [BACK]

73. Gross, The Psychological Society, 7. [BACK]

74. Carl R. Rogers, Client-Centered Therapy: Its Current Practice, Implications, and Theory (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1951), 14, referring to the report issued by the American Psychological Association Committee on Training in Clinical Psychology in 1947. [BACK]

75. Raimy, ed., Training in Clinical Psychology, xix. [BACK]

75. Raimy, ed., Training in Clinical Psychology, xix.

76. Ibid., 39, 185. [BACK]

75. Raimy, ed., Training in Clinical Psychology, xix.

77. Ibid., 26. [BACK]

75. Raimy, ed., Training in Clinical Psychology, xix.

78. Ibid., 96. [BACK]

75. Raimy, ed., Training in Clinical Psychology, xix.

79. Ibid., 93. [BACK]

80. H. J. Eysenck, "The Effects of Psychotherapy," Journal of Consulting Psychology 16 (October 1952):322. [BACK]

81. A useful summary of the era's research on psychotherapy can be found in Hans H. Strupp and Kenneth I. Howard, "A Brief History of Psychotherapy Research," in History of Psychotherapy, 309-334. [BACK]

82. A summary. of the conflict between psychiatry and psychology over the independent practice of psychotherapy can be found in Grob, From Asylum to

Community, 102-114. Documentation of this ongoing controversy can be found in Krout, ed. Psychology, Psychiatry and the Public Interest, which includes arguments from both psychiatry and clinical psychology. [BACK]

83. American Medical Association, American Psychiatric Association, and American Psychoanalytic Association, "Resolution on Relations of Medicine and Psychology," in Psychology, Psychiatry and the Public Interest, 24. [BACK]

84. For evidence that this professional conflict was sometimes considered in gendered terms, see Paul E. Huston, "A Psychiatrist's Observation on the Orientation of Clinical Psychology," in Psychology, Psychiatry and the Public Interest, 32. [BACK]

85. Sanford, "Psychotherapy and the American Public," 6. [BACK]

86. "The Cold War Between Psychiatry and Psychology," Psychiatric Opinion 4 (June 1967, October 1967). [BACK]

87. As early as 1948, for example, one review article discussed more than ten popular Hollywood films in which psychological disturbances, experts, and treatments were central themes. See Keith Sward, "Boy and Girl Meet Neurosis," The Screen Writer (September 1948):8-26. I am grateful to Susan Ohmer for bringing this article to my attention. [BACK]

88. Arnold A. Rogow, The Psychiatrists (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1970), 18. [BACK]

89. Janet Walker, Couching Resistance: Women, Film, and Psychoanalytic Psychiatry (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1993), chap. 6. [BACK]

90. Rogow, The Psychiatrists, 15-16. [BACK]

91. Napoli, Architects of Adjustment, 142. [BACK]

92. Garfield, "Psychotherapy: A 40-Year Appraisal," 174. [BACK]

93. The original study was conducted by the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan, involved 2,460 normal adults, and was published as Americans View Their Mental Health (1960). In 1976 the National Institute for Mental Health funded a follow-up study. It replicated the 1957 study, so that time comparisons could be made, but added some new questions, especially in regard to use of mental health professionals and resources. It was published in two volumes: Joseph Veroff, Elizabeth Douvan, and Richard A. Kulka, The Inner American: A Self-Portrait from 1957-1976 and Mental Health in America: Patterns of Help-seeking from 1957-1976 (New York: Basic Books, 1981). The 14 percent figure can be found in 2:79, table 5.1. [BACK]

94. Veroff, Douvan, and Kulka, Mental Health in America, 79, table 5.1, 222, table 7.1, 231. [BACK]

95. Veroff, Douvan, and Kulka, The Inner American, 14. [BACK]

96. Ibid., 25, 20. Although the biggest demographic shift was socioeconomic and educational (many more people at the lower ends of the income and educational ladders were likely to seek help), certain demographic indicators still pointed to disproportionately high use of professional expertise. These indicators were youth, female gender, high level of education, Jewish background, West Coast residence, professional parents, and a family history that included divorce. See Veroff, Douvan, and Kulka, Mental Health in America, 90, 111-112, 124-125. [BACK]

97. Veroff, Douvan, and Kulka, Mental Health in America, 271. [BACK]

98. Lawrence S. Kubie, ''Social Forces and the Neurotic Process," in Explorations in Social Psychiatry, ed. Alexander H. Leighton, John A. Clausen, and Robert N. Wilson (New York: Basic Books, 1957), 83. [BACK]

99. John R. Seeley, "Psychiatry: Revolution, Reform, and 'Reaction,'" in Modern Psychoanalysis, 699. [BACK]

100. Kubie, "A Doctorate in Psychotherapy," 16-17. [BACK]

101. Gordon W. Allport, Becoming: Basic Considerations for a Psychology of Personality (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955), 100-101. [BACK]

102. Abraham Maslow, "Existential Psychology—What's In It for Us?" in Existential Psychology, ed. Rollo May, 2nd ed. (New York: Random House, 1969; 1st ed. published 1961), 57, 50. [BACK]

102. Abraham Maslow, "Existential Psychology—What's In It for Us?" in Existential Psychology, ed. Rollo May, 2nd ed. (New York: Random House, 1969; 1st ed. published 1961), 57, 50.

103. Ibid., 51. [BACK]

104. For a brief introduction to the ideas of five pioneers in humanistic psychology, including Rogers and Maslow, see Roy José DeCarvalho, The Founders of Humanistic Psychology (New York: Praeger, 1991). [BACK]

105. Abraham H. Maslow, Toward A Psychology of Being, 2nd ed. (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1968), iii; Abraham H. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 2nd ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1970; 1st ed. 1954), x. [BACK]

106. "A Larger Jurisdiction for Psychology" is the title of part 1 in Maslow, Toward a Psychology of Being. See also Abraham H. Maslow, The Psychology of Science (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1969), xvi. [BACK]

107. The fullest statement of the client-centered approach is Rogers, Client-Centered Therapy. [BACK]

108. See Carl R. Rogers, "A Physician-Patient or a Therapist-Client Relationship?" in Psychology, Psychiatry and the Public Interest, 135-145. [BACK]

109. The first verbatim transcript of an entire course of psychotherapy was published by Rogers in 1942. See "The Case of Herbert Bryan," in Rogers, Counseling and Psychotherapy, 261-437. Rogers himself wrote prolifically about his research activities. An accessible place to begin is with a number of the essays in Carl R. Rogers, On Becoming a Person: A Therapist's View of Psychotherapy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1961). This volume also includes an interesting autobiographical statement ("This Is Me") and a useful chronological bibliography of his writings from 1930 through 1960. A quick summary of Rogers's early research can be found in Laura N. Rice and Leslie S. Greenberg, "Humanistic Approaches to Psychotherapy," in History of Psychotherapy, 199-202. [BACK]

110. See, for example, Richard L. Evans, Carl Rogers: The Man and His Ideas, vol. 8 in Dialogues with Notable Contributors to Personality Theory (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1975), 24-27. [BACK]

111. Carl R. Rogers, "Introduction," in Psychotherapy and Personality Change: Co-ordinated Research Studies in the Client-Centered Approach, ed. Carl R. Rogers and Rosalind F. Dymond (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954), 4. [BACK]

112. Carl R. Rogers, "Some Hypotheses Regarding the Facilitation of Personal Growth," in On Becoming a Person, 35, emphasis in original. [BACK]

113. Rogers, Counseling and Psychotherapy, 29, emphasis in original. [BACK]

114. Rogers, Client-Centered Therapy, 24. [BACK]

115. R. Morison's notes on a visit with Carl Rogers, dated 5 November 1948, Record Group 1.2, series 216, box 1, folder 4, RF Archives. [BACK]

116. Rogers, Client-Centered Therapy, 225, quoting his own earlier paper, "Divergent Trends in Methods of Improving Adjustment," Harvard Educational Review (1948):209-219. [BACK]

117. Rogers, Client-Centered Therapy, 422. Rogers repeatedly linked the elements of his counseling philosophy with the elements of democracy. Other explicit examples can be found in Rogers, Counseling and Psychotherapy, 127; and Rogers and Wallen, Counseling with Returned Servicemen, 5, 22-24. [BACK]

118. Carl R. Rogers, "Some of the Directions Evident in Therapy," in On Becoming a Person, 105. This article was originally published in O. Hobart Mowrer, ed., Psychotherapy: Theory and Research (1953). For another illustration of awareness that the ideas of humanistic psychology defied dominant psychological notions about human nature, see Allport, Becoming, 99-101. [BACK]

119. See "Some Issues Concerning the Control of Human Behavior: A Symposium" in Evans, Carl Rogers, xliv-lxxxviii. This is the widely reprinted dialogue that first appeared in Science 124 (30 November 1956):1057-1066. For a less widely known dialogue between Rogers and Skinner which took place in June 1962, see Howard Kirschenbaum and Valerie Hand Henderson, eds., Carl Rogers: Dialogues: Conversations with Martin Buber, Paul Tillich, B. F. Skinner, Gregory Bateson, Michael Polanyi, Rollo May, and Others (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1989), 82-152. [BACK]

120. Skinner, "Freedom and the Control of Men," 47. [BACK]

121. For another, early formulation of his ideas on democracy, science, and social control, see B. F. Skinner, Science and Human Behavior (New York: Free Press, 1953), esp. chap. 29. [BACK]

122. Carl R. Rogers, "Persons or Science? A Philosophical Question," in On Becoming a Person, 213. [BACK]

122. Carl R. Rogers, "Persons or Science? A Philosophical Question," in On Becoming a Person, 213.

123. Ibid., 214. [BACK]

124. Rogers, Client-Centered Therapy, 54. [BACK]

125. Evans, Carl Rogers, 65, 67. [BACK]

126. The fullest statement of his motivational theory can be found in Maslow, Motivation and Personality. The term "self-actualization" first appeared in The Organism (1939) by German refugee physician and Gestalt psychologist Kurt Goldstein. [BACK]

127. Richard J. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2 vols. (Monterey, Calif.: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1979). [BACK]

128. See, for example, Abraham H. Maslow, "Power Relationships and Patterns of Personal Development," in Problems of Power in American Democracy, ed. Arthur Kornhauser (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1957), 92-131. An earlier essay had equated authoritarianism with mental sickness. See A. H. Maslow, "The Authoritarian Character Structure," Journal of Social Psychology, S.P.S.S.I. Bulletin 18 (November 1943):401-411. [BACK]

129. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 67, emphasis in original. [BACK]

129. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 67, emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 99, emphasis in original. [BACK]

129. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 67, emphasis in original.

131. Ibid., chap. II. See also Maslow, Toward A Psychology of Being, 74-96. [BACK]

132. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 180. [BACK]

132. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 180.

133. Ibid., 58 n. 9. [BACK]

132. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 180.

134. Ibid., 38. [BACK]

135. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 1:51, 52. [BACK]

135. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 1:51, 52.

136. Ibid., 1:631-632. [BACK]

137. Abraham H. Maslow, "Eupsychia—The Good Society," Journal of Humanistic Psychology 1 (Fall 1961): 10. [BACK]

138. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2:835. [BACK]

138. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2:835.

139. Ibid., 2:838. [BACK]

138. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2:835.

140. Ibid., 1:262, 429, 629, emphasis in original. [BACK]

138. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2:835.

141. Ibid., 2:877. The fullest statement of Maslow's political agenda can be found in 1:631-632. [BACK]

138. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2:835.

141. Ibid., 2:877. The fullest statement of Maslow's political agenda can be found in 1:631-632.

142. Ibid., 1:646, 2:733, 1120. [BACK]

143. Maslow, Toward a Psychology of Being, 8, emphasis in original. For another formulation, see Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 268. [BACK]

144. Abbie Hoffman, Soon to be a Major Motion Picture (New York: Perigree, 1980), 26. [BACK]

144. Abbie Hoffman, Soon to be a Major Motion Picture (New York: Perigree, 1980), 26.

145. Ibid., 26. [BACK]

146. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2:1090. [BACK]

146. Lowry, ed., The Journals of A. H. Maslow, 2:1090.

147. Ibid., 2:883. [BACK]

148. Carl R. Rogers, "The Emerging Person: A New Revolution," in Evans, Carl Rogers, 175. [BACK]

1. See, for example, Barbara Ehrenreich, The Hearts of Men: American Dreams and the Flight from Commitment (New York: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1983); Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam, 1987); Maurice Isserman, If I Had a Hammer . . . The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Marty Jezer, The Dark Ages: Life in the United States, 1945-1960 (Boston: South End Press, 1982). [BACK]

2. For an interesting examination of the idea of "postindustrial society," which emphasizes that leftists were as enthusiastic about "the obsolescence of the economic" as were liberals like Daniel Bell, see Howard Brick, "Optimism of the Mind: Imagining Postindustrial Society in the 1960s and 1970s," American Quarterly 44 (September 1992):348-380. [BACK]

3. Ellen Herman, "Being and Doing: Humanistic Psychology and the Spirit of the 1960s," in Sights on the Sixties, ed. Barbara Tischler (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 87-101. [BACK]

4. William H. Chafe, The American Woman: Her Changing Social, Economic, and Political Roles, 1920-1970 (New York: Oxford University Press,

1972); Sara Evans, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement & the New Left (New York: Random House, 1979). [BACK]

5. Philip Wylie, "Common Women," in Generation of Vipers (New York: Pocket Books, 1942), 188. [BACK]

5. Philip Wylie, "Common Women," in Generation of Vipers (New York: Pocket Books, 1942), 188.

6. Ibid., 191. [BACK]

7. Philip Wylie, "The Transmogrification of More," in Sons and Daughters of Mom (New York: Doubleday, 1971), 41. [BACK]

8. Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1946), 30. [BACK]

8. Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1946), 30.

9. Ibid., 219-220. [BACK]

10. Ferdinand Lundberg and Marynia F. Farnham, Modern Woman: The Lost Sex (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), 143, 67. [BACK]

10. Ferdinand Lundberg and Marynia F. Farnham, Modern Woman: The Lost Sex (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), 143, 67.

11. Ibid., 356-359. [BACK]

12. Robert Coughalan, "Changing Roles in Modern Marriage," Life 41 (24 December 1956):110. [BACK]

12. Robert Coughalan, "Changing Roles in Modern Marriage," Life 41 (24 December 1956):110.

13. Ibid., 116. [BACK]

14. Roxanne Dunbar, "Spock Sentences Women," Helix (11 December 1969), in WH, reel 2, p. 594. [BACK]

15. "Psychology Constructs the Female" is the title of an important feminist manifesto authored by psychologist Naomi Weisstein. It is discussed in greater detail below. [BACK]

16. Weisstein's piece was first published by the New England Free Press in pamphlet form under the title, "Kinder, KÜche, Kirche as Scientific Law: Psychology Constructs the Female." It was subsequently revised as "Psychology Constructs the Female" and was widely reprinted in the early 1970s. The original text can be found in WH, reel 2, pp. 689-696. [BACK]

17. Naomi Weisstein, "Adventures of a Woman in Science," in Women Look at Biology Looking at Women: A Collection of Feminist Critiques, ed. Ruth Hubbard, Mary Sue Henifin, and Barbara Fried (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1979), 188. [BACK]

18. For another story about how Harvard's Psychology Department marginalized its female graduate students and faculty members, see Miriam Lewin, "The Kurt Lewin Memorial Award Presentation and Introduction," Journal of Social Issues 48 (1992):170. [BACK]

19. Weisstein, "Adventures of a Woman in Science," 189; Naomi Weisstein, Virginia Blaisdell, and Jesse Lemisch, The Godfathers: Freudians, Marxists, and the Scientific and Political Protection Societies (New Haven: Belladonna Publishing, 1975), 2. [BACK]

20. Weisstein, "Adventures of a Woman in Science," 200. [BACK]

21. Naomi Weisstein, "Psychology Constructs the Female or The Fantasy Life of the Male Psychologist (with some attention to the fantasies of his friends, the male biologist and the male anthropologist)," in Radical Feminism, ed. Anne Koedt, Ellen Levine, and Anita Rapone (New York: Quadrangle, 1973), 181. [BACK]

21. Naomi Weisstein, "Psychology Constructs the Female or The Fantasy Life of the Male Psychologist (with some attention to the fantasies of his friends, the male biologist and the male anthropologist)," in Radical Feminism, ed. Anne Koedt, Ellen Levine, and Anita Rapone (New York: Quadrangle, 1973), 181.

22. Ibid., 179. [BACK]

21. Naomi Weisstein, "Psychology Constructs the Female or The Fantasy Life of the Male Psychologist (with some attention to the fantasies of his friends, the male biologist and the male anthropologist)," in Radical Feminism, ed. Anne Koedt, Ellen Levine, and Anita Rapone (New York: Quadrangle, 1973), 181.

23. Ibid., 195. [BACK]

21. Naomi Weisstein, "Psychology Constructs the Female or The Fantasy Life of the Male Psychologist (with some attention to the fantasies of his friends, the male biologist and the male anthropologist)," in Radical Feminism, ed. Anne Koedt, Ellen Levine, and Anita Rapone (New York: Quadrangle, 1973), 181.

24. Ibid., 181. [BACK]

21. Naomi Weisstein, "Psychology Constructs the Female or The Fantasy Life of the Male Psychologist (with some attention to the fantasies of his friends, the male biologist and the male anthropologist)," in Radical Feminism, ed. Anne Koedt, Ellen Levine, and Anita Rapone (New York: Quadrangle, 1973), 181.

25. Ibid., 189. [BACK]

26. The phrase "ideological pollution" is from Nancy M. Henley, "Shaking the Lead Out: Action Proposals for Psychology," paper presented at the 1971 meeting of the Eastern Psychological Association, in WH, reel 3, p. 702. [BACK]

27. Pauline B. Bart, "Sexism and Social Science: From the Gilded Cage to the Iron Cage, or, the Perils of Pauline," Journal of Marriage and the Family (November 1971):737. See also her "Depression in Middle-Aged Women," in Woman in Sexist Society: Studies in Power and Powerlessness, ed. Vivian Gornick and Barbara K. Moran (New York: New American Library, 1971), 163-186, and "The Myth of a Value-Free Psychotherapy," in The Sociology of the Future: Theory, Cases, and Annotated Bibliography, ed. Wendell Bell and James A. Mau (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1971), 113-159. [BACK]

28. Phyllis Chesler, "Marriage and Psychotherapy," in The Radical Therapist, ed. Jerome Agel (New York: Ballantine Books, 1971), 175-180; "Patient and Patriarch: Women in the Psychotherapeutic Relationship," in Woman in Sexist Society, 362-392; "Women as Psychiatric and Psychotherapeutic Patients," Journal of Marriage and the Family 33 (November 1971):746-759. [BACK]

29. Phyllis Chesler, Women & Madness (New York: Avon, 1972), 56, emphasis in original. [BACK]

29. Phyllis Chesler, Women & Madness (New York: Avon, 1972), 56, emphasis in original.

30. Ibid., 16, emphasis in original. [BACK]

31. Chesler, "Women as Psychiatric and Psychotherapeutic Patients," 757; Chesler, "Marriage and Psychotherapy," 180; Chesler, Women & Madness, chap. 10. [BACK]

32. An overview of feminist work to transform psychology, in these and other fields, can be found in a special issue of Psychology of Women Quarterly 15 (December 1991) devoted to "Women's Heritage in Psychology." [BACK]

33. An early effort to discuss the class and race biases of feminist critiques of psychiatry is Judi Chamberlain, "Women's Oppression and Psychiatric Oppression," in Women Look at Psychiatry, ed. Dorothy E. Smith and Sara J. David (Vancouver: Press Gang, 1975), 39-46. [BACK]

34. The best overview of the intellectual history of the early women's movement is Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967-1975 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989). The first book to argue that feminism's most important, generative roots were in the civil rights movement and the New Left was Evans, Personal Politics. Another analysis, which stresses the importance of Freedom Summer in establishing continuity of key personnel, ideas, and strategies between various 1960s movements, is Doug McAdam, Freedom Summer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988). [BACK]

35. General overviews of antipsychiatric theory and activism can be found in Norman Dain, "Critics and Dissenters: Reflections on 'Anti-Psychiatry' in the United States," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 25 (January 1989):3-25; Grob, From Asylum to Community, 279-288; Jane M. Ussher, Women's Madness: Misogyny or Mental Illness? (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1991), chap. 6. [BACK]

36. For example, R. D. Laing, The Politics of Experience (New York: Ballantine Books, 1967); Thomas S. Szasz, The Myth of Mental Illness: Foundations of a Theory of Personal Conduct, rev. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1974). One

of the best anthologies from the activist wing of the movement is Jerome Agel, ed., The Radical Therapist. [BACK]

37. Szasz, The Myth of Mental Illness, 69. [BACK]

38. Thomas S. Szasz, Law, Liberty, and Psychiatry: An Inquiry into the Social Uses of Mental Health Practices (New York: Collier Books, 1963), 106. [BACK]

38. Thomas S. Szasz, Law, Liberty, and Psychiatry: An Inquiry into the Social Uses of Mental Health Practices (New York: Collier Books, 1963), 106.

39. Ibid., 248, 223. [BACK]

40. R. D. Laing, The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and Madness (Baltimore: Penguin, 1962), 36,emphasis in original. [BACK]

41. Laing, The Politics of Experience, 129. [BACK]

42. For discussions that emphasize the conflicts between antipsychiatric and feminist analysis of madness and the helping professions, see Elaine Showalter, "Women, Madness, and the Family: R. D. Laing and the Culture of Antipsychiatry," in The Female Malady: Women, Madness, and English Culture, 1830-1980 (New York: Pantheon, 1985), 220-247; Ussher, Women's Madness, chap. 7. [BACK]

43. See for example, Agel, ed., The Radical Therapist, pt. 3; Judi Chamberlain, On Our Own: Patient-Controlled Alternatives to the Mental Health System (New York: Hawthorn Books, 1978); K. Portland Frank, The Anti-Psychiatry Bibliography and Resource Guide, 2nd ed. (Vancouver: Press Gang, 1979), section on "Psychiatry and Women"; Smith and David, eds., Women Look at Psychiatry; Hogie Wyckoff, ed., Love, Therapy and Politics: Issues in Radical Therapy—The First Year (New York: Grove Press, 1976), esp. pt. 2. [BACK]

44. Claude Steiner, "Radical Psychiatry Manifesto," in Claude Steiner et al., Readings in Radical Psychiatry (New York: Grove Press), 6. This document is reprinted in Agel, ed., The Radical Therapist, 280-282. [BACK]

45. Partisans of radical therapy were sometimes sharply divided on the question of whether anything positive could be salvaged from psychotherapy. For example, the collective that published one of the movement's major publications, The Radical Therapist, split in early 1972 over this issue. The faction opposed to any type of psychotherapy moved to Cambridge, Massachusetts, where it began to publish Rough Times, a quarterly whose name was eventually changed to State and Mind. That part of the movement which continued to support the work of radical therapists was centered in the Berkeley Radical Psychiatry Center and published Issues in Radical Therapy. [BACK]

46. A few theorists took a harder line. See, for example, Dorothy Tennov Hoffman, "Psychotherapy as an Agent of Patriarchy," typescript, talk delivered to Pittsburgh Psychological Association, 23 April 1971, in WH, reel 2, pp. 804-820. Hoffman termed psychotherapy "a monster in our midst" and "a kind of opiate." Her tone moderated somewhat over the next several years. See Dorothy Tennov, ''Feminism, Psychotherapy and Professionalism," Journal of Contemporary Psychotherapy 5 (Summer 1973):107-111. She eventually published a book that reclassified psychotherapy from monstrous to "hazardous." See Dorothy Tennov, Psychotherapy: The Hazardous Cure (New York: Abelard-Schumen, 1975).

Several years later, Mary Daly also argued that "the concept of 'feminist' therapy is inherently a contradiction." Psychotherapy of any sort was, in Daly's analysis, the equivalent of "mind rape." "A woman seduced into treatment is

'inspired' with dis-ease she had never before even suspected. . . . The multiplicity of therapies feeds into this dis-ease, for they constitute an arsenal for the manufacture of the many forms of semantic bullets used to bombard the minds of women struggling to survive in the therapeutically polluted environment." Mary Daly, Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1979), 282, 287, 276. [BACK]

47. A number of documents relating to these types of actions can be found in WH. [BACK]

48. San Francisco Redstockings, "Radical Psychiatrists," letter following 1970 American Psychiatric Association convention, in WH, reel 2, p. 787. This document is also reprinted in Agel, ed., The Radical Therapist, 173-174. [BACK]

49. David Perlman, "The Psychiatrists & the Protestors," San Francisco Sunday Examiner & Chronicle, 24 May 1970, in WH, reel 2, p. 727. [BACK]

50. Untitled document presented to business meeting, Radical Caucus of the American Psychiatric Association, documents from the May 1970 ApA convention, in WH, reel 2, p. 1149. [BACK]

51. Perhaps the best illustration of this came in 1973, when a protracted campaign organized by gay liberationists, feminists, and professional supporters finally resulted in the deletion of homosexuality from the third edition of psychiatry's roster of mental illnesses, DSM-III. See Ronald Bayer, Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis (Princeton: Princeton University, Press, 1987), and Eric Marcus, Making History: The Struggle for Gay and Lesbian Equal Rights, 1945-1990, An Oral History (New York: Harper Collins, 1992), 221-225, 250-255. [BACK]

52. Radical Caucus of the American Psychiatric Association, documents from the May 1970 ApA convention, in WH, reel 2, p. 1153. [BACK]

52. Radical Caucus of the American Psychiatric Association, documents from the May 1970 ApA convention, in WH, reel 2, p. 1153.

53. Ibid., 1150, emphasis in original. [BACK]

54. The only overview of Association for Women in Psychology history is Leonore Tiefer, "A Brief History of the Association for Women in Psychology, 1969-1991," Psychology of Women Quarterly 15 (December 1991 ):635-649. A somewhat longer version was published in pamphlet form by the AWP for its members as part of the 1992 centennial celebration of the American Psychological Association. It is this longer version that is cited in the notes below. See also Ian E. McNett, "Psychologists: One Session Taken Over Five Dissident Groups Seek Changes," Chronicle of Higher Education 3 (15 September 1969):7. [BACK]

55. Henley, "Shaking the Lead Out," WH, reel 3, p. 702. [BACK]

56. Leonore Tiefer, "A Brief History of the Association for Women in Psychology, 1969-1991" (Indiana, Pa.: Association for Women in Psychology, 1992), 9. [BACK]

57. Henley, "Shaking the Lead Out," WH, reel 3, p. 700. [BACK]

58. Tiefer, "A Brief History of the Association for Women in Psychology, 1969-1991," 9. [BACK]

58. Tiefer, "A Brief History of the Association for Women in Psychology, 1969-1991," 9.

59. Ibid., 6. [BACK]

60. "Psychology and the New Woman: Statement of the Association for Women Psychologists to the American Psychological Association," September 1970, Miami Beach, Florida, in WH, reel 2, pp. 1234-1235. [BACK]

61. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell, 1963), 115. [BACK]

61. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell, 1963), 115.

62. Ibid., 96. [BACK]

61. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell, 1963), 115.

63. Ibid., 115. [BACK]

61. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell, 1963), 115.

64. Ibid., 95. [BACK]

61. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell, 1963), 115.

65. Ibid., 299. [BACK]

61. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell, 1963), 115.

66. Ibid., chap. 13. [BACK]

61. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell, 1963), 115.

67. Ibid., 69. [BACK]

68. The National Organization for Women, "Statement of Purpose," in Betty Friedan, It Changed My Life: Writings on the Women's Movement (New York: Random House, 1976), 87. [BACK]

69. For a brief overview of the concept's intellectual pedigree, see Hoffman, "From Instinct to Identity," 130-146. [BACK]

70. Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis, 17. [BACK]

71. For examples, see Fredric Solomon and Jacob R Fishman, "Youth and Social Action: II. Action and Identity Formation in the First Student Sit-In Demonstration," Journal of Social Issues 20 (April 1964):36-45. [BACK]

72. See, for example, Erikson, "The Concept of Identity in Race Relations," 145-171; "A Memorandum on Identity and Negro Youth," 644-659; and ''Race and the Wider Identity" in Identity: Youth and Crisis, 295-320. [BACK]

73. Erik H. Erikson, "Inner and Outer Space: Reflections on Womanhood," Daedalus 93 (1964):582-606. In 1968 Erikson published this article in revised form as "Womanhood and the Inner Space" in Identity: Youth and Crisis , 261-294. [BACK]

74. Erikson, "Womanhood and the Inner Space," 273. [BACK]

74. Erikson, "Womanhood and the Inner Space," 273.

75. Ibid., 290. [BACK]

74. Erikson, "Womanhood and the Inner Space," 273.

76. Ibid., 274. [BACK]

77. For example, see Elizabeth Janeway, Man's World, Woman's Place: A Study in Social Mythology (New York: William Morrow, 1971 ), 93-96. [BACK]

78. Erikson, "Womanhood and the Inner Space," 266. Erikson may have grated on the radical feminist and socialist-feminist sensibilities of the late 1960s, but he clearly anticipated the cultural feminist themes of the mid-1970s: the view of women as closer to "nature" and to "life" than men, more devoted to human connection and healing, and capable of contributing a desperately needed caretaking ethic—rooted in maternalism—to public policy questions. Compare, for example, Erikson's article with Alice Echols's discussion of Jane Alpert's 1973 cultural feminist manifesto, "Mother Right: A New Feminist Theory." Echols, Daring to Be Bad, 247-262. [BACK]

79. Kate Millett, Sexual Politics (New York: Avon, 1969), 294. [BACK]

80. Erik H. Erikson, "Once More the Inner Space: Letter to a Former Student," in Women   Analysis: Dialogues on Psychoanalytic Views of Femininity, ed. Jean Strouse (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1974), 320-322. [BACK]

80. Erik H. Erikson, "Once More the Inner Space: Letter to a Former Student," in Women   Analysis: Dialogues on Psychoanalytic Views of Femininity, ed. Jean Strouse (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1974), 320-322.

81. Ibid., 334. [BACK]

82. Kate Millett, "Sexual Politics: A Manifesto for Revolution," in Radical Feminism, 366. [BACK]

83. Meredith Tax, "Woman and Her Mind: The Story of Everyday Life," in Radical Feminism, 26, emphasis in original. [BACK]

84. For an early formulation of Chowdorow's thesis, see Nancy Chodorow,

"Being and Doing: A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Socialization of Males and Females," in Woman in Sexist Society, 259-291. [BACK]

84. For an early formulation of Chowdorow's thesis, see Nancy Chodorow,

"Being and Doing: A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Socialization of Males and Females," in Woman in Sexist Society, 259-291.

85. Ibid., 286. [BACK]

86. Joreen, "The Bitch Manifesto," in Radical Feminism, 51. [BACK]

86. Joreen, "The Bitch Manifesto," in Radical Feminism, 51.

87. Ibid., 50-51. [BACK]

88. Kathie Sarachild, "A Program for Feminist 'Consciousness Raising,' " Notes From the Second Year, ed. Shulamith Firestone and Anne Koedt (1970), 79. Reprinted in Voices from Women's Liberation, ed. Leslie B. Tanner (New York: New American Library, 1970), 154-157. [BACK]

89. For a more extended discussion of New York Radical Women and the origin of CR within the women's movement, see Echols, Daring to Be Bad, 72-92. [BACK]

90. Pamela Allen, "Free Space," in Radical Feminism, 273. This article was originally published in Notes from the Third Tear (1970). [BACK]

91. Kathie Sarachild, "Consciousness-Raising and Intuition," in The Radical Therapist, 158. [BACK]

92. Irene Peslikis, "Resistances to Consciousness," Notes From the Second Year, 81. Reprinted in Voices from Women's Liberation, 233-235. [BACK]

93. Jennifer Gardner, "False Consciousness," in Voices from Women's Liberation, 232. [BACK]

94. Carol Hanisch, "The Personal Is Political," Notes From the Second Year, 76. Also reprinted in The Radical Therapist, 152-157. [BACK]

94. Carol Hanisch, "The Personal Is Political," Notes From the Second Year, 76. Also reprinted in The Radical Therapist, 152-157.

95. Ibid., 76. [BACK]

96. Barbara Susan, "About My Consciousness Raising," in Voices from Women's Liberation, 240. [BACK]

97. Marilyn Zweig, "Is Women's Liberation a Therapy Group?" in The Radical Therapist, 160-163. [BACK]

98. Sarachild, "A Program for Feminist 'Consciousness Raising,' " 154-157. [BACK]

99. Gail Paradise Kelly, "Women's Liberation and the Cultural Revolution," Radical America 4 (February 1970):24. [BACK]

100. Betty Friedan, "Critique of Sexual Politics" (1970), in It Changed My Life, 163. [BACK]

101. For reviews of this literature, see Barbara Kirsh, "Consciousness-Raising Groups as Therapy for Women," in Women in Therapy: New Psychotherapies for a Changing Society, ed. Violet Franks and Vasanti Burtle (New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1974), 342-350; and Diane Kravetz, "Consciousness-Raising and Self-Help," in Women and Psychotherapy: An Assessment of Research and Practice, ed. Annette M. Brodsky and Rachel T. Hare-Mustin (New York: Guilford Press, 1980), 270-274. [BACK]

102. For two such studies claiming the success of CR had little to do with the rhetoric of women's collective action and much to do with the therapeutic benefits feminist groups offered, see Morton A. Lieberman and Gary R. Bond, "The Problem of Being a Woman: A Survey of 1700 Women in Consciousness-Raising Groups," Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 12 (July-August-September 1976):363-379; and Morton A. Lieberman, Nancy Solow, Gary R Bond, and Janet Reibstein, "The Psychotherapeutic Impact of Women's Consciousness-Raising Groups," in Women and Mental Health, ed. Elizabeth

Howell and Marjorie Bayes (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 581-599, originally published in Archives of General Psychiatry 36 (February 1979):161-168. A slightly different analysis did not suggest that the movement's political aims were deceptive, but did suggest that "personal change, as opposed to political or ideological change, is the most important benefit of a consciousness-raising experience. . .. The consciousness-raising group emerges as a new form of therapy for women." Lynda W. Warren, "The Therapeutic Status of Consciousness- Raising Groups," Professional Psychology 7 (May 1976): 139. [BACK]

103. Annette M. Brodsky, "Therapeutic Aspects of Consciousness-Raising Groups," in Psychotherapy for Women: Treatment Toward Equality, ed. Edna I. Rawlings and Dianne K. Carter (Springfield, Ill.: Charles C. Thomas, 1977), 300. For similar perspectives, see Carol J. Barrett et al., "Implications of Women's Liberation and the Future of Psychotherapy," Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice 11 (Spring 1974):11-15; Joy K Rice and David G. Rice, "Implications of the Women's Liberation Movement for Psychotherapy," American Journal of Psychiatry 130 (February 1973): 191-196. [BACK]

104. Allen, "Free Space," 278. [BACK]

105. Kathy McAfee and Myrna Wood, "Bread and Roses," in Voices from Women's Liberation, 416, 4:19. [BACK]

106. Carol Williams Payne, "Consciousness Raising: A Dead End?" in Radical Feminism, 283. [BACK]

107. Susan, "About My Consciousness Raising," 242. [BACK]

108. Echols, Daring to Be Bad. [BACK]

109. Kathie Sarachild, "Consciousness-Raising: A Radical Weapon," quoted in Echols, Daring to Be Bad, 90. [BACK]

110. These are both rifles of books by feminist poet and theorist Adrienne Rich. Sec The Dream of a Common Language (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978) and On Lies, Secrets and Silence (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979). [BACK]

111. In the late 1970s and 1980s, race became the leading edge of the "difference" discussion among feminists. See, for example, Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Anzaldúa, This Bridge Called My Back (Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1983). [BACK]

112. Annette M. Brodsky, "The Consciousness-Raising Group as a Model of Therapy for Women," in Women and Mental Health, 577 ; originally published in Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice 10 (Spring 1973):24-29. See also the revised version of this article, "Therapeutic Aspects of Consciousness-Raising Groups," 300-309. [BACK]

113. Anica Vesel Mander and Anne Kent Rush, Feminism as Therapy (New York and Berkeley: Random House and Bookworks, 1974), 37. For a shorter version, see Anica Vesel Mander, "Feminism as Therapy," in Psychotherapy for Women, 285-299. [BACK]

114. Elizabeth Howell, "Psychotherapy with Women Clients: The Impact of Feminism," in Women and Mental Health, 509-513; Edna I. Rawlings and Dianne K Carter, "Feminist and Nonsexist Therapies," in Psychotherapy for Women, 49-76. [BACK]

115. Tiefer, "A Brief History of the Association for Women in Psychology, 1969-1991," 15-16. [BACK]

116. AWP Newsletter, April 1971. [BACK]

117. WH, reel 2, p. 66. [BACK]

117. WH, reel 2, p. 66.

118. Ibid., 69-80. [BACK]

1. George A. Miller, "Psychology as a Means of Promoting Human Welfare," American Psychologist 24 (December 1969):1074. [BACK]

1. George A. Miller, "Psychology as a Means of Promoting Human Welfare," American Psychologist 24 (December 1969):1074.

2. Ibid., 1065. [BACK]

1. George A. Miller, "Psychology as a Means of Promoting Human Welfare," American Psychologist 24 (December 1969):1074.

3. Ibid., 1066. [BACK]

4. Miller's address, for example, took place during the first meeting of the American Psychology Association ever to be devoted entirely to "Psychology and the Problems of Society," a programmatic decision that resulted from the activities of the Ad Hoc Committee of Psychologists for Social Responsibility before and during the 1968 meeting in San Francisco. In 1968 the Ad Hoc Committee proposed moving the 1969 meeting out of Chicago, where it had already been scheduled, to protest the police actions against demonstrators at the Democratic National Convention. Their proposal succeeded and the APA Council of Representatives voted to move the 1969 meeting to Washington, D.C. The Ad Hoc Committee then formed a new organization, American Psychologists for Social Action, and advocated that the relationship between psychology and society be the theme of the 1969 meeting. Although they succeeded here as well, Psychologists for Social Action organized a takeover of the session on "Psychology and Campus Issues," claiming that its radical agenda had been both ignored and co-opted. In addition to Miller's address, the official record of the conference includes both harsh criticisms and visionary statements from left-wing radicals about psychologists as social change agents capable of exacerbating and ameliorating a wide range of social problems. See Korten, Cook, and Lacey, eds., Psychology and the Problems of Society [BACK]

5. "A Larger Jurisdiction for Psychology" is the title of part I in Maslow, Toward a Psychology of Being. [BACK]