1. The native author N. Scott Momaday used essentially the same tripartite past in writing his books The Way to Rainy Mountain and The Names , especially the former. His terms for the three periods are "the mythical, the historical, and the immediate." His method was to form "triplet chapters," each chapter being composed of a short story from each time period, the three stories being unified by an overall concern or motif. H. David Brumble (1988) put this method into the perspective of Indian autobiography in general. For Brumble, the pre-Momaday native oral autobiographical tradition was confined to the immediate past (Vansina's period of personal accounts). This tradition classically consisted of recitations of fame-giving or fame-worthy events. Momaday's innovations on that tradition were, first, to expand the range and moods of remembered personal experience to conform to the range and moods of European autobiography and, second, to tribalize his personal accounts by juxtaposing them with pieces of group history and ancient myth. The result was a new form of autobiography, modern in its sense of self but invoking the full oral cultural time scale.

Smith and Allison do not do this. They stay in the realm of ancient time narrative. They certainly were more conservative and less formally schooled than Momaday, who was a good generation younger than them, and I would also say that they wanted to make a church scripture (see below), while Momaday wanted to make a more secular and modern kind of literature.

2. A people with the same culture, language, and myth tradition as the Pimas. The Pimas live along the Gila and Salt rivers in desert central Arizona. The Papagos live in the riverless desert to the south of them. I will refer to the two peoples jointly as the Pima-Papago.

3. I will make constant reference to Thin Leather's mythology. It was taken down independently three times, first by Frank Russell (published in condensed form in 1908), then by J. W. Lloyd (published in a more oral, more Indian English in 1911), and finally by J. W. Fewkes (excerpts published in 1912). The Lloyd version, which is quite close to Smith-Allison in content, completeness, continue

and style, was privately published and is now quite rare. The other two versions are also out of print. I will frequently supplement a Smith-Allison story with a Thin Leather version from one of these sources.

4. The latter transmissions are imperfect, I think, more due to problems of haste and in the reliability of translation than to problems of untranslatability. Granted, there are also problems of omission of materials that the narrator thought could make the tribe look silly or crude. One Papago summed these up as "the miracles and the dirty stuff." Finally, there are problems of misunderstanding and misapprehension on the part of the white collector. In general, these are not great because the collectors depended on and took few liberties with native translators, that is, people like Allison. The translators are the unsung heroes of myth collection. In the best texts, for example, the Smith-Allison text and Thin Leather's version published by the Lloyd Group, the native-language narrator was willing to speak and was not hurried, the translator had a keen sense of both languages, and the collector let the text write itself, off the translator's lips.

5. Note that such accounts can occur in any of Vansina's three temporal zones. There can be personal accounts of revelations and divine transports. I suppose that in Vansina's scheme these are disqualified as history because they lack independent sensory verification. We should also note that such eruptions of the divine into the present have the potential to change the sense of the ancient past. This occurs when the eruption is taken as informative about the past. Alfred Kroeber (1925: 754) felt that the Mojave Indians and other "Yuman" tribes near to the Pima-Papago believed that they received such information, hence they could update their mythologies. I know that the Pima-Papago say that they travel in dreams with the gods of their myths, but no one has told me that these travels actually changed their understanding of the past. Of course, it is likely that no Mojave told that to Kroeber, either. He probably surmised it.

6. I thank Todd Bostwick for pointing out in a letter of May 1993 that the Hohokam area contained several dozen settlements in which earth "platform mounds" were surrounded by "compound walls." Only a few of these—less than a dozen—had massive, multistory clay or adobe houses, that is, "great houses" in the strict sense.

7. Their names from bottom to top are Vahki, Estrella, Sweet-water, Snaketown, Gila Butte, Santa Cruz, Sacaton, Soho, and Civano. The first one and last two are from Pima-Papago mythology: Wa'aki, 'Great-house', S-e'ehe, 'Elder Brother', and Sivañ, 'Chief [of a great-house]'. The other names are of Pima villages, generally with Hohokam sites nearby, or of local geographic features. break

Note that the period names, Pioneer, Colonial, Sedentary, and Classic, amount to a sketch history of the Hohokam, and it is a history that echoes that of Anglo-America. Of course, those terms have passionate meanings for America, and we do not know whether or how they registered in the minds of the Hohokam. On the basis of Smith-Allison, I suggest the following periods: Genesis, Flood (actually not a period but a hiatus), the Origin of Farming and Marriage, and the Killing of God.

8. Here is Hayden's opinion on the history of the Hohokam, as stated in a letter to me of January 23, 1993.

To be simplistic, I imagine that the region was [very anciently] occupied by O'otam-Piman speakers who were hunters and gatherers. They had been part of a migration of such speakers at the end of the Altithermal period, 5000 [years] B.P. or so. Others of this migration went on to the vicinity of the Valley of Mexico where they learned canal irrigation and many other distinct traits [represented in the Colonial Hohokam period]. Around the time of Christ or before, some of these southern folk must have come back up to the Gila River, with which they must have been well acquainted, probably through Pima-speaking travelers in both directions. These returnees settled down very quickly at Snaketown, without any known developmental stages.

These were the Hohokam, surrounded by the O'otam, whom they quickly influenced and taught the new ways that they had learned in the south. In time these Hohokam were joined by others with power, who became the big house builders and the constructors of the immense canal systems. These were the ones against whom the O'otam, the Emergents, arose, and whom the O'otam drove out as detailed in The Hohokam Chronicles, as you term the tales. Not many of us accept the concept of "Salado" per se, although influence from the Puebloans of the north is clear toward the last [of Hohokam history], and there was certainly trade between Hohokam and Pueblos. But I think it is safe to confine the history of Hohokam development to the southern influence and the immigrants from Mexico who were joining their congeners on the Gila.

9. Smith-Allison tend to deny this, but many other Pima-Papago mythologies claim it. See the introductory remarks to part 3.

10. It would be ideal if the text had been written in Pima, but Hayden was not trained in linguistics. More important, even if he or Allison were willing and able to tackle Pima prose (much more demanding than the writing of single key words), I doubt that continue

they could have obtained Smith's entire mythology through the painstaking, pain-giving method of face-to-face written dictation. In general, dictation is not used for texts as long and booklike as this one. (The Iroquois text mentioned below is an exception.) The method is best used for short texts and small series. Had Hayden or Allison attempted it, the result would probably not have been as long and lively as the text that was taken in English. And if I may say so on the basis of 30 years experience with Pima-Papago, Allison's translation is faithful but free.

In general, long native-language mythological texts such as Smith's have only been written by natives. The best-known examples are old, e.g., the Codex Chimalpopoca and the Popul Vuh from the early postconquest Aztecs and Quiche Mayas (see Bierhorst 1992 and Tedlock 1985 for recent editions of those works); a Tsimshian Raven cycle written by Henry Tate and published by Franz Boas (1916); and the Iroquois cosmology dictated in Onondaga and written and published by the Tuscarora J. N. B. Hewett (1928).

One would think that the era of tape recorders would be a boon to native mythological literature, and this is true. There have been some excellent tape recorder-based myth books in the early and middle 1970s, e.g., by Dennis Tedlock from the Zuni (published in 1972) and Gary Gossen and Robert Laughlin from Tzotzil Mayas (1974 and 1977). Of those, only Laughlin gives the native-language originals, but the original tapes are available. The pace of such publication quickened in the 1980s, especially for languages spoken in Alaska, Canada, and Mexico and due to the efforts, respectively, of the Alaska Native Language Center (University of Alaska, Fairbanks), the Mercury Series of the Canadian Ethnology Service, and the Summer Institute of Linguistics (especially for Mexico). Those publication programs are closely tied to particular native communities. In the United States, the Navajo Community College Press, for one, has done similar work. The programs are deliberately bilingual, being tied to school curricula.

To my knowledge those programs have not published many works like the Smith-Allison text, that is, texts formed by one author and covering the entire span of ancient, pre-European history. It is an open question how many such texts still exist in native communities. In the concluding section of this book, I speculate that the age of such mythologies may be past, but, of course, I would like to be proved wrong.

11. He is remembered as that today, rather than as Allison Smith.

12. I will sketch Bierhorst's reckoning because it is the most recent. In his study of Mexico and Central America, he distinguishes between pre-Columbian motifs and tales . A motif is a dominant episode or image, something that a whole story seems to continue

revolve upon, such as "Why the Earth Eats the Dead," "The Emergence of Ancestors," "The Man of Crops," "The Loss of the Ancients," and "The Seeds of Humanity." Those are in fact all of the major pre-Columbian motifs identified by Bierhorst in his book on the mythology of Mexico and Central America. Three of them (the second, third, and fourth) appear as stories—but with different titles—in the Smith-Allison text.

Tales are more specific and constraining than motifs. They are standard plots, made up of several or many incidents that recur from variant to variant (1990: 8). Of a total of 15 different pre-Columbian Mexican and Central American tale types that Bierhorst recognizes, only one appears as a story in the Smith-Allison text, namely, "The Flood Myth."

Those proportions are not unimpressive. One could say there are more than enough shared motifs to qualify our text as a Mexican or Central American mythology, although not enough shared tale types. These latter are quite specific, and they tend to come in alternative sets, e.g., five alternative myths about the sun. No people would have a perfect score on them, but nonetheless it appears true that Smith-Allison have too few of them, e.g., none of the sun myths as recognized by Bierhorst.

Turning briefly to the North American side, Bierhorst gives three basic myths for the Southwest portion of the pre-Columbian continent: "The Emergence" [from the underworld—a motif in the Mexico-Central America calculation], "[Boy] Heroes and Their Grandmothers," and "The Dying [Man-] God." The Smith-Allison text has the first and last but lacks the second, more than enough to establish their text's continuity with pre-Columbian North American peoples, not just in the Southwest but beyond. Bierhorst does not give a continentwide inventory, and I will not venture one.

The Pimas are about equally distant (1,200 mi.) from Mexico City and Chicago, so we should expect their stories to show relations both to the south and to the north.

13. The god Siuuhu is an exception in Smith-Allison. He has human morality constantly on his mind. His moral interest is more pronounced in Smith-Allison than in any other Pima-Papago mythology known to me, which is to say that their mythology comes closer than any other to violating this aspect of the First Commandment.

14. One may say that simply to credit gods with a formative role is to worship them, but I take worship to mean something more specific, namely, to accept a lasting covenant with gods, to seek personal and collective salvation through them, and to hope for joy in eventual eternal union with them. Such worship is urged and required in the Bible and the Book of Mormon, compatibly so in the eyes of the Mormons. It is not required in Smith-Allison or continue

any other Pima-Papago mythology, nor is it expressed in any traditional, non-Christian Pima-Papago ceremony known to me. It is expressed relative to God in Pima-Papago "established" and folk Christianity (see below for that distinction).

15. The recent African-centered world histories surely do Africanize Europe, and they do so similarly to the Mormons' Israelization of America. The African-centrists and Mormons do not dispute the race of the current Europeans and Indians, respectively, but they detect influence from their own kind of people on the land and customs of ancient Europe and America.

16. Other sources that I consulted on the Book of Mormon are Hugh Nibley's Since Cumorah (1967) and essays by Adele McCullum, Steven Sondrup, Bruce Jorgensen, Richard Rust, and George Tate in Literature of Belief (1981), edited by Neal Lambert. These works show that the scholarship on the Book of Mormon is confident and sophisticated. I hope I have done it justice.

17. For simplicity and due to my lack of knowledge, I limit this discussion to tribes, mythologies, governments, and churches within the United States.

18. The most churchlike native formation known to me, because it has a full mythology, is a complex that developed among Iroquois peoples at the turn of the nineteenth century and that still exists today. The political aspect of this complex is the League or Confederacy of the Iroquois, a governmental structure that took shape well before 1800 and in fact before the first European contact. The ritual, liturgical, sacramental aspect is the Longhouse religion, which took its present form around 1800 under the impetus of the Seneca prophet Handsome Lake. The mythological aspect has three layers of texts: a creation story analogous to Smith-Allison, an account of the origin of the political league, and an account of prophetic impetus for the reform of the Longhouse religion. As I understand it, no Iroquois sovereignty within or outside the league has formally established this complex as the Iroquois religion, and yet its various components comprise a virtual, full church in the sense used in this essay. I thank John Bierhorst and William Fenton for personal discussions on aspects of this religion. I also consulted the writings of Elizabeth Tooker (1978 a 1978 b ), Anthony Wallace (1978), and Edmund Wilson (1960) in writing this note.

19. There is no use to lament that the songs were not written in Pima and translated literally. That would have been a very specialized activity. Perhaps many of them are still out there, and in any case, thousands of more or less similar ones, not necessarily used for creation myth-telling, are still there. break

1. It is a nice thought that the - ki element of the word could be related to ki :, 'house', but I cannot defend this. It does seem likely that the wa'a - element has to do etymologically with moisture or water. Sometimes these places are poetically called "rain-houses" in English, for which the above analysis is a justification.

2. There was earlier Spanish contact with Pimas hundreds of miles to the south of these people. The southerners were called "Lower Pimas," while these to the north (including the Papagos) were called "Upper Pimas." Thus, Manje would be the first person to write Upper Pima.

3. It is important to note that the present status term siwañ (chief) is not used with a contemporary reference. It refers exclusively to mythical Hohokam "chiefs." My argument, then, is that a term that is already of narrow application, namely, "[Hohokam] chief," is based on something even narrower, that is, the name of a single such chief.

Two additional comments. First, Ruth Underhill has implied in her excellent Papago ethnography that "Siwañ" was a Papago status term ("The rain shaman is called Sivanyi" [1939: 46]). This is not so. The shamans or medicine men who divine for rain at "wine ceremonies" (see story 7) are not called by this term. But the term is used by people who give speeches prior to serving wine at the ceremonies. The speeches (discussed in connection with story 7 and illustrated with a text from Thin Leather given in part 3) tell of journeys to mythical siwañs to obtain rain. They are delivered during wine ceremonies to individuals who sit before baskets of wine, which they are about to serve. One could say that the wine servers impersonate siwañs, but they are not shamans, at least not during the ceremony. The shamans are others, and they are not called "siwañ."

Second, Underhill and others have noted that the Pima-Papago word "siwañ" is similar to a Zuni word spelled, for instance, as shiwanni . The Zuni word designates rain priests or priesthoods. (Here I am following the spelling and summary given in Teague and Deaver [1989]: 161, 165.) Thus, the Pima-Papago may have borrowed the Zuni word or vice versa. I have just proposed that the Pima-Papago word comes from their word for "bitter," but this could be a false or partial etymology. We need an etymology of the Zuni word shiwanni , but I do not know if one is available.

4. One can understand this. The rains were unpredictable, and perhaps the rivers were not; and as some anthropologists have supposed, people tend to ceremonialize more that which is unpredictable. I do not wish to dispute that idea, but I do suspect that peoples who were truly dependent on river irrigation—for ex- soft

ample, the ancient Egyptians and Sumerians, the Harappans (India) and Mochica (Peru)—may have had more river lore, ceremony, and magic than the Pimas.

5. We need evidence of ideology from the great-houses, from architecture or pottery decoration or pictographs or whatever. We cannot know their spoken myths, but we may be able to read ideologically coded physical artifacts, and we may find discontinuities with the present Pima-Papago encoded in them. The Hohokam "ball courts" are one such possibility, but I know of no substantive readings of what the ball court details meant to the Hohokam. There are only interesting speculations on what ball games could have meant to Hohokam trade politics (Wilcox 1991: 101-125). Wilcox believes that ball games enabled trade and gift giving (and betting, I would add) between "home" groups and visitors. The ball game-like betting game discussed in note 7, part 3, below, also served those purposes.

6. The full roster of variant names for this character is the following: S-e'ehe (and variants: Siuuhu, Soho, and many others), 'Elder-brother' (actually elder-brother-sister-or-cousin, as the word does not limit itself to sex or even full siblingship); Si:s Ma:kai, 'Elder-brother Medicine-man', or 'Elder-brother Shaman'; I'itoi, 'Drink-it-all-up'; and Mondisuma, 'Montezuma'. These four variants are mixed through Pima and Papago mythologies. For example, the Pima Thin Leather uses both names for this character and implies that the god was called I'itoi up to a certain point in the story and then took on the name S-e'ehe (Russell 1908: 209). The text is not explicit, and the Pima language is lacking, so one cannot see exactly where that change happened. Logically, it would have been when this god and two others met after surviving a flood. At that point there was a dispute over seniority (i.e., who had come to ground first), and the other gods averred to I'itoi's/S-e'ehe's insistence that he had been first.

I confess that no Pima-Papago has told me that I'itoi means "Drink-it-all-up." I have told this to them, and they have agreed, but they seem to think that the god's name merely sounds like it means "Drink-it-all-up" in their language—exactly like that, I believe. The reason for their reticence may be that there is nothing obvious in the story of I'itoi/S-e'ehe to earn him that name. He has no penchant for drinking anything in particular.

On the strength of the Font text, I think the reason for his name is his solar properties (discussed below). By drying things out, he seems to drink them up. Thus, his involvement with the mythical flood is a false lead into his name "Drinker." He does not drink the flood but takes refuge from it. Finally, I suspect that the Drinker name links him to the Aztec sun who "drank" human blood. break

The sun, the earth, the moon, and the gods of vegetation and animal life all need annual rejuvenation by draughts of human blood. Without human sacrifices the earth's fruits wither and men perish, so that the continuation of the universe depends on the payment of a blood debt. (Kubler 1984: 92)

There is no human sacrifice in known Pima-Papago religion or mythology (except Jesus), but the "Drinker" name ties them to the system of thought that supported human sacrifice in pre-Columbian central and northern Mexico.

7. Beyond the friendly Opas, I assume the governor knew of unfriendly Yumas, Mojaves, and so on.

1. This person is not the sun, the origin of which is narrated later in the text along with the origin of the moon and stars. "Light" is tonlig in Pima-Papago, "sun" is tas * , "moon" is masad * , and "star" is hu'u . This text's mention of a pure light (tonlig) preceding the other, separately named heavenly bodies is unique in Pima-Papago mythology.

2. Versions of what appear to be the very same song are in Russell (1908: 272), from Thin Leather, and Saxton and Saxton (1973: 3), from a Papago singer recorded by Dolores. It is an important song, being the first in the mythologies in which it occurs and therefore supposedly the first song that was sung in the universe. That so many narrators have it in the same form gives the illusion, if not the proof, that this oldest of all songs has been successfully preserved by generations of singers since pre-Hohokam times.

Both Thin Leather and the Dolores singer attribute the song's words to Earth Doctor, not to Jeoss as in the Smith text. In fact, there is no mention of the Christian God ("Jeoss") in the Thin Leather and Dolores versions. The Smith text has God address the song to Earth Doctor. That is, God calls the latter by name. The other versions state Earth Doctor's name at the beginning, as if he were being addressed, but the texts do not indicate that anyone else was on the scene. Strangely, these songs do imply that there was someone else present. They end with an imperative statement addressed to an unknown audience: roughly 'come and see what is happening' (" miakuka nyuita hasitco-onyi " in Russell and " Miake ng neina k has juhni " in Saxton). I would reconstruct the sung syllables in both versions as " mi ya ke ko ñei na ke ha si ju u ñi and would transpose that sung language into Pima-Papago prose as " miako ñeidk has i juñ ." break

The Smith song as translated by Allison into English says something different, "You make the earth now and started it going." We understand that God said this to Earth Doctor. Granted that we cannot know whether Smith actually sang that in Pima, we can say that the scene it conjures is actually less mysterious than the scene in the Thin Leather and Dolores versions. We really do not know who called Earth Doctor's name in those texts, nor do we know who called the attention of whom.

3. This process of turning back to repeat just the last part of a song is called the "turning" ( nodag * ), that is, the song or singer turns on something so as to repeat the song in an incomplete manner, with the very first line or lines missing. That is one interpretation of the notion of 'turning' as applied to songs. Another interpretation, touched on by Allison, is that it is not the song or the singing that turns but rather the dancers who do so: at the point where the incomplete repetition occurs, they reverse the direction of their dancing. If they have been moving counterclockwise, they commence to move clockwise. I think that the word refers to all of those things. It is a multimeaning theoretical term.

4. There is a star-making song in Russell, from Thin Leather (273). The Dolores text does not have one. The Thin Leather song, like this one, comes early in the mythology, and like this one it centers on Earth Doctor. Moreover and most interesting, both songs proceed through the same sequence of narrated acts: (1) someone makes stars, (2) the maker puts them in the sky, and (3) the earth shines, or is lit. There are differences, however. Here is the Russell Thin Leather version as interpreted into Pima-Papago prose and translated by me: break

Vanyingi  Yo-ohowa    nato
Wañ         huhu'u        na:to
I              STARS        MAKE

vanyingi   Y-ohoowa    nato
Wañ         huhu'u         na:to
I              STARS        MAKE

tamai       nañgita
Da:m       dagito
ABOVE    THROW

tcuwutu     mamasi-i
Jewed       ma:si
EARTH    SHOWS

(Alternate last line:
tcuwutu    tonoli-i
Jewed       tonlid
EARTH    SHINES ON) .

More freely translated:

I make stars.
I make stars,
Toss above:
Earth shows.

I make stars.
I make stars,
Toss above:
Shine on earth.

This free translation is true to Thin Leather's Pima. I suspect that Juan Smith's song was very nearly the same because the sequence of acts is the same. Another reason to believe the songs are the same is that, in general, the songs about the very earliest things in creation tend to be uniform across Pima-Papago narrators. This was my impression in the 1970s and 1980s. At this time, narrators were proud of this uniformity, for it meant agreement on the most basic, earliest things. If singers differed, the differences tended to be in the myriad songs that come later in the narrative of world history.

Assuming that the Thin Leather and Smith songs are the same and that the different translations are simply more or less accurate, then the principal difference that I would point out, in criticism of Allison, is that his translation is too wordy. What Smith sang quite concisely, Allison translated quite wordily. This is a matter of style, which is important in my opinion; and the indications are that the Allison translations are generally too wordy.

There are slight differences of substance between the two translations. Thin Leather ascribes the making and putting of stars to a single person, Earth Doctor (rendered as "I"); and to judge from the translation, Smith ascribes the making and putting to a trinity, Jeoss, Earth Doctor, and Siuuhu (rendered as "we"). We will never know if the Pima text used "we" rather than "I." If it did, I suspect this was an innovation on J. Smith's part. That is, I suspect that far more singers of his era used "I" rather than "we" in their versions of this song.

5. Other versions of the mythology put this episode after a flood that comes later.

6. The word for "light," tonlig is different from "sun," tas * . Obviously more things than the sun give light. Recall that in the Smith-Allison text, pure light was created by God, and the sun and the various other celestial light sources were created later by Earth Doctor.

7. These hihih's might be forms of the verb "to go," ( hi:hi in the plural, hihhi in the "repetitive"), but Dolores must have felt that continue

they were more mysterious than "go" or that they were placed in the song for the sake of their sound and therefore are meaningless.

8. This story is widely told, especially among Maricopas and other Yuman language-speaking tribes. Except for this version, I have not heard of a place named from the story. I have not asked if anyone knows this place.

9. The Papago text actually says "Earth Doctor," not "First Born." This was a translator's liberty. The earlier Papago prose segments in this text do say "First Born" consistently, so that must have been this narrator's preference. When he sang the song, however, he used the more standard name.

1. But note this difference. In the Thin Leather text, the abnormalities alarmed Earth Doctor, who caused the sky to fall on the people. Thus, the abnormalities caused god-sent destructions. In the present text, the destruction issues from the abnormality itself. I argue later that the abnormality is also a godly act of creation but a perverse one. Thin Leather has a version of this episode, too. It is simply that he led up to it with Earth Doctor's destructions.

2. The difference between God in the Bible and Earth Doctor in this respect is that God did not create the earth. The earth gathered itself, on God's command. Earth Doctor did create the earth, from his own extruded substance. Once the earth was formed, both God and Earth Doctor crafted the various life forms, Earth Doctor rather more physically and explicitly than God.

3. According to Thin Leather, quoted in the last part, this man was Buzzard. Note from that text that Earth Doctor had high hopes for Buzzard, who at that time was a man, perhaps a perfect man, not an ugly carrion-eating bird. Later in the mythology, Buzzard is the means used by the Hohokam to kill Siuuhu. Only he had the power, the sun magic or privileges, to do so. He is a sun god and not a rain god like Siba and the sisiwañ (see the discussion of the Font text). But he is an extra sun god in all Pima-Papago mythologies. Siuuhu is the main one. Buzzard is the Hohokam's friendly sun god; Siuuhu is their "unfriendly" one.

4. If the long-haired young man was the old man's son, which he was not, then wosmad * would be the proper term. In fact, the old man and his daughter were not kin at all to the baby since the baby came directly from the long-haired young man. Russell's version of Thin Leather tells how this happened.

Her father told her to fetch some of the topmost thorns of the cholla cactus [very thorny, called "jumping cactus" in continue

English]. When she obeyed him he placed the thorns upon her [it is commonly said that he put them in her crotch], telling her not to be afraid of the young man. . . . When he came . . . after exchanging good wishes for health and happiness, they went to the dwelling prepared for them. Soon the screams of a child aroused old South Doctor [the girl's father] and his wife, who came running desirous of seeing their grandchild. (209-210)

The Papago version of this story in Saxton and Saxton (1973: 45-55), recorded by Juan Dolores, has a normal marriage and birth, not a series of weddings leading to a child born from the groom. The child's tears cause a flood in this version, as in Thin Leather and Smith, but in this Papago version the root cause of the flood was the mother's refusal to move with the father and child to the father's home village. The father and child went alone, the shamed father left the child outside his home village, and the child cried a flood of tears.

5. Most versions say the house is an olla, or jar, made from creosote bush gum. Note that in the Thin Leather text recorded at the end of the previous part, this bush is the first living thing that Earth Doctor creates. Ants, the god's second creation, slowly eat, digest, and apparently excrete the gum of this bush to produce the present mass of the earth. Thus, the gum plus the ants are an earth plasma.

6. In the sky. Most versions have him enter his cane and float through the flood.

7. Near Apache Junction, Ariz.

8. Most versions say that the people turned to stone the instant the dog spoke and that they can still be found and seen petrified on top of the mountain. There are many songs, dreamed by medicine men, about visits to these petrified people. Recall that the Font text (part 1) had the Drinker (Siuuhu in this story) take refuge there without turning to stone. The Font story therefore lacks the rebirth leveling and seniority contesting of this flood myth, which is the myth that goes with the conquest mythology.

9. There is a song about this "house" in Russell (1908: 275). The song begins, Tcukoi vavahaki , which is translated as 'Black house'. The first word is cuk 'black', in ordinary language, and the second word is va'aki , our 'great-house' word. The element Chok in the Smith transcription is probably the same 'black'. Perhaps the element - weecum is the word vi'ikam , 'survivor', 'remainder'. The house, therefore, would be 'Black remainder'.

Of course, it is interesting to find a lifesaving, floating pot called a "great-house." Here is my writing of the Thin Leather song into continue

Pima ordinary (versus song) language, and below it is my literal translation:

Cuk wa'aki
Cuk wa'aki
Eda *  ñ-ulin
Eda ñ-ulin
We:maj a'ai ñ-himcud.

Black floating-house
Black floating-house
Inside I stay
Inside I stay
With it back-and-forth make-me-go.

10. This belongs to the same family of words as vakolif , words about waterborne debris, washing, swimming, oozing, rotting, and rusting.

1. The Dolores texts can be read as positing no connection between the people of the first creation and conquering emergents. The problem is that these texts are from a variety of narrators, and we cannot tell what any of these narrators' entire mythology would have been like. Moreover, not only is the Dolores collection a composite but Saxton and Saxton add additional narrators to those recorded by Dolores. Saxton and Saxton's book, therefore, is an organized anthology of Papago mythology. It is not, like the texts of Thin Leather and Smith, the comprehensive, organized, well-considered telling of one person. It is analogous to an American history composed of chapters taken from the works of different historians.

While not ideal, such anthologizing is not necessarily evil. The truth is, we do not know whether it is so or not, because the study of whole, single-narrator mythologies is a new field. Really, Thin Leather's is the only such work published from the Pima-Papago (happily, in three versions). Smith-Allison is the second. I should say that these are the only long works. The Pima narrator Anna Moore Shaw wrote a relatively short English-language book of Pima mythology. She meant it for the instruction of children on the virtues of the old life, and so it tends to avoid tales of conflict. To complete this survey, the native-language typescript of another Papago mythology exists. It was spoken by the narrator Frank Lopez for Bernard Fontana in the 1960s. This work has not yet been given a written English translation. Finally, Harold Bell Wright, a best-selling writer of inspirational fiction in the 1920s, edited and published a Papago mythology that, like Saxton and Saxton/Dolores, seems to have come from several narrators. break

2. Songs about the circularity of the earth are in Russell (1908: 272) and Saxton and Saxton (1973: 3); but these songs are attributed to Earth Doctor at the time of the earth's creation. They do not refer to spinning or circular movement ( sikol him ), as in the Smith songs, but to the circular form of the newly made earth ( sikolim na:to , 'circularly made'). I imagine that Smith sang sikol him , not sikol na:to , and he took his phrasing as an expression, or even a product, of Siuuhu's dizzy change of heart regarding the second creation. In short, according to Smith, the world spins because Siuuhu changed his mind.

3. Seems to be a hitherto unrecorded word for the collectivity of "Yuman" (by anthropological classification) language speakers. Note, however, that the Font text uses the term "Oba" to refer to a tribe or nation of Yuman-speakers. And "O'obab" is the Pima-Papago word now generally used to name the Maricopa tribe, the members of which share reservations with the Pimas. Conceivably, Smith actually said one of those two words; conceivably, Font's Oba, today's O'obab, and Smith's Obniu are the selfsame word and people.

4. This is the only Pima-Papago song I know of on the origin, as opposed to the recovery, of a farm crop. It is also the only song I know of on cotton, and it is the only instance of a singing seed. See note 6, below, on crop songs in general.

5. An allusion to a 1930s cartoon or magazine ad

6. Some comments are in order on how such songs are reported elsewhere in the literature on Pima-Papago. In fact, a rich and consistent record is available, and it is time for someone to study it (no one has done so, so far).

Consistent with Smith's remarks, although he did not put the matter so firmly, there seem to be two categories of "farming" or "crop" songs. One category, let us call it Type A, goes with his story 5, "Corn Returns," not with the songs of his story 4, "Corn and Tobacco Leave." There are songs with that Corn and Tobacco story, as we have seen, but they do not have the distinctive linguistically unanalyzable "signature phrases" of the two categories of farming songs. The "Corn Returns" story is reported from throughout the Pima-Papago area. Thus, Underhill makes reference to it in Papago Indian Religion (1946: 80; she tries to distinguish it, misleadingly I think, from a "myth of the corn woman" that she discusses on 78); and Saxton and Saxton give an excellent bilingual version from Dolores in their Legends and Lore (1973: 27-44).

These Type A songs, uniformly in Pima-Papago country, have a distinctive, ending "signature" or "call" phrase, " hi lu, ya a na ." The phrase has no obvious meaning in the Pima-Papago language. Different writers write it differently (Hayden wrote Smith's ren- soft

dition as Hai lo Hya'an ). The above is simply my version, which I believe, however, to be phonetically correct for more singers than the ones I have personally heard.

Finally, the Type A songs, at least many of them, seem to be the thoughts or statements of the principal characters of "Corn Returns," or Corn Woman (better called Corn Man) myth, a story in which the key male character is Corn and the key female character is a human (not corn) woman. Most commonly, perhaps, the "I's" of the song texts refer to, or are taken to be the words of, Corn Man.

Type A songs are published by G. Herzog (1936: 335), 2 songs; F. Russell (1908: 333-334), 8 songs; D. Saxton and L. Saxton (1973: 29-30, 43-44), 4 songs; R. Underhill (1946: 78-81), 18 songs.

Type B songs seem to have no myth associated with them. They tend to be about rain, thundering, and crops—nature and water poetry. They are sometimes called Rain Songs (e.g., by Russell and Herzog) and can be taken as part of a crop-related rain ceremonialism that is distinct from the more famous and salient "wine drinks" or "cactus wine" ceremony (the subject of Smith's story 7). The wine ceremony songs do not have the distinctive signature phrase, and the wine ceremony is distinct from the ceremonies in which Type B songs are used.

Type B songs are sung to the accompaniment of a stick scraped over another, notched stick, with the latter pressed onto a basket resonator, thus "scraping stick songs" (Smith called them "basket rubbing," the same idea). It is not known whether Type A songs were sometimes or normally acompanied in the same manner, or whether, on the contrary, they were normally accompanied by shaking a gourd rattle, the more common, or "unmarked" form of Pima-Papago song accompaniment. (Gourd rattles are used for wine ceremony songs, for example.)

Type B songs have a distinct call or signature both at the beginning and at the end, and this signature, also not interpretable into Pima-Papago, is different from that of the Type A songs. At the beginning, it is something like he eyanayo (as Herzog wrote it), and the end has heceya hahena (again, as Herzog wrote it). I have heard them sung, respectively, as [soiya * soiya soiya] hi ya nai hu (the bracketed part, a separate initial line, was in the two songs I heard) and hi ci ya ya'i na .

Type B songs are published by G. Herzog (1936: 336), 8 songs; F. Russell (1908: 331-332), 9 songs; and R. Underhill (1946: 72-76), 24 songs.

This makes a total for the two types of 73 songs. Herzog, Russell, and Saxton and Saxton give them in Pima-Papago as well as in English translation, and the Pima-Papago originals for the Underhill songs must exist in her notebooks. There are probably additional crop songs in print or in archives, although it seems that continue

Densmore's Papago Music (1929) lacks them. In 1991, perhaps a thousand such songs were in Pima-Papago singers' minds and memories, but probably no one who was not closely associated with the traditional agriculture knows such songs, and now all those farmers are old and retired. The songs as oral literature will probably die with the last old farmers. (I must note that the Type A and Type B songs, with their distinct signatures, are different from the cotton song given earlier in this myth. That song lacks a vocable signature and is about the origin of cotton raising.)

Herzog, in 1936, traced connections between the Pima-Papago song signatures and those of various Pueblo Indian corn or farming songs, but he only opened the door for such considerations; and I would add that comparisons of poetry, ceremony, and myth should also be made southward, starting with the Yaquis, especially with Yaqui deer songs (Evers and Molina 1987). It is not idle to compare deer songs with crop or corn songs because the Pima-Papago Type B songs, as "scraping stick songs," were used for deer hunting and obtaining ocean salt as well as for farming; and the "Beneath the East" of Pima-Papago Type A songs should be compared with the "Wilderness World" of Yaqui deer songs.

7. A stick dice game whose goal is to move a marker called soiga * ('pet', 'slave', or 'horse'—but kawiyu from Spanish caballo is the normal word for horse) around a large rectangle marked with lines incised on the ground. The game is not unlike a U.S. Monopoly-type board game, except it is played outdoors on a rectangular playing surface, 8 feet by 12 (Russell 1908: 175-176).

The terminology of this game, which includes "hip," "burning," "fire," and "house" as well as the above-mentioned "pet/slave/horse" (all given in Russell), seems clearly related to the terminology of the Mesoamerican ball game (discussed extensively by Scarborough and Wilcox [1991]). Therefore gins may have some relation to the ball courts of the prehistoric Hohokam. The relation need not be of gins as a reduced, mock, or simulated version of former live-player Hohokam ball games. For one thing, the Aztecs had both a version of the dice game, called patolli , and a live-player ball game. Moreover, Pima-Papago women played a large playing field stickball game, called toka ; and the men had kickball races. There are many games, probably all related.

Mythical associations will be crucial to establishing the relations. Concerning the present stories, I can only say that gins is the means by which female (mostly) Tobacco and male Corn parted company. Tobacco is associated with rain calling or rain magic, and corn is associated with unnatural abundance on the condition of nonmarriage.

8. Hai ya ha'ai ya , a standard lamenting phrase in songs. This is not one of the crop song signatures. Those signatures and this continue

one practically exhaust the "vocable phrases" (standardized special "words" that lack meaning within ordinary spoken Pima-Papago).

9. Superstition Mountain is at the east end of Pima country, and Santa Cruz is at the west. Corn's home was somewhere beyond Superstition Mountain. (Ta:tkam, of the next note, is actually 40 miles south of Superstition Mountain.) The version of this story published by Saxton and Saxton (1973: 27-43) puts Corn's home at "Below the East" ( Si'alig Weco ), the location of the Pima-Papago land of the dead, or their paradise. The same place figures into the end of this story by Smith.

10. Bahr had thought that this could be Ta:tkam, the large mountain east of Eloy, Ariz., because Thin Leather gives that mountain as the home of a Corn Man, the subject of Type A crop songs (Russell 1908: 333-334; see n. 6, above, for crop song types and myths). Ta:tkam does not mean "hole," however. It seems to mean "feeler." The word " vag " does mean "hole"; and "Vagkam" would mean "Hole-place." Hayden confirmed this in a letter of Feb. 1993.

Vatcum—a butte east of Florence [Ariz.] with a hole on each opposing side, giving the appearance of passing all the way through. In 1930 George Boundy, custodian of Tumacacori [National Monument, Ariz.], took my father, Dr. Van Bergen and Art Woodward to it, claiming that the apparent passage forced a draft through the mountain which made for the efficient cremation of bodies, hence the Hohokam use of it as a crematory and the "smoked" walls and roof of the "tube." Not so, the holes are not connected and didn't go through.

11. In a letter of Feb. 1993, Hayden stated that this means "White Thin." If so, I would spell the Pima phrase S-toa Komalk. Hayden understood the phrase to be the name of a long east-west mountain range near Blackwater, Ariz. I think this range is normally called Ko:magi, 'Grey'. Thus, I think the last element is really the word for "grey," not the word for "thin" (or "flat"—another translation of "Komalk").

12. Except for the letter "d," which could be a typing error, this phrase is close to Hayden's rendition of the Type A crop song signature phrase as discussed in note 6, above.

13. Note that this episode says that the proper use of tobacco is in groups whose members know and state their kinship with each other. To know those relations, people must know their parenthood. In Pima-Papago and I suppose in all societies, the institution of marriage serves to make parenthood clear. Thus, this episode on the proper use of tobacco underlines what I take to be continue

the theme of this part, that with the new food crops came the regularization of marriage. Tobacco's father insists on it. No doubt he knew that he was Tobacco's father, but he insisted that all people know such things. They cannot smoke without testifying to that knowledge.

1. See the last story in this mythology, story 36, for more on the Apaches.

2. The place where this mythology was recorded.

3. This breath-sending seems to align Cadigum with a scented plant like tobacco. We may speculate that the cadigum scent is as far-reaching as tobacco smoke, but the cadigum plant does not need to be burned to be sensed at such a distance. Cadigum is a no-smoke, no-fire tobacco "substitute."

4. Note the resemblance between the first and third lines of this song and the American song, "Old McDonald". While I believe that there was a Pima song beneath this translation, and that the resemblance to "Old McDonald" is largely coincidental, I also suspect that some Smith songs, including this one and the mother's lament in story 10, depart from traditional Pima-Papago poetic practice in that they openly voice a complaint against another live, usually family, person. Thus, although the parallelism between "Old McDonald" and this song may be coincidental, the emergence in Smith of "protest song poetry" may reflect an American cultural influence.

5. These could be biblical references, to Sodom and some other biblical place (probably not Gomorrah, as that seems a little too remote from the rendering of this word).

6. This must be the synopsis, not the translation, of the song.

1. Examples of "wine drinks" speeches are published by Russell (1908: 347-352) from the Pima and by Saxton and Saxton (1973: 335-336, 338-339) and Underhill et al. (1979: 17-35) from the Papago. The Thin Leather corn myth speeches are different from the rain text published by Russell, and Russell's collection lacks those corn myth speeches.

2. It is quite likely that from Hohokam times on there was a local (Sonoran Desert-wide) distinction between River People, who tapped permanently flowing rivers for water, and Desert People, who could not and did not because they had no rivers to continue

tap. Thus, Smith and Allison may have felt that wine feasts are the only recourse of the Desert People, or of the rustics. True, but note the origin of wine feasts in the Pima Thin Leather's Tobacco and Corn myth. Now, one might take this as evidence that the Pimas were not fully acclimated to the rivers, that a people truly committed to river tapping would not have wine feasts or rain ceremonies at all, or that a truly river-acclimated people would not have the mythological "profile" on tobacco and rainfall that we observe for the Pima as well as the Papago. It is an interesting idea because it makes one wish to compare Pima-Papago mythology with the mythologies of other, perhaps more committed and centralized irrigation civilizations.

3. Ogali , the fathers of the ogali clan or sib. It is important to note that the first of these three sibs belongs to the Coyote moiety, the second belongs to the Buzzard moiety, and the third is considered to be "moietyless" (Underhill 1939: 30-34). Missing from this mythic wine ceremony is one additional sib name from each moiety, Apkigam from the Coyotes and Wawgam from the Buzzards. Later, in story 16, it will be said, somewhat ambiguously, that all or an important part of the Pima-Papago army was comprised of Coyote sib members. Had Smith identified the people of this myth as being entirely and exclusively Buzzards (comprised exclusively of vav and ma:m sib members), then the case could be made that an army comprised of "Coyotes" defeated and incorporated the Hohokam, who were all "Buzzards." Such an idea may have been at the back of Smith's mind, and Hayden (1970) considered it a novel and plausible solution to the longstanding archaeological riddle of what became of the prehistoric Hohokam people or culture, but I cannot say that Smith actually said that.

4. This does not resound with other Pima-Papago mythologies. There is a well-known myth about a threatened eruption of seawater from a hole near Santa Rosa, Ariz. (Saxton and Saxton [1973: 341-347] give a good bilingual version), but that is obviously not what this myth says. Smith and Allison use this episode of saltwater depletion to set the stage for the origin of irrigation: if Siuuhu could dig a hole to collect the ocean, humans could at least dig canals.

5. See the Appendix. The location would either be the site called Los Muertos or the one called Pueblo Grande. If the former, the canal had its tap into the Salt River near Granite Reef Dam, as Smith-Allison say. If the latter, the river tap was considerably downstream near today's Tempe.

6. Towa Kuadam Oks, 'White Eater Old-woman'. As Fewkes points out, there is little doubt that this is the Pima-Papago name for the same woman-god that Navajos and Hopis, for example, continue

call variously "White Shell Woman," "Woman of Hard Substance," and "Changing Woman." The Pimas locate her in the west. I am not sure about the other mythologies. But the Pimas, unlike those other peoples, do not really have myths about her. To them she is a true and important character of other peoples' mythologies, and she merely has a cameo walk-on role in their own. It is the same with another woman-god whom they call "Green Girl" (S-cehedagi Cehia): She figures prominently in Yuman (Maricopa, Yuman, Mojave, Cocopa) mythology, as a young woman who, as a frog, ate her father's feces after he almost tried to make love with her. Pima-Papago tell his story, but they tell it as a foreign, in that case Maricopa, myth. They tell the prose in Pima-Papago and sing the songs in Maricopa. I consider that these two women characters are different and are focal characters in two different but coordinate mythologies. Generally, a people who have one of the women do not have the other. And the Pima-Papago, as I said, have neither; they know about both but accept neither as pertaining directly to their history. They do have an equivalent for these women, however. She is the girl of the next story, of the next part, who gives birth to a witch.

7. See previous note.

8. This squares with the locational analysis in the introduction to this part. It implies that the engineering problems for the Hohokam canal system serving sites in today's Mesa and south Tempe area were greater than those for the canals serving today's central Phoenix. Clearly, the Mesa system originates upstream of the Phoenix system. It may in fact be the longer, more complex, and therefore politically more coordinated system.

1. I think this is typical of North American and perhaps of all tribal, or simply of all human, mythologies. These are stories that treat of creations and origins in long-ago times. They are sacred and tell of miracles. As a rule, or at least as a strong tendency, these stories lack normal human procreation. One may say that they lack it precisely because a good deal of their sacred and miraculous creation is, as Freud would say, sublimated ("made sublime") sexual procreation. Such creation is instead of sexual procreation. It is achieved by retaining one member of the normal procreating pair, man or woman, and by keeping that person away from normal coitus with the opposite sex. This person normally manipulates or comes into contact with a sublimated form of the opposite sex (molds feminine earth, eats masculine worm, etc.). Finally and perhaps a sensitive issue to feminism, generally only man-gods, not woman-gods, create humans external to their bodies (e.g., the continue

god sits and molds mud). Perhaps this is not strictly true, and insofar as it is true it may not be abhorrent to feminists. I am not aware that this topic has been surveyed and judged relative to North American myth or tribal myth in general.

2. I consider this to be like procreation. It represents a woman-enacted counterpart to the molding of people from scratch by Siuuhu, etc. It is a woman's "creation" of a character outside her body. As such, it contradicts or qualifies the rule on external creation as stated in the previous note.

3. This may be quibbling, but parrots are not people. The old woman does not equal the creator man-gods.

4. Another instance of this is a green hawk that is formed from the smoke from the baking witch. I take it that this hawk is solar, and yet its color is explicitly green (Saxton and Saxton 1973: 295-304).

5. As noted about the Wind and Cloud myths, however, this tendency is not absolute. There is a loss of Wind and Cloud myth in which the friends retreat to the east.

6. Uam Nu:wi, 'Yellow Buzzard'.

The Thin Leather version of this story has the two families, the mother's and the "father's," living respectively at Casa Grande Ruin and a place about 20 miles to the southeast, near a mountain called Ta:tkam in Pima-Papago, which is the large mountain just to the east of Eloy, Ariz. Thin Leather and Smith-Allison agree that the father's side is associated with the sun ("Sun Meeter" in Thin Leather, "Yellow Buzzard" in Smith-Allison). Thin Leather explicitly associates the mother's side with water ("Morning Green Chief," turquoises, etc.); and Smith-Allison do so implicitly, if I am correct that the direction west connotes wetness.

Smith's identifying the mother as a Mojave and his attaching the "father's" family to Yellow Buzzard aligns his version of this story to a myth called the Flute Lure. This myth is known by Pima-Papago, and it appears in several collections (e.g., Densmore 1929: 54-77), but they generally consider it to be a Maricopa or Mojave narrative. It is similar to the "ho'ok" myth in that it treats the career of a person born of a human woman. In the ho'ok story, this person is fathered miraculously by a kickball, while in the Flute Lure story, the person (actually twin boys) is fathered miraculously from underground and through water by a gopher.

Smith's mythology lacks a version of the Flute Lure story, except that he uses the Flute Lure geography, so to speak, to open his version of the ho'ok.

7. Russell's Thin Leather gives five songs that are said to have been sung on this occasion (278-279). Saxton and Saxton's two continue

versions of the story lack songs; and, so far as I know, the "Ho'ok killing" songs in Russell are the only ones that have been recorded so far. Those five contain many passages that Russell and his helpers could not understand. I cannot understand them either.

8. Muhadag. Most versions of this story put the location of the dance near the present Papago village of Poso Verde, Sonora, Mexico; and Smith himself stated earlier in the story that the girl grew up (and presumably met her end) in Papago country. This does not preclude that Siuuhu might have been summoned from his residence at a mountain in Pima country, near today's Phoenix, but it would have made it a long trip. (Some Papago versions of the story, I believe, place his residence at this time near Baboquivari Mountain in Papago country.)

9. The most prominent mountain on today's Papago or Tohono O'odham reservation.

10. Papago or Tohono O'odham village just south of the U.S./Mexico border, 30 miles south of Baboquivari mountain.

11. I speculate that Fewkes put this term in quotations because the other settlement in question may not have been referred to as a "great-house" (wa'aki). In the most restrictive sense, it seems that the term was reserved for Casa Grande Ruin and for various distant, cosmic places such as the "Shining Great-house" named in the ceremonial speech by Corn in the Thin Leather version of the Corn and Tobacco myth. Thus, places such as the settlement in this myth are great-houses by extension or by courtesy.

12. Fewkes had Thin Leather staying with him at Casa Grande Ruin, hence the detail in this narrative.

13. The first two syllables add up to tas * , 'sun'. The remaining three syllables cannot possibly yield the rest of that line, but they are probably the first line of the song. Fewkes should have written down all the syllables, start to finish, then one might use his English sketch to piece the song back together.

1. But for once, not Thin Leather. He says that warrior purification did originate through the killing of the eagle, but he does not say that Elder Brother the eagle killer passed through it. Nor, therefore, does he mention an old woman as officiant or purifier.

2. The Pima-Papago language does not have gender-specific personal pronouns (e.g., "he" and "she" vs. "it"). Instead, it has unisex pronouns equivalent to "it" (or "that one," "this one," etc.). Thus, unless it is made clear with a noun (e.g., "that girl "), one continue

cannot tell the sex of the person referred to in a sentence. This makes it inconvenient to translate Pima-Papago into English, because English requires that personal pronouns be genderized; and to use the genderless "it" in English translation implies that the thing being referred to is not human, or not even animate. Here we see Allison shifting between "it" and "he" at a point when the story has not yet openly stated that the baby is a boy.

3. This song is remote from any Pima-Papago song known to me. I have not heard any song as chiding and complaining, or one might say, as tattling, as this one; and I do not know any Pima-Papago expressions precisely equivalent to "naughty" and "scold." This is not to say that something very like this song was not sung, but I wish I had heard it.

4. Gins , a stick dice game.

5. I have heard this place called Waw S-do'ig, 'Rock Raw'. The latter word refers to the smell of raw meat, blood, fish, and female genitals. "Rotten" is a different word ( s-jew ). The implication of using "raw" for this place is that the corpses did not rot but remained rankly fresh. The place is said to be east of Pima-Papago country, perhaps in today's Apache country. Smith-Allison affirm the "Rock Raw" name in the next story, which says that Siuuhu told the people to call the eagle killing place, "Cliff that smells like blood."

6. Therefore, although not mentioned in the flood story, he must have found a way to save himself equivalent to the ways found by Earth Doctor, Siuuhu, and Coyote. In fact, no known Pima-Papago flood story involves a Nawicu character. It is as if the Nawicu character is an "extra" to that strand of world history.

7. Such a song is in Russell (228), under the title, "Song sung by Eagle's wife to put him to sleep." The word yakahai occurs but is left untranslated (very rare in Russell), while a later word, sikosiimo , is (properly) translated as "sleep." I conclude from this that Smith probably knew the same song that Russell recorded from Thin Leather and that the yakahai probably belongs to the untranslatable, or not understood, portion of the song. Certainly I know no Pima-Papago way to say "sleep" that sounds like yaka-hai .

8. Russell gives the entire song as:

Haya yakahai yahai mo,
Haya yakahi mo,
hovanyto sikosiimo,
hovanyto sikosiimo—

two lines, each repeated verbatim or nearly so. The second or continue

"last" of the paired lines is translated as "I sleep." It seems that Smith was here quoting the first paired line.

9. Alluded to in the previous song.

10. No doubt Siw Hewel , 'Bitter Wind'. Densmore's translator probably pronounced the English word "bitter" in a manner that made Densmore think he had said "beater." Indeed, Papagos do pronounce the word "bitter" in this way, with a Mexican accent, so to speak. Densmore's other problem was that she could imagine a wind that "beats" but not one that is named for a taste or attitude. Such, however, is the case with this wind. Recall that Bitter Wind figured into the Origin of Irrigation story as the means used by White Eater Old-woman to deepen the canal and the principal great-house chief was named "Bitter" (Siba).

11. Like the Bitter Wind of the irrigation story.

12. Undoubtedly the same Pima-Papago name as Hayden and others translate "Yellow Buzzard." Their name is Uam Nu:wi, Yellow [or 'brown' or 'yellow-brown'] Buzzard.

13. Therefore, this house is the opposite of a Hohokam wa'aki (great-house) and the opposite of the cosmic wa:paki referred to in speeches such as Thin Leather gave in connection with the Corn Returns story. Those houses are always said to be full of rain, mist clouds, and lightning.

14. Thus would Buzzard have acquired or recharged the solar power that he would use to kill Siuuhu. (This killing is the topic of the next story of Smith and Allison.)

15. In my opinion the answer is, "No, you are not an eagle. You are destined to become a scalped buzzard bird, and at this moment you are acquiring solar power." Eagles are sometimes associated with rain and moistness in opposition to buzzards, which are associated with hot light. Thus, eagle feathers are said to drip moisture, and medicine men use them to fan and thereby to moisten and cool dehydrated and feverish patients.

16. Or, on the pattern of other speeches and ceremonials enacted for directional progressions, the third throw is to the south and the fourth to the west. See the speech for I'itoi's resurrection, given in three versions by Bahr (1975) for this directional progression in which the thrown object was I'itoi (or Siuuhu) rather than the boy "Feather Braided."

17. Conceivably, Garcia could have given this speech but chose not to. In any case, the sequence of tossings is surely in the speech, which Garcia was telling in "prose" rather than in the more measured, chanted mode of "oratory." See the discussion of modes or levels of memorization in the section on Pima-Papago continue

literature in the introduction. It is certain that the actual speech would have been more difficult to give than this prose precis. The question is whether Garcia could have given the speech if he was asked to do so for a cure or some other ceremony and if he had time in which to call it to mind.

18. Komtan and ku:p , both used for sicknesses pertaining to warfare and war purification.

19. Gohimeli and hiwculida , the first for the two nights of dancing that precede the wine drinks, the second being the Type B crop songs, discussed earlier. I do not consider this to be a proper myth of origin of those songs, since the songs are mentioned as acquired as a block, along with three other blocks of songs. A proper origin myth, I think, would have the songs appear one by one, on some actor's lips, like arias in an opera, as the Creation and various other kinds of songs originate in the Smith-Allison text.

20. But not as powerful as the songs actually used by medicine men to diagnose sicknesses, the so-called duajida songs. In this passage Garcia is mainly responding to Densmore's large interest in songs. She came to the tribe to write a book on their music.

21. This is the first mention of the old woman in the text. Densmore does not comment on that fact. Apparently this woman is neither the grandmother of the literalist boy nor the wife of the eagle. She is just an old woman.

22. This is probably just an English paraphrase of the song. Since the Papago text is not given, it is not safe to ponder the English words and meanings.

1. The loss of the paradisiacal relation with Corn-man, etc., is also Edenic, but no great human sin is involved. Those are stories of humanity's lost innocence when no one quite knew what was happening. Smith-Allison's Siuuhu chimes into them after the fact with his sexual morality, but this seems different from God's pre- and postexpulsion relation to Adam and Eve. Such a relation is now at stake between Siuuhu and the Hohokam.

2. Wuaga in Pima-Papago. These are described enthographically in Underhill (1946:253-260); and autobiographically in Underhill (1938). Along with wine feasts and celebrations for war victories, the puberty ceremonies were the great festive and convivial occasions of nineteenth-century Pima-Papago life.

3. "On this view [Niebuhr's], the evil we find in history is not . . . an accidental or transient thing; it is located in the permanent continue

human condition of 'original sin,' symbolized by the 'Fall.' In simplest terms, what this doctrine asserts is 'the obvious fact that all men are persistently inclined to regard themselves more highly and are more assiduously concerned with their own interests than any objective view of their importance would warrant.' . . . Sin is the tendency to rebel against God" (Dray 1964: 100, quoting R. Niebuhr, The Irony of American History , 1952).

4. See story 5. A baby was born from a girl who ate a worm from the corn-man's hair. Siuuhu caused the mother to drop the baby, which killed it.

5. Here begins the prose telling of what is also told in war oratory. Bahr (1975) compares three versions of the oration that goes with this episode, one from Thin Leather, one from another Pima named Thomas Vanyiko, and one from the Papago Juan Gregorio.

6. The version published by Russell (on 226), from Thin Leather, states that these underworld people had not been created there, as Smith says here, but were created by Earth Doctor on the earth's surface prior to the great flood. Earth Doctor saved them from drowning by enabling them to pass through a hole in the earth into the underworld. He made the hole for them with his powerful magic cane. Although I have heard Papagos say the same thing, the summary fo Papago mythology published by Underhill (1946: 11) leaves this point moot. While it explains the present people as emergents from the underworld, it neither claims nor denies that this people had any prior upperworldly experience.

Smith implies the same thing in his story 1, where he says that the Primas "came" from a man created on the earth's surface by Earth Doctor and Siuuhu. It is fair to say that Smith is ambiguous on this issue, unlike Thin Leather (in Russell); and, of course, Smith's mythology lacks the episode, present in Russell (211), in which Earth Doctor made a hole in the earth for the ancestral Pima-Papago to pass down through.

7. Note how this makes Ee-ee-toy/Siuuhu a sun god. His rays wither things.

8. All the texts in Saxton and Saxton are given both in Pima-Papago and English. Thus, one can check on the original wording. The word translated as "chief" is ge'ejig , 'one-made-big'. This is a standard word for chief. Significantly, the word siwañ was not used. In this text, siwañ serves as the personal name of the man who killed I'itoi. We know that there are other texts in which the word is used as a status term ("chief") rather than as an individual's name; and we can imagine texts about the Hohokam era in which some chiefs are called siwan and other are called ge'ejig , the sisiwañ being the great-house heads, the ge'ejig being lesser chiefs or, as in this text, chiefs of a region outside great-house control. break

9. This "below" seems to mean the underworld, as if the above-ground south chief controls the communication to the underworld. The passage translated as "people below" is t-weco hemajkam , 'us-below people', or more freely, 'people below us'.

1. More texts on the conquest are greatly desired. I may say that I have heard narrators from the Santa Rosa area of the Papagos name all of the places mentioned by Thin Leather, so a long Gila and Salt River valley conquest is a Papago as well as a Pima idea. But I have heard narrators from Gunsight and Charco 27 villages, in the west of Papago country, say that there was only one Siwañ, who lived at Casa Grande National Monument. These narrators speak of a battle against Buzzard near today's Gila Bend, Ariz. Gila Bend is 100 miles to the west-southwest of Snaketown and is beyond the scope of the Smith-Allison and Thin Leather battle narratives.

2. Smith's story 19 has Buzzard captured and scalped at an unidentified location, but his story 28 identifies Pueblo Grande Ruin, in Phoenix, as Buzzard's "house." Buzzard is not mentioned in the later episode, presumably because he has already been subdued. Thin Leather assigns another chief to the great-house at Pueblo Grande, and so does Smith in his narrative of this later battle. Smith must have thought of the latter chief as Buzzard's assistant. I am surprised to see Buzzard so closely associated with a town and chief. To me, the Thin Leather version of Buzzard as a sun god and a loner, a counterpart to Siuuhu, makes more sense, but I do not dispute Smith's locating Buzzard at a recognized great-house.

3. Lynne Teague and William Deaver have made such a registry and have studied the conquest myths. They concluded that "all of the settlements definitely located by the Pima are, in fact, Classic period platform mound sites archaeologically known to have been surmounted by houses probably inhabited by religious and political leaders" (1989: 158). Of course, this does not prove that the conquest occurred. The Pimas would have been unobservant had they not noticed the mounds, but noticing them does not prove that their ancestors conquered them. The problem remains that other mythologies play down the conquest, and still others locate and figure it differently from Smith-Allison and Thin Leather. See note 1 for remarks on some of these different mythologies.

4. As the Appendix and the texts show, the battle at this place is climactic, that is, the hardest fought and most protracted. (It has continue

a final phase in which the defeated Siwañ is hunted down as a fugitive.) There are battles later at other Hohokam great-houses, to the north and west of Casa Blanca. Why was this place made critical Apart from the possibility that it actually was so in ca. 1400, which cannot be proven, it seems significant that Casa Blanca was approximately in the center of the territory held by the Pimas in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. If it was at the middle of their land, which was strongly pressed by Apaches, it makes sense that the Pimas would consider Casa Blanca the center of ancient Hohokam resistance, the Rome, so to speak, of the Hohokam.

5. As we will see, the Pima-Papago emerge first in Europe.

6. Nasia, a woman character, a goddess, whose name does not seem to be of Pima-Papago origin. She is mentioned in a Pima war speech or oration published by Russell (358) but is not a major character in any Pima myth known to me. In Thin Leather's myth on the theft of Chief Morning Green's wives, a woman called Natci is said to be Morning Green's daughter. This woman married Tcernatsing, the thief or winner of Morning Green's wife. That is the only concrete reference to a Nasia in any Pima-Papago myth that I know. See the myth at the end of part 6.

7. Tua kuadam oks , literally, "White eater old lady," the name of a female character for which there is a well-defined and widely told myth, generally called the Flute Lure story. A long and good version is in Densmore (1929: 55-77). Although told in Pima-Papago, the story is generally considered to be of Mojave or Maricopa origin, and its songs are sung in a language understood to be Maricopa. There is no version of the Flute Lure Story in Juan Smith's mythology, and this is Smith's only reference to its principal female character. Most people who know the story do not equate this character with the mysterious Nasia. The same woman character appears in Lloyd's version of the origin of irrigation (part 5).

8. If I understand Smith correctly here, he thinks that to quaidum ox , although said in Pima, is in fact the Pima translation of a Maricopa name (I agree with this); that Nassya is an ancient Pima word (I doubt this on the basis of how it sounds but cannot explain why); and that the two words or names designate the same mythic person (I consider them distinct as explained in the previous note).

9. This reference to an ocean crossing prior to the main narrative of conquest is unique to Smith-Allison.

10. Apparently in Europe.

11. This pair of songs corresponds to a larger song composition from Thin Leather, in Russell, called "On Emergence from the continue

Netherworld" (280). Where Smith gives a pair of two-line songs (total of four lines), Russell gives such a pair, followed by another pair of three-line songs (total of ten lines). Simply, the first lines of Smith's pair (The land is getting closer / the mountains are getting closer) correspond to the first lines of Russell's Thin Leather's second, three-line pair (Kusi tohai tuctcuwuta(r) tamai ticitciviaka nyuhunatci / Kusi tcokwe totovaku tamait a-ahuka nyuhunatci; literally, White land upon arriving singing / Black mountains upon reaching singing). In this instance (and, of course, there are additional lines in the Thin Leather songs), Smith opposes "land" and "mountain," while Thin Leather opposes those plus "white" and "black" and "arriving" and "reaching" (distinct words in Pima). Thin Leather outdoes Smith in these particular songs.

12. Thin Leather has the same episode but with the equivalent of Smith-Allison's Sivain living near the present Casa Blanca village. He is called Black Sinew Chief. He sends his son to inquire of Morning Green Chief at Casa Grande (now) Ruin. Actually, Smith-Allison end up with their Siwañ fighting his last battle at Casa Blanca. The present reference to a place near today's Glendale, 40 miles northwest of Casa Blanca, could be an error that Smith later corrected.

13. Apkigam and Apapgam, two "clan" or "sib" names, both included in a higher "moiety" grouping called the Ban We:mgal, 'Coyote [as] Helper'. Distinct from them are the Ma:mgam and Vavgam clans or sibs, which belong to the Ñu:wi We:mgal, 'Buzzard [as] Helper'. Also existing but lacking a "Helper" (either not classed at all or not so readily classed as to "moiety") is the Ogali clan or sib. Underhill (1939: 31-34) gives a good discussion of this system among the Papagos, but what she says also holds for the Pimas.

14. Who were not the whole of what became today's system or inventory of clans and moieties. Specifically, the "Buzzard" portion is lacking; and as Hayden believes (1970) and Juan Smith says (story 18), that portion was incorporated by conquest. To them, the Buzzards descend from the conquered Hohokam, in part at least. Actually, as stated in n. 112, Hayden is more firm on this point than Smith.

15. And therefore the content of Sivian's song was dreamed by a man near the ocean.

16. An attribution of wet power to the Hohokam but not to a person called Siwañ, 'Chief'. Conceivably, this woman might have that status, but the text does not say so. Nor would Smith-Allison say so, since they consider that there is only one Siwañ.

17. This statement can be interpreted two ways: either that the advancing emergents made their homes where the destroyed continue

Jackrabbit Eaters had lived or that the Jackrabbit Eaters, fleeing into Mexico, made homes on land that they gained there by conquest: the ones who fled became conquerers.

18. Probably Ko:lo'ogam, 'Whippoorwill' (e.g., Saxton, Saxton, and Enos 1983: 33), a bird very like the local nighthawk (Peterson 1961: 151, 165).

Note that here the emergents, people quite like today's Indians, are making an animal (bird) species, an act that one would not have thought possible, given Smith-Allison's accounts of earlier struggles between humans and gods over the power of creation.

Note also that Hayden's spelling of this probable whippoor will word is not so different from the word spelled as "Cadigum" in story 4. Smith-Allison thought that the word meant a bird, but on the strength of a similar word in Lloyd's Thin Leather, I consider it to be a plant name. Since I imagine that Hayden would have heard the "l" if it had been part of the first name, I consider these to be two different words, so I will stay with the idea that "cadigum" is a plant name.

19. This is a medicine man in the process of divining or "seeing." As mentioned in note j, part 1, I take this to be the essential activity of medicine men/ mamakai . Here the object of the divination is an enemy, Buzzard. Papago medicine men did the same sort of seeing in their warfare against Apaches. Underhill (1946, 1979) discusses it.

20. Here is another essential medicine man/ mama:kai activity, the use of animals or spirit helpers to learn about and to affect (e.g., disable) enemies, game animals, etc. Owls are often used for this purpose. They are understood to be spirits of the dead. People are said to turn into owls after dying.

21. Probably sel * ñe'i , 'straight song', a term meant to designate the kind of dance step or choreography that goes along with the singing. Thus, there are "circle" and "straight" dances. In the first, people join hands and move counterclockwise in a large circle, and in the second, they form straight lines and advance and retreat, often facing people in an opposing straight line.

The most important kind of straight dancing, the one relevant here, is for girls' adolescence or puberty ceremonies, called wuaga . (The songs used for these could equally be called "straight songs" or "wuaga songs"). These ceremonies, that were celebrated over many days and nights, and other but not all ceremonies as well were occasions for lovemaking.

Many versions of the mythology, including Thin Leather's, attribute these songs to Siuuhu, and these mythologies also state that Siuuhu was killed because he pestered or stole the girls at the dances. Smith gives a different reason for Siuuhu's murder, and in continue

the present story he attaches the ceremonies to Buzzard rather than Siuuhu.

22. This could be a reference to Snaketown, the site of the excavations. The text (from a Papago, via Dolores) gives Ko'oi Ki:, 'Rattlesnake House', as the name of the place, while the more usual Pima name for Snaketown is S-ko:ko'owik, Many Rattle-snakes'.

23. Mount Lemon, near Tucson, is generally called Frog Mountain, but the usual reason given by Pima-Papago is that the Maricopas and Yumas have a story in which a girl frog ("Green Woman," see n. 6, part 4) eats her father's feces. The father dies from this, and the girl flees eastward, eventually reaching and staying thereafter at Frog Mountain. If that mountain is meant in this story, the implication is that the place of emergence is somewhere rather far to the south of Tucson, e.g., in Mexico. But this text seems most fragmentary, and it is likely that Densmore either received or rendered it garbled.

24. Note that both of these skin cuttings echo what Smith-Allison's and Thin Leather's warriors do to Buzzard. Hendricks has that episode as well, in the next textual supplement.

1. 'Bad Willow-place' [I think]. "Willow-place" is the name of a Papago village north of Santa Rosa. As I understand it, this story belongs particularly to that people, and they take their place-name from a willowy place where they formerly lived, some say around the location of the present-day town of Queen Creek, Ariz., between the Gila and Salt rivers, 20 or 30 miles northeast of Snaketown (Snaketown is located where that creek joins the Gila River).

2. "Mescal" probably means the agave cactus ( Agave americana ), which is sometimes called mescal cactus.

3. This is the exact wording of the manuscript. I cannot envision the scene clearly.

4. This "mind" could be a mistyping of "wind." There are many songs that say "green wind," but this would be the first known to me that says "green mind." Note that the pair of songs seem to grant solar ("shining") and wet ("green" and presumably cloud-having) powers to the Hohokam.

5. Probably the former.

6. Probably the former.

7. Like the mention of seawater as discussed in connection with story 8, this mention of a whale connects to an important continue

Papago myth, namely, an account of Siuuhu's (there called I'itoi, or Montezuma) killing a menacing whale or sea monster ( ñe:big in Pima-Papago). Interestingly, both the seawater/children's shrine myth (connected to story 8) and the Papago whale-killing myth are closely associated with wi:gita ceremonies, which were large, famous, and highly sacred affairs. Wi:gitas were performed (so far as is known, from the ninteenth century to the present) at just two locations, both in Papago country, one near Santa Rosa, Ariz., and the other at Quitovac, Sonora, Mexico. The Arizona ceremony venerated the children's shrine myth, and the Sonora one venerated the myth of the killing of the whale; which is to say that those myths justified and were the charters of those two wi:gitas.

Pimas knew about the ceremonies, including the ceremonies' origin myths, but Pimas did not have a wi:gita of their own. Had they had one, it seems that they would also have needed a localized origin of myth for it, equivalent to the children's shrine or whale-killing myth. Now, in effect, Smith passes (as in card playing) on this matter. I assume that he knew the established, localized Papago wi:gita myths. He does not tell them outright but tells localized (set in Pima country) refractions of them. He does not use those refractions to justify a wi:gita in Pima country, which he could not do because there was no wi:gita in Pima country. Rather, he passes, mentioning the appropriate ancient things (sea-water in a hole, a whale) but not advocating a Pima wi:gita. I may mention that these Smith-Allison whale songs do not refer to salt water, as do the wi:gita origin myths, but to wind and clouds, typical Hohokam/siwañ properties. See Hayden (1987), Galinier (1991), and Bahr (1991), on the mythology and performance of the wi:gita.

8. This was part of the method used by I'itoi to kill the whale in one of the wi:gita foundation myths (Saxton and Saxton 1973: 305-316).

9. This is almost the only reference to death among the invaders. Part 11, on the aftermath of the conquest, has the proper, individualized origin of death among them.

10. This corresponds closely with a song in Russell (281). Russell's narrator, Thin Leather, assigned the song to the point at which the Wooshkam (Russell did not record that word, but it is certainly correct, although better spelled as "wu:skam * ") approached Sacaton. Here is how I would edit (correct, slightly modify) Russell's song language transcription and literal translation. break

Pipinu     havavaki      kutda     hamo-olina.
Mud        their-house    inside    their-[they]-stay.
Kutda                         maka hitcu,
Inside     [the house]   become-medicine-men

Kotdena     sinyu-upuiitoka,
Inside         very-frighten me,

Kutda     ahamo-olina,
Inside     there-[I  they ]-stay,

Pipinu    havavahaki     kutda     maka     hitcu.
Mud       their-house      inside     become-medicine-men

11. This pair roughly corresponds with a single song in Russell (281), designated "As they approached the village below Santan":

Amuko                                      vu-uhonyui-ita,
You-[imperative]-go-and            truly see-it,

Amuko                                      vu-uhonyuita-a,
You-[imperative]-go-and            truly see-it,

Hamonyui-i-i.
will-see-some.

Kuhiyu     hukiva     mu-ulihoku     rso-onuka     puva-aki          nyui-i.
Just-the    old          ocotillo           based           the-rainhouse    see.

12. Archaeological ruin in Phoenix, Arix.

13. Archaeological ruin in Phoenix, Ariz.
In a letter of June 1993 Hayden wrote,

After the detailed descriptions of the arduous conquest of the Big Houses of the Gila Valley, this brief mention of the taking of the Guadalupe and Pueblo Grande (Huamanui-ki) Big Houses is almost in passing. This is curious, for the Salt River Valley contained the largest and densest population in the Hohokam region. Its many Big Houses with their attendant villages oversaw a vast system of canals with their intakes, their distribution ditches, and their broad irrigated fields of the monocrop, corn, the apparent basis of Hohokam life there. Why was the conquest of this valley given so little attention

An answer to this is now known: in all likelihood, the valley of the Salt was deserted when Emergents entered, and they faced little or no opposition. A flood of a 2,000-year magnitude from the Verde and Salt rivers had inundated the valley in 1358-59, destroying the canals, the fields, and ditches, and, in short, the food supplies of the people. This was followed by a very severe 20-year drought, and three more consecutive years of flood completed the destruction of the once prosperous valley. Recent excavations of some 500 or more burials of the time revealed very high infant and young mortality, and skeletal pathologies associated with starvation and malnutrition, osteoporosis even in the very young, arthritis, continue

hypoplasia, etc. Accompanying this was evidence of a rapid decrease of corn pollen in the village soils and a marked increase in pollens of wild native food plants, marking a surely desperate and futile attempt to replace corn with gathering. Deliberate abandonment of the valley ensued, for the undamaged pithouse floors of the terminal occupation had been swept clean of artifacts. By 1400 or at the latest 1425, the Salt River Valley was empty. Several lines of evidence indicate that some of the people moved north to join the Hopi and perhaps the Zuni communities; certain clans of both claim descent from the immigrants. The Emergents, then, swept through a deserted Salt River region, meeting perhaps stragglers and last-ditch folk. (Teague and Deaver 1989: 145-167, and C. Breternitz, personal communication)

15. He probably means the two sibs of the Coyote moiety. See note 13, part 9, and note 15, above.

1. There are two mentions of death among the invaders during the conquest. These are in stories 24 and 25. The first is a single sentence, not an individualized death story such as this one. The second is longer but still not individualized. It relates to the battle for Siwañ Wa'aki, near Casa Blanca, the invaders' biggest fight.

2. Those are the manucsript's exact, ambiguous words.

3. Yellowstone Park

4. See story 14 and notes 6 and 7, part 9. Here it seems that Nassya and White Eater are taken to be the same thing, or rather, White Eater is a variety of Nassya.

5. The place of emergence, according to Hendricks. There is an Ashes Hill near the village of Santa Rosa. It is the "trash mound" of a Hohokam site, where the Hohokam living nearby dumped their ashes and trash. I have not heard of this hill as a point of emergence. Perhaps Hendricks had a different ashes hill in mind. break