1. Included in Untimely Meditations , tr. R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 59-123; I am aware that Nietzsche expressed himself quite differently in other places. [BACK]

2. Ibid., pp. 59, 77. [BACK]

3. I have made this point most explicitly in the last selection in the volume, "The History Teacher as Mediator," which also recognizes the dangers in the conception. [BACK]

4. What follows are my own reflections about the impulses underlying my work. For other perspectives, both by colleagues whom I particularly esteem, see Martin Jay, "Hierarchy and the Humanities: The Radical Implications of a Conservative Idea," Telos 62 (1984-1985), 131-144, and above all Randolph Starn, "William Bouwsma and the Paradoxes of History," Culture, Society, and Religion in Early Modern Europe: Essays by the Students and Colleagues of William J. Bouwsma , a special issue of Historical Reflections 15 (Spring 1988), 1-11. [BACK]

5. In making this move I was influenced above all by Mary Douglas, especially Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London, 1966); Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973); and Marshall Sahlins, Culture and Practical Reason (Chicago, 1976). I have elaborated on the distinction between intellectual and cultural history in "From History of Ideas to History of Meaning," ch. 15 below. [BACK]

6. In an earlier form, this conception underlies my essay of 1980, "Anxiety and the Formation of Early Modern Culture," ch. 6 below; it was carried further in John Calvin: A Sixteenth-Century Portrait (New York, 1988). [BACK]

7. The notion of distinct cultures corresponding to class is less and less accepted by historians; cf. Roger Chartier, The Cultural Uses of Print in Early Modern France , tr. Lydia G. Cochrane (Princeton, 1987), pp. 3-5. The basic inseparability of elite and popular culture in the sense in which I use the term underlies, for example, Natalic Z. Davis, "The Study of Popular Religion," in The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion , ed. Charles Trinkaus (Leiden, 1974), pp. 307-336. It also poses the problem to which Lawrence L. Levine gives so suggestive an answer in Highbrow Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, Mass., 1988). [BACK]

8. This reflection was stimulated by Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste , tr. Richard Nice (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). [BACK]

9. For example, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, in "L'histoire immobile," Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations 29 (1974), 673-682, tr. John Day, "Motionless History," Social Science History 1 (1977), 115-136. The irrelevance of a history that ignores events has recently been pointed out with particular poignancy by Arno Mayer in connection with the Holocaust in Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? The "Final Solution" in History (New York, 1989). [BACK]

10. Hans Blumenberg, Work on Myth , tr. Robert M. Wallace (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), p. 102. Cf. my discussion of "the myth of apocalyptic modernization" in "The Renaissance and the Drama of Western History," ch. 16 below. [BACK]

11. Cf. George H. Nadel, "Philosophy of History before Historicism," History and Theory 3 (1964), 291-315. [BACK]

12. Quoted from a letter of 1867 by Leon Edel, Henry James: A Life (New York, 1985), p. 87. [BACK]

13. In what follows I have drawn on "Early Modern Europe," my contribution to The Past before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States , ed. Michael Kammen (Ithaca, 1980), pp. 78-94. I have not included it in the present collection because it is chiefly of only bibliographical interest. [BACK]

14. The Age of the Democratic Revolution , 2 vols. (Princeton, 1959-1964), I:8. [BACK]

15. Broader perspectives on the Reformation have also been narrowed by its identification with German history and a view of its manifestations elsewhere as a tribute to the originality and influence of Germany. My effort to understand it in European terms (see ch. 9 below) met with strong resistance at the Fourth International Congress for Lutheran Research in 1971. [BACK]

16. Cf. Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost (London, 1965). [BACK]

17. Alan Megill, ''Foucault, Structuralism, and the Ends of History," Journal of Modern History 51 (1979), 451. The point is also central to Megill's Prophets of Extremity: Nietzsche, Heidegger, Foucault, Derrida (Berkeley, 1985). [BACK]

18. This seems to me also implicit in the observation of Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980), xvii-xviii: "an understanding of the death of history must also engage the attention of the psychoanalyst. At the most obvious level, the latter would see the sharp break from a tie with the past as involving generational rebellion against the fathers and a search for new self-definitions." Much of this sense of discontinuity, however, also seems to me to reflect—and is used to justify—ignorance of the past. In this connection, see my review essay on Dominick LaCapra and Steven L. Kaplan, eds., Modern European Intellectual History: Reappraisals and New Perspectives (Ithaca, 1982), in History and Theory 23 (1984), 234-236. [BACK]

19. Though much of my Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter-Reformation (Berkeley, 1968) is narrative history. [BACK]

20. Cf. the preface to Ranke's Histories of the Latin and Germanic Nations from 1494 to 1514 , in The Varieties of History from Voltaire to the Present , ed. Fritz Stern (New York, 1956), pp. 55-58. [BACK]

21. See the critical treatment of the course by Gilbert Allardyce, "The Rise and Fall of the Western Civilization Course," American Historical Review 87 (1982), 695-725. [BACK]

22. I hasten to add, however, that I do not object to elitist history per se but only when its appropriateness is unquestioned and therefore not a matter of deliberate choice. [BACK]

23. Cf. Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore, 1973), pp. 167-168. [BACK]

24. By "my teachers" I do not mean only those from whom I received formal instruction at Harvard. [BACK]

25. This was revised and published as Concordia Mundi: The Career and Thought of Guillaume Postel, 1510-1581 , Harvard Historical Monographs, 33 (Cambridge, Mass., 1957). [BACK]

26. "Uses and Disadvantages of History," p. 78. [BACK]

27. J. H. Hexter, "The Burden of Proof," London Times Literary Supplement , Oct. 24, 1975. [BACK]

28. See "The Two Faces of Humanism: Stoicism and Augustinianism in Renaissance Thought," ch. 1 below. [BACK]

29. De civitate Dei , XII, 13; I quote in the translation of Henry Bettenson (London,1967). [BACK]

30. Cf., most recently, though without reference to Augustine, Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 (New York, 1987). [BACK]

31. Discorsi , II, 2; I quote in the translation of Allan Gilbert (Durham, N. C., 1965). [BACK]

32. Freud also, it may be recalled, had viewed the mind, in Peter Gay's recent formulation, "as a set of organizations in conflict with one another; what one segment of the mind wants, another is likely to reject, often anxiously" ( Freud: A Life for Our Time [New York, 1988], p. 109). [BACK]

33. J. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages: A Study of the Forms of Life, Thought, and Art in France and the Netherlands in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (London, 1924). [BACK]

34. The first to touch on this subject were ch. 12, "Three Types of Historiography in Post-Renaissance Italy," and ch. 19, "Christian Adulthood"; it became prominent, however, only with ch. 6, ''Anxiety and the Formation of Early Modern Culture." [BACK]

35. Leon Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (New York, 1957). [BACK]

36. "Uses and Disadvantages of History," p. 78. [BACK]

37. Cf. Randolph Starn, "Historians and 'Crisis,'" Past and Present 52 (1971): 3-22. [BACK]

38. The New Organon , ed. Fulton H. Anderson (Indianapolis, 1960), p. 95. I do not mean, of course, quite what Bacon meant by "art," i.e., scientific procedure. [BACK]

39. Erik H. Erikson, Childhood and Society , 2d ed. (New York, 1963), esp. pp. 48-108. Erikson uses the phrase to designate those zones of the body most sensitive to psychological and cultural stimuli. [BACK]

1. For example, the Grande Antologia Filosofica , though it includes a section on Renaissance Epicureanism, gives no special treatment to either Stoicism or Augustinianism; and Eugenio Garin's distinguished L'umanesimo italiano:filosofia e vita civile nel rinascimento (Bari, 1952) has much on Platonism but little directly on Stoicism or Augustinianism. On the other hand, both receive substantial recognition in Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought (Chicago, 1970), to which I am heavily indebted. The chief difference between his treatment of the subject and my own is one of emphasis; Trinkaus seems to me primarily concerned with the humanist effort to harmonize Stoic and Augustinian impulses (cf I, xx-xxi). [BACK]

2. For the ambiguous connections between Stoicism and rhetoric there is much in George Kennedy, The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World, 300 B.C.-A.D. 300 (Princeton, 1972); see also Jerrold E. Seigel, Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism: Ciceronian Elements in Early Quattrocento Thought and Their Historical Setting (Princeton, 1968), esp. ch. 1, and Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhetoric and Historical Consciousness in Florentine Humanism (Princeton, 1970), esp. ch. 1. For the rhetorical element in Augustine, I have had fundamental guidance from Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (Berkeley, 1967); see also Marcia Colish, The Mirror of Language: A Study in the Medieval Theory of Knowledge (New Haven, 1968). Henri Irénée Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique , 4th ed. (Paris, 1958), also remains basic. For the importance of Cicero and Stoicism in Augustine, see also Maurice Testard, Saint Augustin et Cicéron: Cicéron dans la formation et dans l'æuvre de Saint Augustin (Paris, 1958). [BACK]

3. Adam, Sur le problème religieux dans la première moitié du XVII ^e siècle (Oxford, 1959); Trinkaus, op. cit. [BACK]

4. On this problem cf. Raymond Klibansky, The Continuity of the Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages (London, 1939), 36. For one recent effort to sort out this mixture, see Andreas Graeser, Plotinus and the Stoics: A Preliminary Study (Leiden, 1972), a title whose modesty suggests the difficulty of the problem. Moses Hadas, Hellenistic Culture: Fusion and Diffusion (New York, 1959), is generally useful on the subject, in spite of its tendency to exaggerate Semitic elements in the hellenistic bundle. [BACK]

5. De civitate dei , XVIII, 51; cf. XVIII, 41. [BACK]

6. Eugene Teselle, Augustine the Theologian (London, 1970), 347-348. [BACK]

7. Ep. 143, quoted by Brown, 353. For the general point, in addition to Brown and Teselle, I am much indebted to F. Edward Cranz, "The Development of Augustine's Ideas on Society before the Donatist Controversy," Harvard Theological Review , 47 (1954), 255-316, and R. A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St. Augustine (Cambridge, 1970). [BACK]

8. For this apocryphal correspondence, Epistolae Senecae ad Paulum et Pauli ad Senecam 'quae vocantur ,' ed. C. W. Barlow (Rome, 1938). [BACK]

9. For an excellent introduction to the fundamental importance of this issue, see Creation: The Impact of an Idea , ed. Daniel O'Connor and Francis Oakley (New York, 1969). [BACK]

10. The classic work of Charles Norris Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture (Oxford, 1940), is particularly useful on this fundamental difference. [BACK]

11. Damasus Trapp, "Augustinian Theology of the 14th Century: Notes on Editions, Marginalia, Opinions, and Book Lore," Augustiniana , VI (1956), 189. [BACK]

12. M. D. Chenu, Toward Understanding St. Thomas , tr. Albert M. Landry and Dominic Hughes (Chicago, 1964), 43, 54, 142 (I cite the English edition rather than the French original, Introduction à l'étude de Saint Thomas d'Aquin [Paris, 1950], because of its richer documentation); Henri-Irénée Marrou, Saint Augustin et l'augustinisme (Paris, 1955), 161-162. [BACK]

13. Canto X. [BACK]

14. Canto XXXII. [BACK]

15. He cites the Confessions from time to time in the Convivio but appears to regard it as no more than a conventional work of moral guidance. [BACK]

16. This has been noted by Nicola Abbagnano, "Italian Renaissance Humanism," Cahiers d'histoire mondiale , XI (1963), 269; cf. Charles B. Schmitt, Cicero Scepticus: A Study of the Influence of the Academica in the Renaissance (The Hague, 1972), 33-34, on the importance (and neglect by modern scholars) of Cicero for the Middle Ages. Hans Baron, "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit in the Middle Ages and the Early Renaissance," John Rylands Library Bulletin , XXII (1938), 72-97, has useful remarks on the medieval, as contrasted with the Renaissance, image of Cicero. [BACK]

17. Quoted by John Mundy, Europe in the High Middle Ages, 1150-1309 (London, 1973), 478, noting the prominence of Seneca in Bacon's Opus maius . [BACK]

18. Cf the passages on fortune in the translation of Charles Dahlberg (Princeton, 1971), 87, 102-104, 121-122. [BACK]

19. For his use of the Senecan notion of seeds of virtue and knowledge, see also the passages listed by Maryanne C. Horowitz, "Pierre Charron's View of the Source of Wisdom," Journal of the History of Philosophy , IX (1971), 454 n. 44. Professor Horowitz is working on a general study of the career of Stoicism from antiquity to the later Renaissance. [BACK]

20. Esp. in the Convivio ; cf Inferno, IV, 141, where Cicero appears in the company of "Seneca morale." [BACK]

21. De natura deorum , ed. H. Rackham (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1957), 257-259. For medieval use of the image, cf. R. W. Southern, Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (New York, 1970), 37-41. [BACK]

22. Cf., for example, Marsilius of Padua, Defensor pacis , I, v, 10. [BACK]

23. See, for example, Romance of the Rose , 110, and the Knight's and Monk's tales in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales . [BACK]

24. Cf. Romance of the Rose , 308-312, and the passages collected in Mundy, 265-269. Johan Huizinga, Waning of the Middle Ages , tr. F. Hopman (New York, 1959), 64-67, directs attention to the importance of this motif in medieval literature. [BACK]

25. Chenu, 47-48, 52 nn. 3 and 4, 152. [BACK]

26. Trapp, 150-151, 181, describing Gregory as the "first Augustinian of Augustine" to distinguish him from the more equivocal Augustine of the Middle Ages. [BACK]

27. David Curtis Steinmetz, Misericordia Dei: The Theology of Johannes von Staupitz in Its Late Medieval Setting , Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, IV (Leiden, 1968), 155. [BACK]

28. The point is made by Trinkaus, I, 307. [BACK]

29. De vero falsoque bono , ed. Maristella de Panizza Lorch (Bari, 1970), 18. See the discussion of this discourse in Trinkaus, I, 110-113. [BACK]

30. Quoted in Carlos G. Noreña, Juan Luis Vives (The Hague, 1970), 216. [BACK]

31. Institutes , I, v, 1. For a balanced view of Calvin's Stoicism, which is sometimes exaggerated, see Charles Partee, "Calvin and Determinism," Christian Scholar's Review V (1975-76), 123-128. I will make no distinction in these pages between men of humanist backgrounds such as Zwingli, Melanchthon, and Calvin, who became Protestants, and other humanists. However conventional, such a distinction seems to me to rest on assumptions that cannot be justified in the light of recent scholarship. This is an obvious inference from Kristeller's fundamental contributions to our understanding of humanism, and the fact that we have been so slow to draw it is perhaps chiefly attributable to the overspecialization that artificially separates students of the Renaissance from those of the Reformation. [BACK]

32. Quoted by Horowitz, 453, from De la sagesse ; Charron cites Seneca. [BACK]

33. "Apologie de Raimond Sebond," Essaies , ed. Maurice Rat (Paris, 1958), II, 140-141. I follow here the translation of E. J. Trechman (Oxford, 1935). [BACK]

34. Quoted by Noreña, 201-202. [BACK]

35. See the passage from De fato in Trinkaus, II, 547; for Calvin, Institutes , I, v, 3. [BACK]

36. Calvin's Commentary on Seneca's De clementia , ed. Ford Lewis Battles and André Malan Hugo (Leiden, 1969), 103 n. 39, citing Contre de l'astrologie judiciaire (1549). [BACK]

37. De liberorum educatione , tr. William Harrison Woodward, in Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators (New York, 1970), 140. [BACK]

38. Secretum , 460. My references to this work are to the edition in Francesco Petrarca, Opere , ed. Giovanni Ponte (Milan, 1968), but I have generally followed the translation by William H. Draper (London, 1911). For the confrontation between Stoicism and Augustinianism in Petrarch, see Klaus Heitmann, Fortuna und Virtus: eine Studie zu Petrarcas Lebensweisheit (Cologne, 1958); and for his Augustinianism, Pietro Paolo Gerosa, L'umanesimo agostiniano del Petrarca (Turin, 1927). [BACK]

39. See Trinkaus, II, 544, for a passage from De fato in which Pomponazzi expresses his disagreement with the more Augustinian notion of the will as mistress of the intellect. [BACK]

40. Commentary on Genesis , 1:26. I quote in the translation of John King (Edinburgh, 1847). [BACK]

41. Institutes , I, xv, 7. [BACK]

42. Epistolae familiares , XI, 1 and XXI, 15, in Le famigliari , ed. Vittorio Rossi (Florence, 1937), II, 23, IV, 94; I use the translations in David Thompson, Petrarch: An Anthology (New York, 1971). Cf. Augustinus on soul and body in Secretum , 468, 498. [BACK]

43. Cf. the remarkable passage in Noreña, 202. For Vive's hatred of sex, see also 209-211. [BACK]

44. De constantia libri duo (Antwerp, 1605), 7. [BACK]

45. Institutes , I, iii, 1; I, xiv, 21; I, v, 2; II, vi, 1. Egil Grislis, ''Calvin's Use of Cicero in the Institutes I: 1—A Case Study in Theological Method," Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte , LXII (1971), 5-37, shows how closely Calvin follows De natura deorum . [BACK]

46. Invectiva contra eum qui Maledixit Italiae , in Thompson, 230-231; Secretum , 470; De sui ipsius et multorum ignorantia , tr. Hans Nachod, in The Renaissance Philosophy of Man , ed. Ernst Cassirer et al. (Chicago, 1948), 83-85. [BACK]

47. Op. cit. , 141-142. [BACK]

48. Quoted by Charles Partee, "The Revitalization of the Concept of 'Christian Philosophy' in Renaissance Humanism," Christian Scholar's Review , 3 (1974), 364. [BACK]

49. An Exposition of the Faith , tr. G. W. Bromiley, Zwingli and Bullinger , Library of Christian Classics, XXIV (London, 1953), 275-276. [BACK]

50. Seigel discusses this, 104-106. [BACK]

51. Secretum , 494. [BACK]

52. I libri della famolia , ed. Cecil Grayson, in Opere volgari , I (Bari, 1960), 63; I use the translation of Renée Neu Watkins, The Family in Renaissance Florence (Columbia, S.C., 1969), 75-76. [BACK]

53. De pueris instituendis , in Desiderius Erasmus concerning the Aim and Method of Education , ed. William H. Woodward (New York, 1964), 192-193. [BACK]

54. Comm. Seneca , 280-281. [BACK]

55. Institutes , IV, xiii, 3, 21. [BACK]

56. Quoted by Horowitz, 452-453. [BACK]

57. Secretum , 442; Ep. fam. , XXI, 15, in IV, 95. [BACK]

58. See his argument in De immortalitate animae , tr. William Henry Hay, II, Renaissance Philosophy of Man , 359-377; discussed by Trinkaus, 1, 539-541. [BACK]

59. Comm. Seneca , 112-113. [BACK]

60. De ordine docendi et studendi , in Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre , 177. [BACK]

61. De pueris instituendis , Woodward, 212. [BACK]

62. Della famiglia , 64. [BACK]

63. Quoted by Noreña, 207. [BACK]

64. "De l'yvrongnerie," Essaies , II, 10. [BACK]

65. De liberorum educatione , Woodward, 157. [BACK]

66. De vita solitaria , II, ix, tr. Jacob Zeitlin, The Life of Solitude (Urbana, 1924), 250-251. [BACK]

67. The Book of the Courtier , tr. Charles S. Singleton (New York, 1959), 332. [BACK]

68. Letter to Servatius Roger, 8 July 1514, Opus Epistolarum Erasmi , ed. P. S. and H. M. Allen (Oxford, 1906-1958), I, 567-569. [BACK]

69. De constantia , 15-19. [BACK]

70. The adage Aut fatuum aut regem nasci oportere , in Margaret Mann Phillips, The Adages of Erasmus (Cambridge, 1964), 219; Institutio principis Christiani , tr. Lester K. Born (New York, 1968), 150. [BACK]

71. Noreña, 213. [BACK]

72. Gargantua , I, ch. xiv; cf. Erasmus on the philosopher-king in the adage cited above, Phillips, 217, and Castiglione, Courtier , 307. [BACK]

73. From the dedication of the Institutio principis Christiani , tr. Born, 134. [BACK]

74. From the adage cited above, Phillips, 219. [BACK]

75. See the discussion of Salutati's De nobilitate legum et medicinae in Garin, 36-38. [BACK]

76. "Inns," The Colloquies of Erasmus , tr. Craig R. Thompson (Chicago, 1965), 150. [BACK]

77. Courtier , 82. [BACK]

78. Epistolae variae , XLVIII, tr. Thompson. [BACK]

79. Harry Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age in the Renaissance (Bloomington, 1969), 38. [BACK]

80. From the concluding reflections in the Arte della guerra , in Machiavelli, The Chief Works and Others , tr. Allan Gilbert (Durham, 1965), II, 726. [BACK]

81. Quoted by John W. O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform (Leiden, 1968), 141. [BACK]

82. From the adage Festina lente , in Phillips, 183-184. [BACK]

83. Institutio principis Christiani , 211. [BACK]

84. Quoted by Garin, 37. [BACK]

85. De constantia , 46. [BACK]

86. Secretum , 494. [BACK]

87. Secretum , 514. [BACK]

88. Ep. fam. , XXIV, 3. I use the translation of M. E. Cosenza, Petrarch's Letters to Classical Authors (Chicago, 1910), 1-4. [BACK]

89. For Salutati, cf. Seigel, 70-76; for Montaigne, see for example "De la solitude," Essaies , I, esp. 276. For a typical debate on the subject, cf. Alberti, Della famiglia , 179-185. [BACK]

90. Ep. fam. , XVII, 10, in III, 263; cf. his dismal vision of urban life, with special reference to Avignon, in Secretum , 516-518. [BACK]

91. Comm. Seneca , 348-349, 52-53; Institutes , I, v, 3. [BACK]

92. "De l'exercitation," Essaies , II, 50. "Des cannibales," I, 241. [BACK]

93. Secretum , 472. [BACK]

94. Oration on the Dignity of Man , tr. Elizabeth Livermore Forbes, in Renaissance Philosophy of Man , 231. [BACK]

95. Noreña, 207. [BACK]

96. Quoted by Hans Rupprich, "Willibald Pirckheimer: Beiträge zu einer Wesenserfassung," Schweizer Beiträge zur Allemeinen Geschichte , XV (1957), 85. [BACK]

97. Comm. Seneca , 84-85, 40-41. [BACK]

98. De constantia , 6. [BACK]

99. Secretum , 522, 516. [BACK]

100. De constantia , 2. [BACK]

101. Ep. fam. , XIII, 6, in III, 72; Secretum , 442-444, 476-478, 512. [BACK]

102. Memoirs of a Renaissance Pope: The Commentaries of Pius II , tr. Florence A. Gragg (New York, 1959), 58; De liberorum educatione , 148. [BACK]

103. Cf. Oration , 250. For the esoteric notion of communication based on this view, see Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance (New Haven, 1958), 24-30. [BACK]

104. Enchiridion militis Christiani , tr. Ford Lewis Battles, in Advocates of Reform , ed. Matthew Spinka, Library of Christian Classics, XIV (London, 1953), 349 and cf. 350, 357; adage Aut fatuum aut regem nasci oportere , Phillips, 217; letter to Jodocus Jonas, 10 May 1521, Allen, IV, 487-488. [BACK]

105. Comm. Seneca , 24-25. [BACK]

106. "De la coustume et de ne changer aisément une loy receüe," Essaies , I, 125. [BACK]

107. Metaphysicum introductorium , El ^r , quoted by Augustin Renaudet, Préréforme et l'humanisme à Paris pendant les premiéres guerres d'Italie , rev. ed. (Paris, 1953), 420 n. 2. [BACK]

108. Secretum , 434. [BACK]

109. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 287. [BACK]

110. Peter Fraenkel, Testimonia Patrum: The Function of the Patristic Argument in the Theology of Philip Melanchthon (Geneva, 1961), 94-96. [BACK]

111. Cf. Trinkaus, II, 562, 568, 631. [BACK]

112. James L. Connolly, John Gerson, Reformer and Mystic (Louvain, 1928), 22. [BACK]

113. In his commentary on De civitate Dei , quoted by Noreña, 135. [BACK]

114. Quoted by Salvatore I. Camporeale, Lorenzo Valla, umanesimo e teologia (Florence, 1972), 34. [BACK]

115. From the sermon "Eternal Predestination and its Execution in Time," in Heiko A. Oberman, Forerunners of the Reformation (New York, 1966), 179. [BACK]

116. Trinkaus, I, 104, notes a similar contrast between the cosmological and rational emphasis of scholastic and the anthropological emphasis of humanist thought, a point with some bearing on the historical significance of Stoicism. [BACK]

117. Cf. Loci communes theologici , tr. Lowell J. Satre, in Melanchthon and Bucer , ed. Wilhelm Pauck, Library of Christian Classics, XIX (London, 1969), 23-24. [BACK]

118. Cf Hans Baron, "Franciscan Poverty and Civic Wealth in Humanistic Thought," Speculum , XIII (1938), 21, quoting Bruni's commentary on the Economics of Aristotle. [BACK]

119. De vero bono , 76. [BACK]

120. Secretum , 516. [BACK]

121. Comm. Genesis 3:6. [BACK]

122. Trinkaus, I, 153, 155. [BACK]

123. Institutes , I, iii, 3. [BACK]

124. De ignorantia , 104 and more generally. [BACK]

125. Secretum , 448-450. [BACK]

126. As in Institutes , II, v, 15. [BACK]

127. De ignorantia , 70. [BACK]

128. Loci communes , 23-24. [BACK]

129. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 64. [BACK]

130. Cf. Giorgio Radetti, "La religione di Lorenzo Valla," Medioevo e rinascimento: studi in onore di Bruno Nardi (Florence, 1955), II, 617-618. [BACK]

131. Secretum , 462. [BACK]

132. De vero bono , 91; cf. Trinkaus, I, 115-116, 127, 138. [BACK]

133. Institutes , III, ii, 8; cf. 33, 36. [BACK]

134. Article 13, in Calvin: Theological Treatises , ed. J. K. S. Reid, Library of Christian Classics, XXII (London, 1954), 29. [BACK]

135. Comm. Genesis 4:21. [BACK]

136. Loci communes , 30; cf. Calvin, Institutes , II, vii, 10. [BACK]

137. Loci communes , 29, 28. [BACK]

138. Quoted by Struever, 59; cf. Seigel, 72-73. [BACK]

139. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 317-318. [BACK]

140. Opera , ed. J. Leclerc (Leiden, 1703-1705), IV, 430. [BACK]

141. Comm. Seneca , 360-361; Institutes , III, viii, 9. [BACK]

142. The Necessity of Reforming the Church , in Calvin: Theological Treatises , 198; Institutes , II, ii, 4. [BACK]

143. For Calvin see, among other places, Comm. Genesis 6:3 and Comm. Romans 8:10; for Melanchthon, Loci communes , 31, 37-38. [BACK]

144. Loci communes , 144. [BACK]

145. Secretum , 490; cf. Baron, "Franciscan Poverty," 7. [BACK]

146. Comm. Genesis 1:30. [BACK]

147. Institutes , III, x, 1. [BACK]

148. De regno Christi , in Melanchthon and Bucer , 322. [BACK]

149. Institutes , IV, xii, 27. [BACK]

150. For Calvin, cf. Comm. Genesis , 1:31; for Melanchthon, see Fraenkel, 293. [BACK]

151. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 190-191. [BACK]

152. Comm. Matthew 22:23, in A Harmony of the Gospels Matthew, Mark and Luke , tr. A. W. Morrison (Grand Rapids, 1972), III, 29. [BACK]

153. Cf. Melanchthon's formulation, Loci communes , 27. [BACK]

154. Cf. Trinkaus, I, 55, on Salutati. [BACK]

155. Secretum , 476. [BACK]

156. Institutes , I, v, 4; cf. 12. [BACK]

157. See passages from the Elegantiae , in Camporeale, 7. [BACK]

158. Cf. passage from De otio in Trinkaus, I, 39; cf. Calvin, Institutes , III, ii, 14. [BACK]

159. From De transitu Hellenismi ad Christianismum , quoted by Josef Bohatec, Budé und Calvin: Studien zur Gedankenwelt des französischen Frühhumanismus (Graz, 1950), 70. [BACK]

160. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 36. [BACK]

161. Quoted by Seigel, 74. [BACK]

162. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 162. [BACK]

163. Loci communes , 99, 21. [BACK]

164. Institutes , II, ii, 18; III, ii, 34. [BACK]

165. Seigel, 152. [BACK]

166. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 299. [BACK]

167. Comm. Seneca , 336-337. [BACK]

168. De vero bono , 108. [BACK]

169. Trinkaus, I, 169. [BACK]

170. For Petrarch see the passage from De otio , quoted by Trinkaus in "The Religious Thought of the Italian Humanists and the Reformers: Anticipation or Autonomy?" The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion: Papers from the University of Michigan Conference , ed. Charles Trinkaus and Heiko A. Oberman, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, X (Leiden, 1974), 352; for Erasmus, Erasmus and the Seamless Coat of Jesus , tr. Raymond Himelick Lafayette, Ind., 1971), 58. [BACK]

171. De vero bono , 2. [BACK]

172. Comm. Seneca , 94-95, 32-35. [BACK]

173. Loci communes , 27-28. [BACK]

174. Ibid ., 22. [BACK]

175. Institutes , II, i, 2. [BACK]

176. Trinkaus, I, 45-46, quoting De otio . [BACK]

177. Secretum , 466-468; Ep. fam. XXII, 10, in IV, 127. [BACK]

178. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 318. [BACK]

179. In his letter to the Grand Duchess Christina, in Galileo Galilei, Opere , ed. Antonio Favaro (Florence, 1890-1909), V, 307-348. [BACK]

180. Institutes , II, ii, 13; IV, vi, 10. [BACK]

181. Contre les Anabaptistes , quoted by Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), 47. [BACK]

182. Loci communes , 129. [BACK]

183. Quoted by Donald J. Wilcox, The Development of Florentine Humanist Historiography in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), 88-89. [BACK]

184. Institutes , IV, xx, 8; IV, xx, 15. For Calvin's rejection of universal empire, see also IV, vi, 8. [BACK]

185. From his commentary on Aristotle's Politics , quoted by Quirinus Breen, Christianity and Humanism: Studies in the History of Ideas (Grand Rapids, 1968), 84. [BACK]

186. The point is made in connection with Petrarch, I, 147; cf. Seigel, 75, on Salutati. [BACK]

187. De vero bono , 110. [BACK]

188. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 152. [BACK]

189. Courtier , 7. [BACK]

190. Institutes , IV, xiii, 11; II, ii, 14. [BACK]

191. Loci communes , 146. [BACK]

192. Institutes , IV, iii, 15. [BACK]

193. Quoted in Breen, 83-84. [BACK]

194. Comm. Deuteronomy 1:16, quoted by David Little, Religion, Order, and Law: A Study in Pre-Revolutionary England (New York, 1969), 73. [BACK]

195. Institutes , IV, vii, 15. [BACK]

196. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 196. [BACK]

197. Institutes , IV, iv, 2; IV, xvi, 23. Cf. Comm. Genesis 2:3. [BACK]

198. Cf J. R. Hale, ''War and Public Opinion in Renaissance Italy," Italian Renaissance Studies: A Tribute to the Late Cecilia M. Ady , ed. E. F. Jacob (London, 1960), 94-122. [BACK]

199. For Calvin's Renaissance attitude to checks and balances, cf. Institutes , IV, iv, 12; IV, xi, 6. [BACK]

200. Cf. Trinkaus, I, 161. [BACK]

201. Institutes , III, viii, 1; IV, ix, 1. [BACK]

202. Secretum , 514. [BACK]

203. Quoted by Trinkaus, I, 74-75. [BACK]

204. Of the Education of Youth , in Zwingli and Bullinger , 113. [BACK]

205. Institutes , II, ii, 13; Comm. Romans , Epistle; Comm. Seneca , 250-251. [BACK]

206. This is well brought out by Trinkaus, I, 107-109, 365 n. 21. [BACK]

207. De ignorantia , 101, 87. [BACK]

208. Quoted by Seigel, 105. [BACK]

209. De vero bono , 14-15. [BACK]

210. Paul Oskar Kristeller, The Philosophy of Marsilio Ficino (New York, 1943), 23. [BACK]

211. Quoted by D. P. Walker, The Ancient Theology: Studies in Platonism from the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century (Ithaca, 1972), 46. [BACK]

212. André Hugo discusses these matters in his introduction to Calvin's Comm. Seneca , 57-59. [BACK]

213. Quoted by Luchesius Smits, Saint Augustin dans l'oeuvre de Jean Calvin (Louvain, 1957), I, 42. [BACK]

214. See Charles L. Stinger, "Humanism and Reform in the Early Quattrocento: The Patristic Scholarship of Ambrogio Traversari (1386-1439)," Stanford Doctoral Dissertation (1971), 116. [BACK]

215. Noted by Jean Dagens, Bérulle et les origines de la restauration catholique ( 1575-1611 ) (Paris, 1952), 54. [BACK]

216. Jean-Pierre Massaut, Josse Clichtove, l'humanisme et la réforme du clergé (Liège and Paris, 1968), II, esp. 125-134. [BACK]

217. Kristeller, Ficino , 15, and "Augustine and the Early Renaissance," Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (Rome, 1956), 355-372; O'Malley, 58-61; Trinkaus, II, 465; Walker, passim . [BACK]

218. Loci communes , 19-20, 22-23. [BACK]

219. Ibid ., 22; Fraenkel, 19, 302. [BACK]

220. Comm. Seneca , 24-25. [BACK]

221. Smits, I, 146, 265-270; Comm. John 1:3. [BACK]

222. Institutes , IV, xix, 12. [BACK]

223. Smits, I, 191-194, 145, 252. [BACK]

224. Quoted by Smits, 1, 63; cf. the passage quoted, p. 23 above. [BACK]

225. Augustine is given almost twice as much space as any other writer. [BACK]

226. See Henri-Jean Martin, Livre pouvoirs et société à Paris au XVII ^e siècle ( 1598-1701 ) (Geneva, 1969), I, 113-116, 494; II, 601, 609. [BACK]

227. Dagens, 55 and passim . For Augustine in seventeenth-century France see, more generally, Nigel Abercrombie, Saint Augustine and French Classical Thought (Oxford, 1938). [BACK]

228. The literature on seventeenth-century Augustinianism is massive, but see especially J. Orcibal, Jean Duvergier de Hauranne, abbé de Saint-Cyran, et son temps (Paris, 1947), and Henri de Lubac, Augustinisme et théologie moderne (Paris, 1965). [BACK]

229. Cf. John Bossy, "The Counter-Reformation and the People of Catholic Europe," Past and Present , 47 (May, 1970), 51-70. [BACK]

230. Jason Lewis Saunders, Justus Lipsius: The Philosophy of Renaissance Stoicism (New York, 1955), 67. In general, see also Julien Eymard d'Angers, "Le Stoïcisme en France dans la première moitié du XVII ^e siècle," Études Franciscaines , II (1951), 287-299, 389-410. [BACK]

231. De constantia , 9. [BACK]

232. Noted by Abercrombie, 6; Lipsius described Augustine as "nostrorum scriptorum apex" ( Manductio ad Stoicam philosophiam , I, iv). [BACK]

233. The point is made by Hugo, introduction to Calvin's Comm. Seneca , 36-40. [BACK]

234. On this point, in addition to Léontine Zanta, La Renaissance du Stoïcisme au XVI ^e siècle (Paris, 1914), see Anthony Levi, French Moralists: The Theory of the Passions, 1585 to 1649 (Oxford, 1964). [BACK]

1. Interest in these matters is reflected in The Late Italian Renaissance , ed. Eric Cochrane (London 1970). [BACK]

2. Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny , rev. ed. (Princeton, 1966); Vittore Branca, "Ermolao Barbaro e l'umanesimo veneziano," in Umanesimo europeo e umanesimo veneziano (Venice, 1963), 193; Lewis W. Spitz, The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), 5-7. [BACK]

3. We owe this perception above all to Paul Oskar Kristeller, especially in The Classics and Renaissance Thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), repr. in Renaissance Thought: The Classic, Scholastic, and Humanist Strains (New York, 1961). The ideological implications of rhetoric emerge more fully in Hanna H. Gray, "Renaissance Humanism: The Pursuit of Eloquence," Journal of the History of Ideas 24 (1963), 497-514; Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhetoric and Historical Consciousness (Princeton, 1970); and, more ambiguously, Jerrold E. Seigel, Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism: Ciceronian Elements in Early Quattrocento Thought and Their Historical Setting (Princeton, 1968). The work of Baron (n. 2 above) has been of particular importance for exploring the political and social implications of rhetorical humanism. [BACK]

4. Much on this point may be gleaned from Richard McKeon, "Rhetoric in the Middle Ages", Speculum 17 (1942), 1-32; but now see also James J. Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History of Rhetorical Theory from Saint Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley, 1974). Also cf. Seigel, 173-213. [BACK]

5. Cf. Donald R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship: Language, Law, and History in the French Renaissance (New York, 1970), 28. On other occasions Valla translated logos as sermo ; see Salvatore I. Camporeale, Lorenzo Valla, Umanesimo e teologia (Florence, 1972), 297. Erasmus followed Valla on this point, whose deep significance is discussed in J. C. Margolin, Recherches érasmiennes (Geneva, 1969), 35, and James K. McConica, "Erasmus and the Grammar of Consent," Scrinium erasmianum 2 (1969), 90. [BACK]

6. Cf. Camporeale, 345. [BACK]

7. Kelley, 19-50, is particularly illuminating on this aspect of Valla's historicism. [BACK]

8. A significant exception is the appeal in Leon Battista Alberti's I libri della famiglia , ed. Cecil Grayson, in Opere volgari 1 (Bari, 1960), 132, to Protagoras on man as the measure of all things; here at any rate there appears to be some faint recognition of the sophistic origins of the rhetorical tradition. [BACK]

9. Quoted by Struever (n. 4 above), 105. [BACK]

10. Cf. Kristeller, Renaissance Thought (n. 3 above), esp. 10, 22-23. [BACK]

11. Alberti, Della famiglia 45; in quoting this work I use the translation of Renée Neu Watkins, The Family in Renaissance Florence (Columbia, S. C., 1969). [BACK]

12. Francesco Petrarch, De sui ipsius et multorum ignorantia , tr. Hans Nachod, in The Renaissance Philosophy of Man , ed. Ernst Cassirer, Paul Oskar Kristeller, and John Herman Randall, Jr. (Chicago, 1948), 96. [BACK]

13. Baldassare Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier , tr. Charles S. Singleton (New York, 1959), 54; cf. 57. [BACK]

14. Cf. Alberti, Della famiglia 84 (n. 11 above), explicitly relying on Cicero: "Nothing in the world is so flexible and malleable as the spoken word. It yields and inclines in any direction you choose to move it." [BACK]

15. Camporeale (n. 5 above), 150-151. [BACK]

16. Struever is illuminating on this point (n. 3 above), 67-68 and passim. [BACK]

17. Quoted by Michael Seidlmayer, Currents of Medieval Thought , tr. D. Barker (Oxford, 1960), 157. Cf. Petrarch's application of this impulse to his conception of God's solicitude: "He watches over me personally and is solicitous for my welfare. . . . He cares for each individual as if he were forgetful of mankind en masse " ( Epistolae familiares 12.10, tr. Morris Bishop, Letters from Petrarch [Bloomington, 1966], 191). For similar sentiments in Valla see the passages quoted by Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought (Chicago, 1970), 1.141 and 143. [BACK]

18. De secreto conflictu curarum mearum libri III , ed. E. Carrara, in Francesco Petrarch, Prose (Milan, 1955), 132. [BACK]

19. Quoted by Struever (n. 3 above), 59. [BACK]

20. Alberti, Della famiglia , 168 (n. 11 above). [BACK]

21. Lorenzo Valla, De vero falsoque bono , ed. Maristella de Panizza Lorch (Bari, 1970), 114. [BACK]

22. Struever (n. 3 above), 60. [BACK]

23. Quoted by Trinkaus (n. 17 above), 1.67. [BACK]

24. Hans Baron, "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance," John Rylands Library Bulletin 22 (1938), 18. [BACK]

25. Alberti, Della famiglia 25, 72 (n. 11 above). [BACK]

26. Cf. Klaus Heitmann, Fortuna und Virtus: Eine Studie zu Petrarcas Lebensweisheit (Cologne, 1958). [BACK]

27. Quoted by Carlos G. Noreña, Juan Luis Vives (The Hague, 1970), 182. [BACK]

28. Cf. Hanna H. Gray, "Valla's Encomium of St. Thomas and the Humanist Conception of Christian Antiquity," in Essays in History and Literature Presented to Stanley Pargellis , ed. Heinz Bluhm (Chicago, 1965), 37-51. [BACK]

29. This exchange is quoted by Eugene F. Rice, Jr., "Erasmus and the Religious Tradition," in Renaissance Essays from the Journal of the History of Ideas , ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller and Philip P. Wiener (New York, 1968), 180. Cf. his letter to Amerbach, 31 August 1518, in Opus epistolarum Erasmi , ed. P. S. and H. M. Allen (Oxford, 1906-58), 3.385, where he describes eloquence as the handmaiden of wisdom. [BACK]

30. Quoted by Noreña (n. 27 above), 278. This is also, of course, Pico's point in his famous letter to Ermolao Barbaro, tr. by Quirinus Breen, in "Giovanni Pico della Mirandola on the Conflict of Philosophy and Rhetoric," Journal of the History of Ideas 13 (1952), 384-412. [BACK]

31. Castiglione (n. 13 above), 70-71, 32, 140. Cf. Struever (n. 3 above), 190, on the transition from "civic-mindedness" to "urbanity." [BACK]

32. Quoted by Paul Oskar Kristeller, The Philosophy of Marsilio Ficino (New York, 1943), 69. For a similar shift in the meaning of decorum for painting and literature, cf. Peter Burke, Culture and Society in Renaissance Italy, 1420-1540 (London, 1972), 280. [BACK]

33. Quoted by J. Huizinga, Erasmus and the Age of the Reformation , tr. F. Hopkin (New York, 1953), 105. For this dimension of the Ciceronian controversy, see also George Williamson, The Senecan Amble: A Study in Prose Form from Bacon to Collier (Chicago, 1951), 11-31. In the light of this revised attitude to rhetoric, Erasmus's mistaken view of Valla as essentially a grammarian assumes special significance; cf. Camporeale (n. 5 above), 5-6. [BACK]

34. Cf. the documentation in Seigel (n. 3 above), 258. [BACK]

35. Letter to Barbaro in Breen (n. 30 above), 395-396. [BACK]

36. Ibid ., 397. [BACK]

37. Cf Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance (New Haven, 1958), 13-38. [BACK]

38. Quoted by Burke (n. 32 above), 158. [BACK]

39. Cf. Erasmus, Enchridion militis Christiani , tr. Ford Lewis Battles, in Advocates of Reform , ed. Matthew Spinka, Library of Christian Classics, 14 (London, 1953), 303, 305, 334, 335. But Erasmus may have withdrawn somewhat from this position in his later years; see, for example, his late work De sarcienda ecclesia concordia , in Opera omnia , ed. Jean Leclerc (Leiden, 1703-1706), 5.470-471. [BACK]

40. Quoted by Wind (n. 37 above), 39. [BACK]

41. John W. O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform (Leiden, 1968),40. [BACK]

42. Thomas Browne, Religio medici (London, 1906), 39. [BACK]

43. Cf. Ficino's preoccupation with unity, displayed by Kristeller (n. 32 above), esp. the quotations on 68, 88, 92, 105-106. [BACK]

44. Trinkaus (n. 17 above), 1.104, notes a similar contrast between the cosmological foundations of scholastic and the anthropological foundations of humanist thought. I am suggesting here that a comparable distinction can be made between later and earlier humanism. [BACK]

45. John Colet, Enarratio in primam epistolam S. Pauli ad Corinthios , tr. J. H. Lupton (London, 1874), 57-58. [BACK]

46. Erasmus, Opera (n. 39 above), 5.484-485; I quote in the translation of Raymond Himelick, Erasmus and the Seamless Coat of Jesus (Lafayette, Ind., 1971), 57. [BACK]

47. Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Oration on the Dignity of Man , tr. Elizabeth Livermore Forbes, in Renaissance Philosophy of Man (n. 12 above), 249. [BACK]

48. Cf. Kristeller (n. 32 above), 84. [BACK]

49. See Mario Fois, Il pensiero cristiano di Lorenzo Valla nel quadro storico culturale del suo ambiente (Rome, 1969), 492. [BACK]

50. For Ficino (and Colet), see Leland Miles, John Colet and the Platonic Tradition (London, 1961), 20-21; for Giles, see O'Malley (n. 41 above), 58; and for Lefèvre, Eugene F. Rice, Jr., "The Humanist Idea of Christian Antiquity: Lefèvre d'Étaples and His Circle," Studies in the Renaissance 9 (1962), 128. [BACK]

51. Cf. Erasmus, Institutio principis Christiani , tr. Lester K. Born (New York, 1968), 158, though he hinted at reservations about Dionysius in his letter to Jodocus Jonas, 21 May 1521, Allen (n. 29 above), 4.491-492. [BACK]

52. As noted by Ernst Cassirer, "Giovanni Pico della Mirandola," Journal of the History of Ideas 3 (1942), 123-145, 319-347; for the elements in Ficino and Pico characteristic of the earlier Renaissance, cf. Paul Oskar Kristeller, "Ficino and Pomponazzi on the Place of Man in the Universe," Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (1944), 286, and "The European Significance of Florentine Platonism,'' Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4 (1968), 214. [BACK]

53. Quoted by Noreña (n. 27 above), 201. [BACK]

54. Castiglione (n. 13 above), 313. [BACK]

55. Erasmus, Enchiridion (n. 39 above), 319. [BACK]

56. Castiglione, 336. [BACK]

57. Erasmus, Enchiridion , 314-315. [BACK]

58. The Colloquies of Erasmus , tr. Craig R. Thompson (Chicago, 1965), 98. [BACK]

59. Huizinga (n. 33 above), 105. [BACK]

60. Quoted by Noreñia (n. 27 above), 269. [BACK]

61. Quoted by Miles (n. 50 above), 72-73; cf. Kristeller (n. 32 above), 328. [BACK]

62. Erasmus (n. 58 above), 96. [BACK]

63. Erasmus (n. 51 above), 176; italics added. [BACK]

64. Quoted by Noreña (n. 27 above), 127; for the hatred of sex accompanying this attitude, see 209-211. [BACK]

65. Kristeller (n. 32 above), 195-196. [BACK]

66. François Rabelais, Gargantua et Pantagruel , 2.8, tr. Jacques Le Clercq (New York, 1944), 191. [BACK]

67. Kristeller, "European Significance" (n. 52 above), 215-216. [BACK]

68. Pico della Mirandola (n. 47 above), 238. [BACK]

69. Quoted by O'Malley (n. 41 above), 144-147. [BACK]

70. Castiglione (n. 13 above), 309-310. [BACK]

71. On this interest more generally in the later Middle Ages and Renaissance, see Heiko A. Oberman, "The Shape of Late Medieval Thought: The Birthpangs of the Modern Era," in The Pursuit of Holiness , ed. Charles Trinkaus and Heiko A. Oberman (Leiden, 1974), 15-19; and, in the same volume, more specifically on the circle of Erasmus, James K. McConica, "Erasmus and the 'Julius': A Humanist Reflects on the Church," 444-467. [BACK]

72. Letter to Louis Ber, 30 March 1529, Allen (n. 29 above), 8.120. On this point cf. Henri de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale: Les quatre sens de l'Écriture (Paris, 1959-1964), 4.432. [BACK]

73. Pico della Mirandola (n. 47 above), 237-238. [BACK]

74. Cf. Kristeller (n. 32 above), 322-323; The Prefatory Epistles of Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples and Related Texts , ed. Eugene F. Rice, Jr. (New York, 1972), xix; Noreña (n. 27 above), 231-232. [BACK]

75. Cf. Paul Oskar Kristeller, Le Thomisme et la pensée italienne de la renaissance (Montreal, 1967). Cf. John W. O'Malley, "Some Renaissance Panegyrics of Aquinas," Renaissance Quarterly 27 (1974), 174-192. [BACK]

76. Letter to Jodocus Jonas, 13 June 1521, Allen (n. 29 above), 4.520. [BACK]

77. Cf. Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, "Some Conjectures about the Impact of Printing on Western Society and Thought: A Preliminary Report," Journal of Modern History 40 (1968), 1-56. [BACK]

78. Petrarch (n. 18 above), 72-74; Struever (n. 3 above), 55, 155-167. [BACK]

79. Leopold David Ettlinger, The Sistine Chapel before Michelangelo: Religious Imagery and Papal Primacy (Oxford, 1965), is suggestive on this point. [BACK]

80. I have analyzed this tension, as a perennial element in Renaissance thought, in "The Two Faces of Humanism: Stoicism and Augustinianism in Humanist Thought," in Itinerarium Italicum: The Profile of the Italian Renaissance and its European Transformations , ed. Heiko A. Oberman and Thomas A. Brady, Jr. (Leiden, 1975), 3-60; ch. 1 above. [BACK]

81. This point is developed in my paper "Renaissance and Reformation: An Essay in their Affinities and Connections," in Luther and the Dawn of the Modern Era: Papers for the Fourth International Congress for Luther Research , ed. H. A. Oberman (Leiden, 1974), 127-149; ch. 9 below. [BACK]

1. The best general introduction to the bibliography of the Venetian interdict is Carlo de Magistris, Carlo Emanuele I e la contesa fra la Repubblica Veneta e Paolo V ( 1605-1607 ) (Venezia, 1906), introduction, pp. xxv-lii. [BACK]

2. Enrico Cornet, Paolo V e la Repubblica Veneta. Giornale dal 22. ottobre 1605-9. giugno 1607 (Vienna, 1859), pp. 1-2; and Paolo V e la Repubblica Veneta , "Archivio Veneto," ser. 1, V (1873), 41-44. [BACK]

3. Thus, in his Risposta alla difesa delle otto propositioni di Giovan Marsilio Napolitano (Rome, 1606), p. 142, Bellarmine dismissed his opponent as one whom Aristotle would have excluded from his school for inability to learn logic. [BACK]

4. Cf., for example, Difesa delle censure pubblicate da N. S. Paolo Papa V nella cause de'Signori Venetiani fatta da alcuni theologi della religione de'Servi in risposta alle considerationi di F. Paolo da Venetia (Perugia, 1607), passim. [BACK]

5. Risposta ad un libretto intitolato Trattato, e risolutione sopra la validità delle Scommuniche, di Gio. Gersone Theologo, e Cancellier Parisino (Rome, 1606). I cite from the text in Raccolta degli scritti usciti fuori in istampa e scritti a mano, nella causa del P. Paolo V co'signori venetiani (Coira, 1607), p. 3 10. This collection will be cited hereafter as Raccolta . [BACK]

6. See his Apologia per le opposizioni fatte dall'illustrissimo e reverendissimo signor cardinale Bellarminio alli tratti e risoluzioni di Giovanni Gersone sopra la validità delle scommuniche , in Istoria dell'interdetto e altri scritti editi ed inediti , ed. Giovanni Gambarin (Bari, 1940), III, 50, where he speaks ironically of Bellarmine's "apparatus of six liberties." This collection will be cited hereafter as Scritti . [BACK]

7. This typical phrase appears in Considerazioni sopra le censure della santitá di papa Paulo V contra la serenissima Republica di Venezia , in Scritti , II, 221, in connection with varieties of secular jurisdiction over the clergy. [BACK]

8. Scrittura sopra la forza e validità della scommunica giusta ed ingiusta , in Scritti , II, 39. [BACK]

9. Cf. his ridicule of Bellarmine's "airy" speculations in the Apologia , in Scritti , III, 178-179. [BACK]

10. Consiglio in difesa di due ordinazioni della serenissima Republica , in Scritti , II, 6. [BACK]

11. Difesa a favore della risposta dell'otto propositioni contro la quale ha scritto l'illustrissimo et reverendissimo sig. cardinal Bellarmino (Venice, 1606), in Raccolta , p. 203. [BACK]

12. Apologia , in Scritti , III, 87. In a number of passages in this work Sarpi insists on interpreting Scripture only in context; cf. pp. 100, 106-107, 132, 133. [BACK]

13. Ibid., pp. 129-130. See also p. 132, where he objects to carrying to excessive lengths the figure of Christians as sheep. [BACK]

14. Delle controversie tra il sommo pontefice Paulo Quinto, et la serenissima Republica di Venetia parere (Venice, 1606), p. 94. [BACK]

15. Discorso, sopra i fondamenti e le ragioni delli ss. Veneziani, per le quali pensano di essere scusati della disubbidienza, che fanno alle censure e interdetto della santità di nostro signor Papa Paolo (Bologna, 1606), in Raccolta , p. 191. [BACK]

16. Written under the pseudonym Teodoro Eugenio di Famagosta, Risposta all'aviso mandato fuori dal sig. Antonio Quirino senatore veneto, circa le ragioni che hanno mosso la Santità di Paolo V pontefice a publicare l'interdetto sopra tutto il dominio venetiano (Bologna, 1607), p. 39. [BACK]

17. Difesa de'Servi , p. 42. [BACK]

18. Della maiestà pontificia (Siena, 1607), p. 31. [BACK]

19. Lettera al R. P. M. Paolo Rocca nella quale si discorre . . . sopra a due lettere del Doge e Senato di Vinetia (Milan, 1606), pp. B2v-B3. [BACK]

20. Under the pseudonym Matteo Torti, Avviso alli sudditi del Dominio Veneto (Rome, 1607), in Raccolta , p. 123. [BACK]

21. Considerazioni sulle censure , in Scritti , II, 251. [BACK]

22. Ibid., p. 212. [BACK]

23. Scrittura sopra l'esenzione delle persone ecclesiastiche dal foro secolare , in Scritti , II, 131. [BACK]

24. Difesa di due ordinazioni , in Scritti , II, 12. [BACK]

25. Forza e validità della scommunica , in Scritti , II, 40. [BACK]

26. Sarpi, Istoria dell'Interdetto , in Scritti , I, 115. [BACK]

27. Ibid., p. 24. [BACK]

28. Cf. Lelio Baglione, Apologia contro le considerazioni di F. Paolo (Perugia, 1606), pp. 48-49; Difesa de'Servi , pp. 37, 120; Medici, Discorso , p. 200. [BACK]

29. Cf. Difesa de'Servi , p. 186; Bovio, Risposta , p. 73; Baglioni, Apologia , pp. 52, 55; Bellarmine, Risposta ai sette , p. 63. [BACK]

30. Forza e validità della scommunica , in Scritti , II, 38-39; Scrittura sulla alienazione di beni laici alli ecclesiastici sotto pretesto di prelazione o altro , in Scritti , II, 105. [BACK]

31. Consiglio sul giudicar le colpe di persone ecclesiastiche , in Scritti , II, 52-53. [BACK]

32. Sulla alienazione di beni laici , in Scritti , II, 105. [BACK]

33. Delle controversie , p. 125. [BACK]

34. Under the pseudonym Giovanni Filoteo di Asti, Nuova risposta alla lettera di un theologo incognito (Florence, 1606), p. 18. [BACK]

35. Risposta a un libretto intitolato Risposta di un Dottore di Theologia (Rome, 1606), in Raccolta , pp. 152 ff.; Risposta alle oppositioni di Fra Paulo Servita (Rome, 1606), pp. 100-102. [BACK]

36. Difesa de'Servi , pp. 20-22. [BACK]

37. Aviso delle ragioni della serenissima Republica di Venetia, intorno alle difficoltà che le sono promosse della Santità di Papa Paolo (Venice, 1606), in Raccolta , p. 26. [BACK]

38. Considerazioni sopra le censure , in Scritti , II, 222. For his full argument, see Sopra l'esenzione delle persone ecclesiastiche , in Scritti , II, 130-138. [BACK]

39. Sarpi evidently saw the performance of civic duties as good works in a religious sense; cf. Forza e validità della scommunica , in Scritti , II, 21. [BACK]

40. Aviso , p. 26. [BACK]

41. Sul giudicar le colpe di persone ecclesiastiche , in Scritti , II, 50. [BACK]

42. Delle controversie , pp. 44-45. [BACK]

43. Istoria dell'interdetto , in Scritti , I, 4, where he makes the terms synonymous. [BACK]

44. Scrittura in materia della libertà ecclesiastica , in Scritti , II, 139. [BACK]

45. Aviso , p. 28. [BACK]

46. Fulgenzio Tomaselli, Le mentite Filoteane, overo Invettiva di Giovanni Filoteo d'Asti contra la Republica Serenissima di Venetia, confutata , in Raccolta , p. 397. [BACK]

47. In materia della libertà ecclesiastica , II. 139; cf. his Apologia , in Scritti , III, 69-70, and Capello, Delle controversie , p. 120. [BACK]

48. Apologia , in Scritti , III, 171. [BACK]

49. Forza e validità della scommunica , in Scritti , II, 21. [BACK]

50. Considerazioni sulle censure , in Scrittie , II, 214-215. [BACK]

1. As in Carl J. Friedrich, The Age of the Baroque, 1610-1660 (New York, 1952), p. 35: "It was undoubtedly a part of this bourgeois spirit of the newer political thought, secularized and urban in its orientation, that it tended to eliminate the church from any role in the political sphere." See also Alfred von Martin, Soziologie der Renaissance (Stuttgart, 1932), p. 28, for a standard juxtaposition of "säkularisiert" and "bürgerlich." [BACK]

2. Cf. H. R. Trevor-Roper, "The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century," in Crisis in Europe, 1560-1660 , ed. Trevor Aston (London, 1965), pp. 59-95. Trevor-Roper is emphatic on the difference between the first and second halves of the century, pp. 62-63. G. N. Clark made somewhat the same point in the introduction to the second edition of The Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1947), in which he spoke of the middle of the century as "one of the great watersheds of modern history" although this perception did not result in any major change from the first edition (1929), in which Clark had been content to designate the century as a period of "transition": a word that should now be treated with some suspicion. [BACK]

3. For the curiously inconclusive quality of works even on major aspects of the century, see also Leonard N. Marsak, "The Idea of Reason in Seventeenth-Century France," Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 11 (1969), 407, on "the uncertainty still attached" to "the great age in France." [BACK]

4. Thus in English the verb "to secularize" was first used in 1611 in the narrow sense of conversion from ecclesiastical possession or use; its meaning was enlarged, and became more ambiguous, in the eighteenth century, when it began also to signify both dissociation or separation from religion or spiritual concerns and a turn toward worldliness (Oxford English Dictionary , s.v. "secularize"). [BACK]

5. For a fuller account of what follows, see my Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty (Berkeley, 1968), esp. pp. 339-482. [BACK]

6. Thomas Browne, Religio Medici (London, 1906), p. 39. Browne's emphasis on division and distinction is both paradoxical and poignant, since it appears as part of a thoroughly traditional celebration of man as microcosm. Cf. S. L. Bethell, The Cultural Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (London, 1951), which attempts to relate T. S. Eliot's celebrated notion of a "dissociation of sensibility" to seventeenth-century Anglican theological discussion. [BACK]

7. A few examples of this emphasis must suffice. Some writers have insisted on the piety of the century as a whole, without distinction of time or place. Thus, in E. Préclin and E. Jarry, Les luttes politiques et doctrinales aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles , Histoire de l'église, 19 (Paris, 1955), 1:286, the period saw the "sanctification du travail manual" and of "la vie profane." Rosalie Colie, Light and Enlightenment: A Study of the Cambridge Platonists and the Dutch Arminians (Cambridge, 1957), p. 1, calls theology "the blood of the seventeenth-century body politic"; cf. Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), esp. p. 259. Other historians have emphasized the power of religion during particular decades or in particular parts of Europe. Thus Carl Bridenbaugh, Vexed and Troubled Englishmen (New York, 1968), p. 276: "one cannot gainsay the fact that many of the people of the generations that lived between 1590 and 1640 had undergone a spiritual quickening that made most of them less materialistic and more devout than their predecessors of the previous century." Among French historians Etienne Thuau, Raison d'état et pensée politique à l'époque de Richelieu (Paris, 1967), p. 13, appears to agree that the seventeenth is the "grand siècle chrétien de notre histoire," and P. Barrière, La vie intellectuelle en France du XVIe siècle à l'époque contemporaine (Paris, 1961), pp. 176-177, stresses the religious preoccupations of French literature throughout the seventeenth century. In his brilliant Zaharoff lecture Sur le problème religieux dans la première moitié du XVIIe siècle , Antoine Adam organizes French thought in terms of contrasting religious orientations; and even Paul Hazard's Crise de la conscience européenne , 3 vols. (Paris, 1935), 2:415, notes a resurgence of religious sentiment at the end of the century in France. [BACK]

8. For Sarpi, see my Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty , esp. pp. 528-555. For Galileo, see Giorgio de Sanatillana, The Crime of Galileo (Chicago, 1955), pp. 103, 130; Ludovico Geymonat, Galileo Galilei (Milan, 1957); and Giorgio Spini, "The Rationale of Galileo's Religiousness," in Galileo Reappraised , ed. Carlo L. Golino (Berkeley, 1968), pp. 44-66. For Descartes, see the considerable literature cited by Leonard Krieger, The Politics of Discretion (Chicago, 1965), p. 266, and the passages cited by Krieger, p. 217. For Locke, see John W. Yolton, John Locke and the Way of Ideas (Oxford, 1956), pp. 116-117; the introduction by Philip Abrams to Two Tracts on Government (Cambridge, 1967); and above all John Dunn, The Political Thought of John Locke (Cambridge, 1969). For Bayle, see the magisterial work of Elizabeth Labrousse, Pierre Bayle , 2 vols. (The Hague, 1963-1964), which reflects the views of a revisionist school that also includes Paul Dibon, Walter Rex, and Richard Popkin. For Newton, see Frank Manuel, A Portrait of Isaac Newton (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). For Bacon, see Christopher Hill, Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution (Oxford, 1965), pp. 85-130. For Hobbes, see Willis B. Glover, "God and Thomas Hobbes," Church History 29 (1960), 275-297; and F. C. Hood, The Divine Politics of Thomas Hobbes (Oxford, 1964). [BACK]

9. On the secularization of the Parlement of Paris, see, for example, J. H. Shennan, The Parliament of Paris (London, 1968), pp. 33-35, 81-82. The process had been essentially completed well before 1600. [BACK]

10. Ibid., p. 91. [BACK]

11. Wilbur K. Jordan, Philanthropy in England, 1480-1660 (New York, 1959), pp. 114-117. [BACK]

12. For France, see Shennan, The Parlement of Paris , pp. 91-93; for England, Jordan, Philanthropy in England , p. 147; and cf. Leopold Willaert, Après le Concile de Trente: La restauration catholique, 1563-1658 , Histoire de l'église, 18 (Paris, 1960), 1:201. [BACK]

13. Julian Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (New York, 1963); J. G. A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1957), pp. 1-29. [BACK]

14. Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (New York, 1955), esp. p. 216; John B. Wolf, Emergence of the Great Powers, 1685-1715 (New York, 1951), p. 7. [BACK]

15. Lionel N. Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV: The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965), is especially good on this aspect of mercantilism, esp. pp. 7-35. [BACK]

16. For the general view of the seventeenth century as ''retreat" or "reaction," see Hazard, Crise de la conscience , vol. 1, and above all the classic work of Henri Hauser, La modernité du XVIe siècle , new ed. (Paris, 1963). [BACK]

17. On the persistence and intensification of the crusading ideal in the later seventeenth century, see Frederick L. Nussbaum, The Triumph of Science and Reason, 1660-1685 (New York, 1953), pp. 239-241, although, as its title suggests, this work sees the seventeenth century quite differently from my own interpretation. [BACK]

18. On the secularism of Richelieu and his circle, see Thuau, Raison d'état et pensée politique , pp. 26-27. [BACK]

19. On the general point, cf. Wolf, Emergence of the Great Powers , pp. 101-102. See also Philippe Sagnac and A. de Saint-Leger, Louis XIV, 1661-1715 , new ed. (Paris, 1949), p. 1. William F. Church, "The Decline of the French Jurists as Political Theorists, 1660-1789," French Historical Studies 5 (1967), 1-40, sees in this development the general explanation for the declining role of lawyers in the formation of French political thought. [BACK]

20. E. H. Kossman, "The Development of Dutch Political Theory in the Seventeenth Century," in Britain and the Netherlands , ed. J. S. Bromley and E. H. Kossman (New York, 1960), pp. 91-110, emphasizes the theoretical intolerance of the Netherlands, although he sees a progression toward a more secular conception of the state under the influence of rationalism. [BACK]

21. Arthur O. Lovejoy, Reflections on Human Nature (Baltimore, 1961), p. 15. [BACK]

22. These tendencies found expression in the Augustinianism emphasized by Jean Orcibal, Jean Duvergier de Hauranne, abbé de Saint-Cyran, et son temps (Paris, 1947), and by Antoine Adam, L'âge classique, 1624-1660 (Paris, 1968), esp. pp. 61ff. It helps to explain the popularity of Charron (see Richard H. Popkin, The History of Scepticism from Erasmus to Descartes [Assen, The Netherlands, 1950], p. 57) and of Gassendi (see Tullio Gregory, Scetticismo ed empirismo, studio su Gassendi [Bari, 1960]) in this period as well as of Montaigne. In general see also René Pintard, Le libertinage érudit dans la première moitié du XVII ^e siècle (Paris, 1943). The decline of Scholasticism in seventeenth-century Cambridge seems related to the same tendencies; see William T. Costello, The Scholastic Curriculum at Early-Seventeenth-Century Cambridge (Cambridge, Mass., 1958). [BACK]

23. This famous passage is from his letter to the Grand Duchess Christina, Opere (Milan and Rome, 1936), I:888. [BACK]

24. In addition to the works cited in n. 22 above, see also Paolo Rossi, Francesco Bacone: dalla magia alla scienza (Bari, 1957), and Robert Lenoble, Mersenne ou la naissance du mécanisme (Paris, 1943). [BACK]

25. Orcibal, Saint-Cyran , pp. 499-500, on Saint-Cyran's attack on Richelieu; Thuau, Raison d'état , pp. 103-152, discusses the religious opposition to "la 'Raison d'Enfer.'" [BACK]

26. Cf. Lucien Goldmann, Le dieu caché (Paris, 1959). [BACK]

27. Cf. Adam, L'âge classique , pp. 73-74. [BACK]

28. Leontine Zanta, Renaissance du stoicisme au XVI ^e siècle (Paris, 1914), pp. 75-98, associates Stoicism with the secularization of morality. Anthony Levi, French Moralists: The Theory of the Passions, 1585-1649 (Oxford, 1965), pp. 2, 11, sees an alliance between Stoicism and skepticism. [BACK]

29. Popkin, History of Scepticism , p. 60, and especially Eugene F. Rice, Jr., The Renaissance Idea of Wisdom (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), p. 203. [BACK]

30. Adam, L'âge classique , pp. 98-99. [BACK]

31. Bouwsma, Venice and Republican Liberty , ch. 10. [BACK]

32. Quoted by Mary A. Scott in the introduction to her edition of Bacon's Essays (New York, 1908). [BACK]

33. This pamphlet is discussed at length by Friedrich Meinecke, Die Idee der Staatsräson in der neueren Geschichte (Munich and Berlin, 1925), ch. 6. [BACK]

34. See Thuau, Raison d'état , esp. pp. 166-409. [BACK]

35. See, in general, Geoffroy Atkinson, Les nouveaux horizons de la Renaissance française (Paris, 1935), and cf. Boccalini's idealization of the Turks, as discussed by Meinecke, Staatsräson , ch. 3. [BACK]

36. The point was made long ago by J. N. Figgis, Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius, 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907), pp. 88-89. [BACK]

37. This suggestive phrase is used by Henri Hauser, La prépondérance espagnole, 1559-1660 , 3d ed. (Paris, 1948), p. 215, and by R. Hooykaas, Humanisme, science et réforme: Pierre de la Ramée, 1515-1572 (Leiden, 1958), p. 18. [BACK]

38. This movement is well discussed, especially for Lutheranism, by John Dillenberger, Protestant Thought and Natural Science: A Historical Study (New York, 1960), esp. pp. 50-74. [BACK]

39. This is a major thesis of Perry Miller, The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century (New York, 1939), esp. pp. 100-108. [BACK]

40. Hazard, Crise de la conscience , vol. 1; Adam, L'âge classique , p. 565, for the attraction of Cartesianism for some Jansenists. [BACK]

41. De potestate pontificis temporali , bk. I, ch. 2. [BACK]

42. De clericis , chs. 18, 29. [BACK]

43. On the general importance of this distinction in the earlier seventeenth century, see Meinecke, Staatsräson , ch. 5. [BACK]

44. Cf. Thuau, Raison d'état , p. 333, on the decline of Machiavellianism, and the suggestive remarks of A. J. Krailsheimer, Studies in Self-Interest from Descartes to La Bruyère (Oxford, 1962), p. 7, on the shift in attitudes after the Fronde. [BACK]

45. Krieger, Politics of Discretion , p. 66; Wolf, Emergence of the Great Powers , pp. 306-307. [BACK]

46. Church, "French Jurists," pp. 13ff. [BACK]

47. Quoted by Thuau, Raison d'état , p. 369. [BACK]

48. Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV , p. 9. [BACK]

49. See B. H. G. Wormald, Clarendon: Politics, Historiography, and Religion, 1640-1660 (Cambridge, 1964), pp. 179ff. Bossuet is an even more obvious example in a later generation; cf. Adalbert Klempt, Die Säkularisierung der universalhistorischen Auffassung zum Wandel des Geschichtsdenkens im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1960), p. 11, and Karl Löwith, Meaning in History (Chicago, 1949), pp. 137-144. [BACK]

50. Barrière, Vie intellectuelle en France , pp. 208-209. [BACK]

51. Otto von Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500-1800 , tr. Ernest Barker (Cambridge, 1934), p. 40, emphasizes this point. [BACK]

52. Cf. Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy: Ockham to Suarez (London, 1953), p. 149. [BACK]

53. Cf. Krieger, Politics of Discretion , pp. 663, 78-79, 222. [BACK]

54. Cf. Krailsheimer, Studies in Self-Interest , p. 215. [BACK]

55. Hazard, Crise de la conscience , vol. 2, with particular attention to Saint-Evremond, Halifax, Temple, and Shaftesbury. [BACK]

56. Cf. M. M. Goldsmith, Hobbes's Science of Politics (New York, 1967), introduction, p. xv; Hood, Divine Politics of Hobbes , p. 19, makes him out a kind of schoolman because of the deductive tendencies of his rationalism. [BACK]

57. For Hobbes, cf. Hood, Divine Politics of Hobbes , pp. 2-3; F. S. McNeilly, The Anatomy of Leviathan (London, 1968), p. 31, which notes the failure of Hobbes even to acknowledge the question, so important to Descartes, whether there are objects corresponding to the images registered by the senses; and Samuel I. Mintz, The Hunting of Leviathan: Seventeenth-Century Reactions to the Materialism and Moral Philosophy of Thomas Hobbes (New York, 1926), pp. 26-27, contrasting Hobbes with Hooker. For Locke, cf. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas , esp. pp. 1-25, and Richard Ashcraft, "Faith and Knowledge in Locke's Philosophy," in John Locke: Problems and Perspectives , ed. John W. Yolton (Cambridge, 1969), pp. 194-223. [BACK]

58. Cf. Goldsmith, Hobbes's Science of Politics , p. 125. [BACK]

59. For the attack on Hobbes, see Mintz, Hunting of Leviathan , esp. pp. 39-62, 134ff.; Thuau, Raison d'état , pp. 96-97, compares the "scandal provoked by Leviathan " with the detestation of Machiavelli; on Locke as dangerous, see Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas , pp. 1-25; for Bayle, see Labrousse, Bayle , 1:259-265.

This article owes much to the critical reading of my colleagues Gerard E. Caspary, Thomas G. Barnes, and John T. Noonan, Jr.; the latter two are themselves lawyers as well as historians. [BACK]

1. Frederic C. Lane, Venice and History (Baltimore, 1966), 427-28. [BACK]

2. See George Rudé, Hanoverian London, 1714-1808 (Berkeley, 1971), 37. Rudé finds the occupational surveys of England by Gregory King (1696) and Patrick Colquhoun (1805) less instructive than Defoe's classification of Englishmen according to wealth (1709); but as a result lawyers, as a distinct group, largely disappear from Rudé's picture of London society. [BACK]

3. Christopher Hill, Puritanism and Revolution: The English Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (New York, 1964), 28. See also the stimulating remarks of Barbara J. Shapiro, "Law and Science in Seventeenth-Century England," Stanford Law Review , 21 (1969): 728. [BACK]

4. Myron P. Gilmore, Humanists and Jurists: Six Studies in the Renaissance (Cambridge, Mass., 1963); Lauro Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft in Renaissance Florence (Princeton, 1968); Julian Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (New York, 1963); Donald R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship: Language, Law, and History in the French Renaissance (New York, 1970); George Huppert, The Idea of Perfect History: Historical Erudition and Historical Philosophy in Renaissance France (Urbana, 1970); Samuel Thorne, "Tudor Social Transformation and Legal Change," New York University Law Review , 26 (1951): 10-23, and his Sir Edward Coke, 1552-1952 (London, 1952); J. G .A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1957); David Little, Religion, Order, and Law: A Study in Pre-Revolutionary England (New York, 1969). These examples are limited to the area of my own concern, but it is encouraging to note that an interest in lawyers is also developing elsewhere, notably among American historians. [BACK]

5. See the admirable survey of early Western legal theory in Julius Stone, Human Law and Human Justice (Stanford, 1965), 9-31. [BACK]

6. See Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , 289, passim . [BACK]

7. See Little's general treatment of Coke in Religion, Order, and Law , 167-217; see also Shapiro, "Law and Science" 727. [BACK]

8. Some indication of the importance of notaries in Italy may be gleaned from Il notariato nella civiltà italiana: biografie notarili dall' VIII al XX secolo (Milan, 1961). For the importance of notaries in the Italian communes, see Daniel Waley, The Italian City-Republics (London, 1969), 29. J. K. Hyde, Padua in the Age of Dante: A Social History of an Italian State (Manchester, 1966), 154-75, has much on notaries in Padua. For notaries in Florence, see Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft, passim ; on their functions, see page 37. I have not seen Giorgio Costamagna, Il notaio a Genova tra prestigio e potere (Rome, 1970). It may be noted that in England scriveners also provided some legal services. [BACK]

9. The only systematic study on this point that I have seen is the appendix in Huppert, Idea of Perfect History , 185-93. Huppert finds that, of the writers listed in the Bibliothèque françoise of La Croix du Maine who "made significant contributions to French culture between 1540 and 1584" and about whom information was available, 80 per cent were connected with the law. [BACK]

10. At the same time it may be observed that the uses of the law for social mobility have been somewhat exaggerated. Great legal careers tended to run in families in Italy and France, and in Britain the law was largely a monopoly of the gentry. On this point, for Florence (probably typical of Italy), see Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft , 68. In France, of course, membership in the high magistracy was largely hereditary; see J. H. Shennan, The Parlement of Paris (Ithaca, 1968), 110-12, and see also Marcel Rousselet, Histoire de la magistrature française (Paris, 1957), 1: 259-322. The family of Montaigne was typical; see Donald M. Frame, Montaigne: A Biography (New York, 1965), 7-8. For indications that a similar situation prevailed in Portugal, and probably Spain, see Stuart B. Schwartz, "Magistracy and Society in Colonial Brazil" Hispanic American Historical Review , 50 (1970): 721 . For England, see E. W. Ives, "The Common Lawyers in Pre-Reformation England," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , ser. 5, vol. 18 (1968): 160, and Lawrence Stone, "The Educational Revolution in England, 1560-1640," Past and Present , no. 28 (1964): 58; for Scotland, see John Clive, "The Social Background of the Scottish Renaissance," in N. T. Phillipson and Rosalind Mitchison, eds., Scotland and the Age of Improvement (Edinburgh, 1970), 228. [BACK]

11. Roberto Ridolfi, Vita di Niccolò Machiavelli (rev. ed.; Florence, 1969), 1: 25-35. On the costs of a legal education, see Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft , 70. Although I have reservations about Lucien Goldmann's general thesis in other respects, his interpretation of Pascal and Racine in the context of this group, in Le dieu caché (Paris, 1955), seems to me appropriate. [BACK]

12. Martines reviews Guicciardini's legal career in Lawyers and Statecraft , 110-12; on Montaigne's legal career, see Frame, Montaigne , 46-62. For Vico, see Dario Faucci, "Vico and Grotius: Jurisconsults of Mankind," in Giorgio Tagliacozzo and Hayden V. White, eds., Giambattista Vico: An International Symposium (Baltimore, 1969), 61. William Empson, "Tom Jones," Kenyon Review , 20 (1958): 217-49, discusses Fielding's fiction in the light of his experience with the law; this article was called to my attention by Paul Alpers. [BACK]

13. This is especially well brought out by Jerrold E. Seigel, Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism (Princeton, 1968). See also Denys Hay, The Italian Renaissance in Its Historical Background (Cambridge, 1961), 69-72. [BACK]

14. Salutati's notarial career has received special attention in Peter Herde, "Politik und Rhetorik in Florenz am Vorabend der Renaissance," Archiv für Kulturgeschichte , 47 (1965): 155, and in Ronald G. Witt, "Coluccio Salutati, Chancellor and Citizen of Lucca," Traditio , 25 (1969): 191-216. For Valla, see Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , 19-50. [BACK]

15. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, passim ; Hans Baron, "Secularization of Wisdom and Political Humanism in the Renaissance," Journal of the History of Ideas , 21 (1960): 131-50; René Pintard, Le libertinage érudit dans la première moitié du XVII ^e siècle (Paris, 1943); Shapiro, "Law and Science," 738; Clive, "Social Background of the Scottish Renaissance," 228-31. [BACK]

16. Samuel I. Mintz, "Hobbes's Knowledge of the Law," Journal of the History of Ideas , 31 (1970): 614-15; Edward Gibbon, The Autobiography of Edward Gibbon , ed. Dero A. Saunders (New York, 1961), 102. [BACK]

17. See R. W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven, 1953), 145-46, 151. [BACK]

18. On this situation, see Giuseppe Alberigo, I vescovi italiani al Concilio di Trento (1545-1547) (Florence, 1959), 55. [BACK]

19. See Robert Brentano, Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century (Princeton, 1968), 132-73. [BACK]

20. For a typical expression of this feeling, see the review of the college of cardinals by the Venetian ambassador to Rome, Paolo Tiepolo, in 1576, in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al senato , ser. 2, vol. 4 (Florence, 1939-63), pp. 222-23: "Since there are many lawyers among them, because this profession is more highly valued at the Roman Curia than any other, very few theologians are found there, indeed perhaps none, although theology ought to be the principal profession of priests." [BACK]

21. Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft, passim . [BACK]

22. Franklin L. Ford, Robe and Sword: The Regrouping of the French Aristocracy (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), 35; Shennan, Parlement of Paris , 86-93; Shennan, Government and Society in France, 1461-1661 (London, 1969), 40; William Farr Church, Constitutional Though in Sixteenth-Century France: A Study in the Evolution of Ideas (Cambridge, Mass., 1941); Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, passim . [BACK]

23. Schwartz, "Magistracy and Society in Colonial Brazil," 716. For lawyer-bureaucrats in Spain, see also Richard L. Kagan, "Universities in Castile, 1500-1700," Past and Present , no. 49 (1970): 55-61. Ives, "Common Lawyers in Pre-Reformation England," 153-71. [BACK]

24. Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft , 12; Gaines Post, Studies in Medieval Legal Thought: Public Law and the State, 1100-1322 (Princeton, 1964), ch. 1. [BACK]

25. This much seems clear, whatever the merits of the view of Coke as a precursor of liberalism. On the controversy over this issue, see the bibliographical essay in Little, Religion, Order, and Law , 238-46, and Little's own discussion, ibid ., 167-217. [BACK]

26. Martin Mayer, The Lawyers (New York, 1966), 3, quotes Lord Melbourne: "All the attorneys I have ever seen have the same manner: hard, cold, incredulous, distrustful, sarcastic, sneering. They are said to be conversant with the worst part of human nature, and with the most discreditable transactions. They have so many falsehoods told them, that they place confidence in no one." See also Mayer's discussion of the change of personality even among law students, ibid ., 76-77. [BACK]

27. Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft , 112; Thorne, Coke , 4; Christopher Hill, Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution (Oxford, 1965), 225-26; Catherine Drinker Bowen, Francis Bacon: The Temper of a Man (Boston, 1963), 14-15, 31-32, 50. [BACK]

28. Francis Bacon, "Of Great Place," in his Essays , ed. Mary Augusta Scott (New York, 1908), 45-46. See also Bacon's poem on the misery of life given in John Aubrey, Brief Lives , ed. Oliver Lawson Dick (London, 1950), 10-11. [BACK]

29. Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft , 14, 29-30. [BACK]

30. Traiano Boccalini, Ragguagli di Parnaso e scritti minori , ed. Luigi Firpo (Bari, 1948), 1: 177-80. [BACK]

31. La Bruyère is quoted by Ford, in Robe and Sword , 70-71, n. 44, though Ford observes that La Bruyère occasionally expressed other sentiments; for Hooker's comment see his Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity , in his Works , ed. John Keble (Oxford, 1845), 1: 278. [BACK]

32. See Ford, Robe and Sword , 72-73. [BACK]

33. More, Utopia , ed. Edward Surtz (New Haven, 1964), 114: "Moreover, they absolutely banish from their country all lawyers, who cleverly manipulate cases and cunningly argue legal points." [BACK]

34. D. Martin Luthers Werke . Kritische Gesamtausgabe: Tischreden (Weimar, 1912-21), vol. 2, p. 96, no. 1422. [BACK]

35. Hence the title of the essays collected from Past and Present: Trevor Aston, ed., Crisis in Europe, 1560-1660 (London, 1965). [BACK]

36. For the Italian states, see the remarks of Carlo Curcio, Dal Rinascimento alla Controriforma: contributo alla storia del pensiero italiano da Guicciardini a Botero (Rome, 1934), 61; see also Rudolph von Albertini, Das florentinische Staatsbewusstsein im Übergang von der Republik zum Prinzipat (Bern, 1955); for France, see the remarks of Antoine Adam, Du mysticisme à ]a révolte: les Jansénistes du XVII ^e siècle (Paris, 1968), 37; and Ford, Robe and Sword , 63; for England, see Hill, Intellectual Origins , 227-28; and Thorne, "Tudor Social Transformation." [BACK]

37. Stone, "Educational Revolution in England," 51-79. Thomas G. Barnes generously supplied me with his tabulation for Gray's Inn. [BACK]

38. Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, "Some Conjectures about the Impact of Printing on Western Society and Thought: A Preliminary Report," Journal of Modern History , 40 (1968): 14-15; Wilfrid Prest, "Legal Education of the Gentry at the Inns of Court, 1560-1640," Past and Present , no. 38 (1967): 24. [BACK]

39. This has been noted for England by John R. Hale, England and the Italian Renaissance: The Growth of Interest in Its History and Art (Oxford, 1964), 30; and for Florence by Albertini, Florentinische Staatsbewusstsein , 20-31, among others. For fuller documentation, see my "Venice and the Political Education of Europe," in J. R. Hale, ed., Studies in Renaissance Venice (London, 1973), 445-466. Among those who admired the Venetian legal system was Jean Bodin, otherwise often critical of Venice. [BACK]

40. See, for example, the correspondence of Paolo Sarpi with a group of French lawyers in his Lettere ai Protestanti , ed. Manlio Duilio Busnelli (Bari, 1931), and his Lettere ai Gallicani , ed. Boris Ulianich (Wiesbaden, 1961). The confessional distinctions reflected in these titles are irrelevant to the content of the letters and obscure the point that this was largely an exchange among lawyers. For Sarpi's contact with English legal circles, see Vittorio Gabrielli, "Bacone, la riforma c Roma nella versione hobbesiana d'un carteggio di Fulgenzio Micanzio," English Miscellany , 8 (1957): 195-250. [BACK]

41. Augustine De civitate dei 19. 5. [BACK]

42. See the classic discussion of Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches , tr. Olive Wyon (London, 1931), 1: 150-55. [BACK]

43. Victor Martin, Les origines du Gallicanisme (Paris, 1939), 1: 137-38. [BACK]

44. William J. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter-Reformation (Berkeley, 1968), 526-28. [BACK]

45. Paolo Sarpi to Jacques Leschassier, Sept. 14, 1610, in Lettere ai Gallicani , 93. The same pre-Socratic philosophers were also favorites of Bacon; see his Novum Organum . [BACK]

46. Bacon, Novum Organum , in his Works , ed. James Spedding (New York, 1869), 8: 210. [BACK]

47. See Sarpi's attitude to controversy in connection with Gallicanism, as in his letter to Jerôme Groslot de l'Isle, Mar. 13, 1612, in Lettere ai Protestanti , 1: 220-21. [BACK]

48. Thomas Reed Powell, quoted in Mayer, The Lawyers , 86. [BACK]

49. Directly applied to law in his Ricordi , ser. C, no. 111, in Maxims and Reflections of a Renaissance Statesman , tr. Mario Domandi (New York, 1965), 69: "Common men find the variety of opinions that exists among lawyers quite reprehensible, without realizing that it proceeds not from any defects in the men but from the nature of the subject. General rules cannot possibly comprehend all particular cases. Often, specific cases cannot be decided on the basis of law, but must rather be dealt with by the opinions of men, which are not always in harmony. We see the same thing happen with doctors, philosophers, commercial arbitrators, and in the discourses of those who govern the state, among whom there is no less variety of judgment than among lawyers." [BACK]

50. For Sarpi, see, for example, the first of his official consulti on the validity of the Venetian laws against which the papal interdict of 1606 was directed, in Paolo Sarpi, Istoria dell'Interdetto e altri scritti editi ed inediti , ed. Giovanni Gambarin (Bari, 1940), 2: 6: "It is not appropriate to proceed in these cases by way of conjectures, deductions, or syllogisms, but through explicit laws." For the French jurists, see Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , 258, 279-80. For Bacon, see Shapiro, "Law and Science," 743 n.61. [BACK]

51. Salutati, De nobilitate legum et medicine (1399), discussed by B. L. Ullman in The Humanism of Coluccio Salutati (Padua, 1963), 31-32. [BACK]

52. Rousselet, Histoire de la magistrature française , 2: 247-50; Shapiro, "Law and Science." [BACK]

53. See Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft , 408-36. [BACK]

54. See my Venice and Republican Liberty , 449-52; for France, see Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , 59-60, 288-90, passism ; for England, see Ives, "Common Lawyers in Pre-Reformation England," for a review of this classic position. [BACK]

55. Pasquier, quoted in Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , 289. For similar attitudes elsewhere, see my Venice and Republican Liberty , 451-52, and Hill, Intellectual Origins , 250-51. [BACK]

56. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , 269, 272-73; Hill, Intellectual Origins , 258-59. [BACK]

57. For Italy, see the richly suggestive work of Charles Trinkaus, In His Likeness and Image: Humanity and Divinity in the Thought of the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1970); for Gallicanism, see William J. Bouwsma, "Gallicanism and the Nature of Christendom," ch. 13 below. The Jansenism of the French magistracy has long been recognized, but see Goldman, Dieu caché , and Ford, Robe and Sword , 87-88; for England, see Little, Religion, Order, and Law . [BACK]

58. Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (Berkeley, 1967), 23, remarks of North Africa: "A legal culture, hard-headed and relentless, had proliferated in its new clerical environment. Viewed by an Italian bishop who knew him well and heartily disliked his theology, Augustine was merely the latest example of an all-too-familiar figure, the Poenus orator , 'the African man of law.'" For the Augustinian revival of the seventeenth century, see Henri Marrou, Saint Augustin et l'augustinisme (Paris, 1955), 172-76. [BACK]

59. See the discussion of the positive function of crime in Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict (Glencoe, 1967), 124-27. [BACK]

60. See Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft , 168-69, and Hill, Intellectual Origins , 255. [BACK]

61. William F. Church, "The Decline of the French Jurists as Political Theorists, 1660-1789," French Historical Studies , 5 (1967): 1-40. The gradual triumph of this tendency should also not obscure the fact that it had been developing slowly over many decades in both Italy and France; see Gilmore, Humanists and Jurists , 26-37, and Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , 102-03, 137. [BACK]

62. See the classic work of Otto von Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500 to 1800 , introd. and tr. Ernest Barker (Cambridge, 1934), and Leonard Krieger, The Politics of Discretion: Pufendorf and the Acceptance of Natural Law (Chicago, 1965). For the Netherlands, see also E. H. Kossmann, "The Development of Dutch Political Theory in the Seventeenth Century," in J. S. Bromley and E. H. Kossmann, eds., Britain and the Netherlands (New York, 1960), 91-110. Hale's History of the Common Law of England has just appeared in a new edition with a useful introduction by Charles M. Gray (Chicago, 1971). For the general point, see Shapiro, "Law and Science," 729-48. [BACK]

63. For Rolandino, see Girolamo Arnaldi, Studi sui cronisti della Marca Trevigiana nell'età di Ezzelino da Romano (Rome, 1963), 79-208; for Mussato, see Manlio Dazzi, "Il Mussato storico," Archivio Veneto , ser. 5, vol. 6 (1929): 357-471; for Dandolo, see Enrico Simonsfeld, "Andrea Dandolo e le sue opere storiche," Archivio Veneto , ser. 1, vol. 14, pt. 1 (1877): 49-149. [BACK]

64. Clive, "Social Background of the Scottish Renaissance," 231. [BACK]

65. See Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship , and Huppert, Idea of Perfect History, passim . [BACK]

66. See my Venice and Republican Liberty , 568-623. [BACK]

67. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, passim , and Bouwsma, ''Gallicanism and the Nature of Christendom," 308-24 in this volume. [BACK]

68. Coke, quoted by Hill, Intellectual Origins , 257-58. On the general point, see also Little, Religion, Order, and Law , 31, 201, and Pocock, Ancient Constitution . Pocock's book is particularly suggestive in its recognition of affinities between French and English thought. [BACK]

69. For example, in A Dialogue between a Philosopher and a Student of the Common Laws of England , ed. Joseph Cropsey (Chicago, 1971), 96; see also Little, Religion, Order, and Law , 179. [BACK]

1. As in Auden's The Age of Anxiety . For contemporary interest in anxiety, see Fred Berthold, Jr., The Fear of God: The Role of Anxiety in Contemporary Thought (New York, 1959). [BACK]

2. We face here much the same problem as that confronted by Keith Thomas in his treatment of popular culture in Religion and the Decline of Magic (London, 1971); cf. his preface, p. x, on "the historian's traditional method of example and counter-example" as "the intellectual equivalent of the bow and arrow in the nuclear age." I am less confident than Thomas that models of scientific advance are applicable to historiography, and I suspect that "example and counter-example" will continue to be necessary to support many kinds of historical judgment, probably including those of greatest interest; but there is a serious methodological problem here. [BACK]

3. W. H. Dodds, who took the title of his Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge, 1965) directly from Auden. Also cf. the second volume of Theodore Zeldin, France, 1848-1945 , which bears the title Intellect, Taste and Anxiety (New York, 1977). [BACK]

4. Iris Origo, The Merchant of Prato:Francesco di Marco Datini, 1335—1410 (New York, 1957), esp. her introduction, p. xi; Christian Bec, Les marchands écrivains: Affaires et humanisme à Florence, 1365-1434 (Paris, 1967), pp. 127-28; P. S. Lewis, Later Medieval France: The Polity (London, 1968), pp. 242-45, 273; Philippe Dollinger, La Hanse (Paris, 1964), chap. 8. David Herlihy, "Some Psychological and Social Roots of Violence in the Tuscan Cities," in Violence and Civil Disorder in Italian Cities , ed. L. Martines (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971), p. 149. [BACK]

5. E. Jane Dempsey Douglass, Justification in Late Medieval Theology: A Study of John Geiler of Keisersberg (Leiden, 1966); David C. Steinmetz, Misericordia Dei: The Theology of Johannes von Staupitz in Its Late Medieval Setting (Leiden, 1968); Michael Seidlmayer, Currents of Medieval Thought , trans. D. Barker (Oxford, 1960); Millard Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death: The Arts, Religion and Society in the Mid-Fourteenth Century (Princeton, 1951); M. B. Becker, "Individualism in the Early Italian Renaissance: Burden and Blessing," Studies in the Renaissance 19 (1972): 273-97; E. Delaruelle et al., L'eglise au temps du Grand Schisme et de la crise conciliaire , Histoire de l'Église, vol. XIV (Paris, 1962), vol.2; Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought (Chicago, 1970); Heiko Oberman, Forerunners of the Reformation (New York, 1966); Jean Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme (Paris, 1965); Steven E. Ozment, The Reformation in the Cities: An Essay on the Appeal of Protestant Ideas to Sixteenth Century Society (New Haven, 1975); A. G. Dickens, The English Reformation (London, 1964); Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge, Mass., 1965). [BACK]

6. Eugenio Garin, Science and Civic Life in the Italian Renaissance , trans. Peter Munz (New York, 1969), pp. 2-3. [BACK]

7. Lynn White, Jr., "Death and the Devil," in The Darker Vision of the Renaissance: Beyond the Fields of Reason , ed. Robert S. Kinsman (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1974), pp. 25-46. The germ of this interpretation may perhaps be discerned in Huizinga's Waning of the Middle Ages , which H. Stuart Hughes has read, though Huizinga did not himself use such language, as a study in the management of "unbearable anxiety" ( History as Art and as Science: Twin Vistas on the Past [New York, 1964], p. 54). But the notion seems also imbedded in Burckhardtian individualism; cf. the extreme case of Filippo Maria Visconti, whose personality is described in The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy , trans. S. G. C. Middlemore (London, 1944), pp. 24-25. [BACK]

8. Robert S. Kinsman, in The Darker Vision of the Renaissance , Introduction, p. 14. This medieval condition may , of course, be related to modern "anxiety." [BACK]

9. This emerges from a comparison of passages in the recent translation of the Institutes by Ford Lewis Battles (London, 1961), where the word "anxiety" appears, with Calvin's own Latin and French. See especially II, viii, 3; III, ii, 17 and 23; III, xxiv, 6. [BACK]

10. Petrarch's Secret or The Soul's Conflict with Passion: Three Dialogues between Himself and S. Augustine , trans. William H. Draper (London, 1911), p. 56; The Imitation of Christ , trans. Leo Sherley-Price (London, 1952), p. 28. [BACK]

11. The Memoirs of Philippe de Commynes , trans. Isabelle Cazeaux, 2 vols. (Columbia, S.C., 1969-73), 1:230. [BACK]

12. The Family in Renaissance Florence , trans. Renée Neu Watkins (Columbia, S.C., 1969), examples on pp. 49, 78, 58, 47, 88, 41, 191, 46, 54-55. [BACK]

13. The Complete Works of Saint Teresa of Jesus , trans. E. Allison Peers, 3 vols. (London, 1950), 1:5, 75, 78, 257; The Collected Works of St. John of the Cross , trans. Kieran Kavanaugh and Otilio Rodriguez (Washington, D.C., 1973), pp. 88, 594, 619, 620. [BACK]

14. The following generalizations are based on, among other works, M. D. Chenu, La théologie au douzième siècle (Paris, 1957); R. W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven, 1953), and Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (New York, 1970); John Mundy, Europe in the High Middle Ages, 1150-1309 (London, 1973); Jacques Le Goff, Les intellectuels au Moyen Age (Paris, 1957). The theological dimension of this optimism is particularly well described by Gerhart B. Ladner, ''The Life of the Mind in the Christian West around the Year 1200,'' in The Year 1200: A Symposium (New York, 1975), pp. 4-6. That the mentalité even of peasants may have been relatively relaxed is suggested by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan de 1294-1324 (Paris, 1976). [BACK]

15. In the words of Rolandino Passaggeri, quoted by Mundy, Europe in the High Middle Ages , p. 486. [BACK]

16. "It is ful faire a man to bere him evene / For al-day meteth men at unset stevene" (lines 1523-24). I quote the modern English version of Nevill Coghill (London,1960). [BACK]

17. As most recently by Paul Lawrence Rose, The Italian Renaissance of Mathematics: Studies on Humanists and Mathematicians from Petrarch to Galileo (Geneva, 1975), p. 7. See more generally Carlo Cipolla, Clocks and Culture 1300-1700 (New York, 1967). [BACK]

18. Quoted by John Larner, Culture and Society in Italy, 1290-1420 (London, 1971), p. 28. [BACK]

19. Calvin, Commentaries on the Book of Genesis , trans. John King (Edinburgh, 1847), 1:84; Pascal, Pensées , no. 5 (in the arrangement in the translation of E. F. Trotter [New York, 1941]). [BACK]

20. Epistolae familiares , X, 1, trans. David Thompson, in Petrarch: An Anthology (New York, 1971), p. 101. [BACK]

21. De ingenuis moribus , trans. William Harrison Woodward, in Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators (Cambridge, 1897), p. 112. [BACK]

22. Gargantua and Pantagruel , trans. Jacques Le Clercq (New York, 1944), p. 71. [BACK]

23. Quoted by Origo, Merchant of Prato , p. 187. [BACK]

24. Leon Battista Alberti, Opere volgari , ed. Cecil Grayson, 3 vols. (Bari, 1960-73), 1:77. I use the translation of Watkins, cited above, n. 12. [BACK]

25. Nicholas Mann, "Petrarch's Role as Moralist in Fifteenth-Century France," in Humanism in France at the End of the Middle Ages and in the Early Renaissance , ed. A. H. T. Levi (Manchester, 1970), pp. 6-28. [BACK]

26. Discorsi , II, xxix. I follow the translation of Leslie J. Walker (New Haven, 1950). [BACK]

27. Cf. Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden City, N.Y., 1966), pp. 27, 101. For a penetrating discussion of this point in theological terms, cf. Peter Knauer, Gott, Wort, Glaube: Ein theologischer Grundkurs (Frankfurt/Main, 1973), p. 157: "If one's own transitoriness is the final certainty, this means that all earthly certainty is finally dependent on complete uncertainty." Knauer's extended remarks on this point, a commentary on Hebrews 2:14ff., were called to my attention by the Reverend Frederick McGinness, S. J. [BACK]

28. Imitation , pp. 58-59; cf. p. 66: "Always remember your end, and that lost time never returns." [BACK]

29. See, for example, Huizinga's Waning of the Middle Ages ; the works by Seidlmayer, Meiss, and White cited above, n. 5; Alberto Tenenti, Il senso della morte e l'amore della vita nel Rinascimento: Francia e Italia (Turin, 1957); T. S. R. Boase, Death in the Middle Ages: Mortality, Judgment and Remembrance (London,1972). [BACK]

30. De otio religioso , in Thompson, Petrarch: An Anthology , pp. 153-54; Epistolae familiares , XIX, 6, quoted by Renée Neu Watkins, "Petrarch and the Black Death: From Fear to Monuments," Studies in the Renaissance 19 (1972): 215. [BACK]

31. Memoirs , 2:433. [BACK]

32. Commentary on Hebrews 2:15, in Calvin's New Testament Commentaries , trans. W. B. Johnston, 12 vols. (Grand Rapids, 1963), 12:31. [BACK]

33. Douglass, Justification in Late Medieval Theology , p. 176; Susan Snyder, "The Left Hand of God: Despair in Medieval and Renaissance Tradition," Studies in the Renaissance 12 (1965): 41. [BACK]

34. Cf. Dickens, The English Reformation , pp. 5-6. [BACK]

35. Seidlmayer, Currents of Medieval Thought , p. 141; Dickens, The English Reformation , p. 12. [BACK]

36. For this function of the Medici Chapel, see L. D. Ettlinger, "The Liturgical Function of Michelangelo's Medici Chapel," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts in Florenz 22 (1978): 287-304. [BACK]

37. Quoted by Ozment, The Reformation in the Cities , p. 28. [BACK]

38. Quoted by Watkins, "Petrarch and the Black Death," p. 209. [BACK]

39. See Douglass, Justification in Late Medieval Theology , p. 153, for the case of Geiler. [BACK]

40. Quoted by Charles Trinkaus, "Italian Humanism and the Problem of 'Structures of Conscience,'" Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 2 (1972): 28. [BACK]

41. Letter to his father, 21 Nov. 1521, in Luther: Letters of Spiritual Counsel , ed. Theodore G. Tappert, Library of Christian Classics, vol. XVIII (London, 1955), p. 259. [BACK]

42. Lectures on Genesis , ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, 8 vols. (St. Louis, 1958-66), 1:287. [BACK]

43. Letter to Hess, Nov. 1527, in Letters of Spiritual Counsel , pp. 237-38. [BACK]

44. Institutes , II, viii, 3; I, xvii, 11; I, xvii, 7; I, vi, 1; III, ii, 17; III, ii, 21. I use the translation of Ford Lewis Battles, cited above, n. 9. [BACK]

45. Life , in Works , 1:236. [BACK]

46. J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, 1975), p. 28, offers interesting remarks on the anxiety of rulers. For merchants, see n. 4 above. The vast literature of the period on friendship, a common concern of Petrarch, Commynes, Erasmus, Montaigne, and Bacon, among others, suggests that this aspect of life had become a problem; cf. Lionel Trilling, Sincerity and Authenticity (Cambridge, Mass., 1971). On sexual anxiety, see Herlihy, "Psychological and Social Roots of Violence," p. 134, and J. R. Hale, "Violence in the Late Middle Ages: A Background," in Martines, Violence and Civil Disorder , pp. 28-29. The ancient commonplace that denied the delights of love to the busy man was revived, as in Donne's "Break of Day": ''The poor, the foul, the false, love can / Admit, but not the busied man." [BACK]

47. Cf. Petrarch: "Shall I pride myself on much reading of books, which with a little wisdom has brought me a thousand anxieties?" ( Secretum in Opere , ed. Giovanni Ponte [Milan, 1968], p. 482); I follow the Draper translation, cited above, n. 10. See also Thomas à Kempis, Imitation , p. 28, and Alberti, Opere volgari , 1:247. In these illustrations, as in others presented here, one can detect echoes from such classical sources as Seneca; but the point, it seems to me, is that their Renaissance readers found them eminently relevant to their own predicament. [BACK]

48. Alberti, Opere volgari , 1:161, 182. [BACK]

49. These reflections were stimulated by an unpublished paper of my colleague Gene A. Brucker, "The Problem of Death in Fourteenth-Century Europe." [BACK]

50. Quoted by Huizinga, Waning of the Middle Ages , p. 36. The italics here and in what follows are mine. [BACK]

51. Epistolae familiares , XI, 7, and XIII, 6, in Thompson, Petrarch: An Anthology , pp. 107, 119. [BACK]

52. Nicolas de Clamanges, quoted by Lewis, Later Medieval France , pp. 294-95. [BACK]

53. History of Florence , trans. M. Walter Dunne (New York, 1960), p. 47. [BACK]

54. In "Cyclops, or the Gospel Bearer," The Colloquies of Erasmus , trans. Craig R. Thompson (Chicago, 1965), p. 422. [BACK]

55. In "Du jeune Caton," Essais , ed. Maurice Rat, 3 vols. (Paris, n.d.), 1:259-63. [BACK]

56. See C. T. Davis, "Il Buon Tempo Antico," in Florentine Studies , ed. N. Rubinstein (London, 1968), pp. 45-69; and, for the general point, Harry Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age in the Renaissance (Bloomington, 1969). Huizinga has much on this point, passim. [BACK]

57. Memoirs , 1:169. [BACK]

58. Francesco Datini, quoted in Origo, Merchant of Prato , p. 68. [BACK]

59. Lectures on Genesis , 2:65. [BACK]

60. Letter to Boccaccio, 13 Mar. 1363, in Lettere senili , ed. Giuseppe Fracassetti (Florence, 1892), 1:69-70. [BACK]

61. Quoted in Bec, Les marchands écrivains , p. 60. [BACK]

62. In Manifestations of Discontent in Germany on the Eve of the Reformation , ed. Gerald Strauss (Bloomington, 1971), p. 21. [BACK]

63. Johann Agricola, in ibid., p. 119. [BACK]

64. Lectures on Genesis , 1:62. [BACK]

65. See Jaroslav Pelikan's remarks in connection with Luther's attack on this movement, ibid., 1:211. [BACK]

66. De regno Christi , trans. Lowell J. Satre, in Melanchthon and Bucer , ed. Wilhelm Pauck, Library of Christian Classics, vol. XIX (London, 1969), pp. 339-40. Similar sentiments were expressed by Luther in To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation , Art. 27, items 2-3. [BACK]

67. In Manifestations of Discontent , p. 119. [BACK]

68. Cf. Secretum , p. 488. [BACK]

69. Colloquies , p. 48. [BACK]

70. Cf. Garin, Science and Civic Life , p. 83. [BACK]

71. Letter to Pirckheimer, in Manifestations of Discontent , p. 194. [BACK]

72. There is much on this point in Trilling, Sincerity and Authenticity . [BACK]

73. Datini in Origo, Merchant of Prato , p. 115. [BACK]

74. Quoted by Gene A. Brucker, The Civic World of Early Renaissance Florence (Princeton, 1977), pp. 22-23. [BACK]

75. Della famiglia , p. 297. [BACK]

76. Memoirs , 1:265. [BACK]

77. Quoted by Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhetoric and Historical Consciousness in Florentine Humanism (Princeton, 1970), pp. 165-66. [BACK]

78. Cf. Jack Goody, "Death and the Interpretation of Culture: A Bibliographic Overview," in Death in America , ed. David E. Stannard (Philadelphia, 1975), p. 7. [BACK]

79. Students of an analogous transition in the modern world provide some support for this conclusion. The novel anxiety appearing among the populations of the new cities in developing countries seems to be a result not so much of the new urban experience directly as of the loss of a traditional culture. So Ari Kiev, Transcultural Psychiatry (New York, 1972), pp. 9-10 summarizes his conclusions: "Particularly stressful . . . is the loss of culture that is experienced by the educated yet still semi-primitive marginal African, who has become a member of a partially urbanized and Westernized society. Having renounced his old culture, yet so far having failed to assimilate the new, he is particularly prone to malignant anxiety. . . . The migration to the city removes the group protection, the psychological 'prop' of the African; he therefore finds himself psychologically isolated and vulnerable." [BACK]

80. See especially Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago, 1966), passim; and Mary Douglas, Implicit Meanings: Essays in Anthropology (London, 1975), esp. p. 57. [BACK]

81. For my understanding of culture as a mechanism for the management of anxiety, I am indebted to Berger and Luckmann, Social Construction of Reality ; Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973); and above all to Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London, 1966), and Natural Symbols (London, 1972). [BACK]

82. I am here applying the conception of religions as maps through and beyond life developed in John Bowker, The Sense of God: Sociological, Anthropological and Psychological Approaches to the Origin of the Sense of God (Oxford, 1973). Bowker's idea of "compounds of limitation" is also relevant to the argument here. [BACK]

83. Cf. Traiano Boccalini, Ragguagli di Parnasso e scritti minori , ed. Luigi Firpo, 3 vols. (Bari, 1948), 1:177-80. [BACK]

84. Secretum p. 516. [BACK]

85. Especially in Purity and Danger . [BACK]

86. Secretum , p. 458. [BACK]

87. Quoted by Jerrold E. Seigel, Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism (Princeton, 1968), p. 74. [BACK]

88. Quoted by Le Goff, Les intellectuels au Moyen Age , p. 154. [BACK]

89. In Quirinus Breen, Christianity and Humanism: Studies in the History of Ideas (Grand Rapids, 1968), p. 57. [BACK]

90. Institutes , III, iv, 1. [BACK]

91. Quoted by Alexandre Koyré, From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe (New York, 1958), p. 44. [BACK]

92. For the later Renaissance, see my "Changing Assumptions of Later Renaissance Culture," Viator 7 (1976): 421-40. On the penitential system, cf. Ozment, Reformation in the Cities ; and Thomas N. Tentler, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton, 1977). [BACK]

93. In Jean Gerson, Selections , ed. Steven E. Ozment, Textus minores , vol. 38 (Leiden, 1969), p. 41. [BACK]

94. Pensées , nos. 206, 72, 143, 146, 131, 692. [BACK]

95. Lettres philosophiques , no. 25. [BACK]

96. On the conception of a Protestant Counter-Reformation, cf. Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme , pp. 360-61, though it is here interpreted rather narrowly as a reaction against Calvinism. Nietzsche understood the phenomenon more deeply as a repudiation of the original Protestant opposition of faith to reason: i.e., to the structures of human culture; cf. Walter Kaufmann, Nietzsche , 3d ed. (New York, 1968), pp. 352-53. [BACK]

97. The general point is succinctly stated by Struever, Language of History , esp. pp. 44-45. [BACK]

98. Quoted by Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy (Oxford, 1972), p. 94. Baxandall is especially useful for the general importance of mathematics in Italian urban culture. See also Rose, Italian Renaissance of Mathematics , chap. 1, on mathematics in humanist education, and Larner, Culture and Society in Italy , p. 28, for general remarks on the growing importance of quantification in Italy. But the point was already touched on by Burckhardt, Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy , p. 46. [BACK]

99. Cf. Damasus Trapp, "Augustinian Theology of the 14th Century," Augustinianum 6 (1956): 148. [BACK]

100. Cited by Rose, Italian Renaissance of Mathematics , pp. 12, 16. [BACK]

101. In "Apologie de Raimond Sebond," Essais , II. [BACK]

102. Pensées , nos. 187, 233. Pascal also denounced (though recognizing its influence) the "probabilism" of Jesuit casuistry in no. 917: "Take away probability , and you can no longer please the world; give probability , and you can no longer displease it." The relationship of Jesuit probabilism to the new mathematics is far from clear; cf. Benjamin Nelson, "'Probabilists,' 'Anti-Probabilists' and the Quest for Certainty in the 16th and 17th Centuries," Actes du X ^e congrès international d'histoire des sciences (Paris, 1965), 1:269-73. But even here habits of numerical calculation seem to be at work. On the history of probability theory and its peculiar importance for "modern" culture, see Ian Hacking, The Emergence of Probability (Cambridge, 1975). [BACK]

103. Ricordi , C20. [BACK]

104. For my understanding of the significance of Cusanus, in addition to Ernst Cassirer's classic Individuum und Kosmos in der Philosophie der Renaissance (1927), I owe much to the doctoral dissertation of Ronald Levao, "The Idea of Fiction and the Concept of Mind in the Renaissance" (Berkeley, 1978), chap. 1. [BACK]

105. Cf. Bec, Les marchands écrivains , p. 318. [BACK]

106. Della famiglia , p. 170. [BACK]

107. Ibid., pp. 293-94, for an example of this general concern. [BACK]

108. Ibid., p. 54. [BACK]

109. Ibid., p. 151. [BACK]

110. On the systematic mentality and the concern for accuracy reflected in mercantile records, see Armando Sapori, The Italian Merchant in the Middle Ages , trans. Patricia Ann Kennen (New York, 1970), pp. 29-31, 105; and for a hint of the more general significance of these qualities cf. the advice of a Venetian merchant to his son that he should frequently review his records because "he who does not frequently review his expenditures believes what is not true" (quoted in James C. Davis, A Venetian Family and Its Fortune, 1500-1900 [Philadelphia, 1975], p. 26). [BACK]

111. Della famiglia , pp. 119-20, 239. [BACK]

112. Ibid., pp. 9 (prologue), 237. [BACK]

113. See Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance , rev. ed. (Princeton, 1966), esp. pp. 191-211. [BACK]

114. As in part 6 of Lettres philosophiques , no. 25. [BACK]

115. Noted by Struever, Language of History , p. 152. [BACK]

116. In their epistles to the second books, respectively, of Il Cortegiano and Discorsi . [BACK]

117. Cf. Huizinga, Waning of the Middle Ages , p. 80. [BACK]

118. Cf. Steven E. Ozment, "The University and the Church: Patterns of Reform in Jean Gerson," Medievalia et Humanistica , n.s. 1 (1970): 121, which uses this point to bring out the essential difference between medieval and Protestant conceptions of reform. [BACK]

119. As, for example, Institutes , epistle, and III, v, 10. [BACK]

120. Cf. Levin, Myth of the Golden Age , pp. 30-31. [BACK]

121. Life , in Works , 1:69-70. [BACK]

1. For an excellent bibliographical discussion of this problem see Felix Gilbert, "Political Thought of the Renaissance and Reformation," Huntington Library Quarterly , IV (1941), 443-68. [BACK]

2. "The Humanist Concept of the Prince and The Prince of Machiavelli," Journal of Modern History , XI (1939), 449-83. [BACK]

3. J. M. B. C. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Lettres et négociations de Philippe de Commines , 2 vols. (Brussels, 1867), I, 49. [BACK]

4. R. Chanteleuze, "Philippe de Commynes," Le correspondant , CXXII (1881), 250-52. [BACK]

5. Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires , ed. J. Calmette and G. Durville, 3 vols. (Paris, 1924-25), I, xii and 1. [BACK]

6. Ibid ., p. 222. The translations throughout are my own, although I have also consulted the Elizabethan version of Thomas Danett. [BACK]

7. V.-L. Bourrilly, "Les idées politiques de Commynes," Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine , I (1899), 93-124. [BACK]

8. Paul Janet, Histoire de la science politique , 2 vols. (Paris, 1872), I, 474. [BACK]

9. C. A. Sainte-Beuve, "Memoirs of Philippe de Commynes," Causeries du lundi (Oct., 1849-March, 1850) , ed. E. J. Trechmann (London, n.d.), p. 204: "In a word, Commynes is so modern in his ideas and views, that in reading him we might allot him (which is very rare for an author of a different epoch) the place he would be sure to have held in our present social order." [BACK]

10. Kervyn de Lettenhove, I, 40-41 and 45-48. [BACK]

11. Commynes, I, 37-38. [BACK]

12. Kervyn de Lettenhove, I, 90-108; Charles Fierville, "Documents inédits sur Philippe de Commynes," Revue des sociétés savantes , 7th ser., I (1879-80), 397-98. [BACK]

13. Kervyn de Lettenhove, I, 113-14. [BACK]

14. John S. C. Bridge, A History of France from the Death of Louis XI , 5 vols. (Oxford, 1921-36), I, 138. [BACK]

15. Ibid ., II, 7. Bridge quotes a letter from Francesco della Casa to Piero de' Medici, June 28, 1493, which notes that Commynes was distrusted and enjoyed "no great authority." [BACK]

16. Commynes, II, 203-4. [BACK]

17. Bourrilly, p. 95. [BACK]

18. The first part was written between 1489 and 1491; the second, after his second period of prominence, in 1495-98 (Commynes, I, xiii-xv). [BACK]

19. Ibid ., pp. 149-50. [BACK]

20. Ibid ., pp. 66-67. [BACK]

21. Ibid ., III, 71. [BACK]

22. Ibid ., I, 37-38. [BACK]

23. Ibid ., pp. 67-68. [BACK]

24. Ibid ., p. 130. [BACK]

25. Ibid ., p. 250. [BACK]

26. Ibid ., p. 96. [BACK]

27. Ibid ., p. 170. [BACK]

28. Ibid ., p. 93. [BACK]

29. Ibid ., II, 289. [BACK]

30. Ibid ., I, 69-70. [BACK]

31. Ibid ., pp. 130-31. [BACK]

32. Ibid ., pp. 129-30. [BACK]

33. Ibid ., pp. 128-29. [BACK]

34. Ibid ., II, 262. [BACK]

35. Ibid ., I, 115-16. [BACK]

36. Ibid ., pp. 204-5, and III, 1-2. [BACK]

37. Ibid ., II, 216. [BACK]

38. Ibid ., I, 223. [BACK]

39. Ibid ., p. 91. [BACK]

40. Ibid ., II, 167-68. [BACK]

41. Ibid ., p. 278. [BACK]

42. Ibid ., p. 324; italics mine. [BACK]

43. Ibid ., p. 290. [BACK]

44. Ibid ., III, 305. [BACK]

45. Ibid ., II, 217. [BACK]

46. Ibid ., pp. 219-20. [BACK]

47. Ibid ., pp. 8-9. [BACK]

48. Ibid ., pp. 218-19. [BACK]

49. Ibid ., p. 340. [BACK]

50. Ibid ., p. 222. [BACK]

51. Renè Gandilhon, Politique économique de Louis XI (Paris, 1941), p. 274. [BACK]

52. Commynes, II, 290. [BACK]

53. Ibid . [BACK]

54. Ibid ., I, 188-90. [BACK]

55. Ibid ., II, 289. [BACK]

56. Ibid ., III, 266-68 and 272-73. [BACK]

57. Ibid ., p. 41. B. de Mandrot suggests that Commynes acted as an agent of the Medici at the French court ( Mémoires de Philippe de Commynes , ed. B. de Mandrot [Paris, 1903], II, xlvii). [BACK]

58. Georges Picot, Histoire des états généraux (Paris, 1872), I, 323. [BACK]

59. Thus the deputies insisted that ''the tailles , first established because of the war, should have ceased with the war" (Jehan Masselin, Journal des états généraux de France , ed. A. Bernier [Paris, 1835], pp. 414-15). [BACK]

60. Of Commynes's principles he remarks, I think incorrectly, that they have special significance "not only because he was a man of great experience in political and diplomatic affairs, but because he was a great servant of the French Crown, and cannot be suspected of any desire to depreciate its authority" (R. W. and A. J. Carlyle, A History of Mediaeval Political Thought in the West , 6 vols. [Edinburgh and London, 1909-36], VI, 214). Commynes was not a great servant of the crown when he wrote, and he certainly had considerable reason to resent the authority of the central government. [BACK]

61. Ibid ., VI, 202-3. [BACK]

62. Picot, I, 319-24. [BACK]

63. See Masselin, pp. 332-33, and passim . [BACK]

64. Picot, I, 327. [BACK]

65. Printed in Recueil général des anciennes lois françaises , ed. A. J. L. Jourdan, Decrusy, and F. A. Isambert, 29 vols. (Paris, 1821-33), IX, 57-71. [BACK]

66. Ibid ., p. 68. [BACK]

67. Ibid ., p. 70. [BACK]

68. See Masselin, p. 669. [BACK]

69. Commynes, I, 93. [BACK]

70. Ibid ., II, 224. [BACK]

71. Ibid ., I, 24. [BACK]

72. Ibid ., II, 86-87. [BACK]

73. Ibid ., I, 26. [BACK]

74. Ibid ., III, 28-29. [BACK]

75. Ibid ., II, 173. [BACK]

76. Ibid ., I, 103. [BACK]

77. Ibid ., pp. 105-6. [BACK]

78. Ibid ., pp. 146-47. [BACK]

79. Ibid ., p. 121. [BACK]

80. He is fond of the words habilité or habile . [BACK]

81. Sainte-Beuve, loc. cit. , p. 200. [BACK]

82. Commynes, I, 172. [BACK]

83. Ibid ., pp. 195-96. [BACK]

84. Ibid ., pp. 220-21. Later Commynes, feeling the need for some explanation of the inferiority of English wits, ascribes it to climate, reminding us of Bodin (II, 37-38). [BACK]

85. Ibid ., p. 246. [BACK]

86. Ibid ., pp. 65-66. [BACK]

87. Ibid ., pp. 218-19. [BACK]

88. Ibid ., pp. 161-64. [BACK]

1. Above all in Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York, 1946). [BACK]

2. See Joseph Leon Blau, The Chtistian Interpretation of the Cabala in the Renaissance (New York, 1944), 6-7, for a summary of views on the question of the origins of cabala. [BACK]

3. On the contrast between cabalism and philosophy, see Scholem, op. cit. , 35-7; and the succinct but suggestive remarks of Georges Vajda, Introduction à la pensée juive du moyen âge (Paris, 1947), 203ff. [BACK]

4. I follow here the summary of Blau, op. cit. , 2-6. [BACK]

5. This fact is reflected in the present general and inaccurate use of the adjective cabalistic . [BACK]

6. Blau, op. cit. , vii. [BACK]

7. Postel has received considerable scholarly attention. Among general treatments three should be mentioned: Jacques Georges de Chaufepié, "Postel," Nouveau dictionnaire historique et critique pour servir de supplément ou de continuation au dictionnaire . . . de Bayle , III (Amsterdam, 1753), 215-36, which combines most earlier accounts; Georges Weill, De Guilielmi Postelli vita et indole (Paris, 1892), the first serious attempt to reconstruct Postel's career from the sources; and J. Kvacala,, "Wilhelm Postell. Seine Geistesart und seine Reformgedanken," Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte , IX (1911-12), 285-330, XI (1914), 200-227, XV (1918), 157-203. [BACK]

8. Blau, op. cit. , 28, 59-60. [BACK]

9. De nativitate mediatoris ultima; P anqenwsia . Compositio omnium dissidiorum; Absconditorum a constitutione mundi clavis , all printed by Oporinus (Basel, 1547); Candelabri typici in Mosis tabernaculo . . . interpretatio (Venice, 1548). [BACK]

10. This was not published but circulated in manuscript. Two copies are extant. One was discovered by Joseph Perles ( Beiträge zur Geschichte der hebräischen und aramäischen Studien [Munich, 1884], 78-80, note); the other is in the British Museum (Sloane MS. 1410). [BACK]

11. Under the title Abrahami Patriarchae liber Jezirah, sive Formationis mundi (Paris, 1552). [BACK]

12. Cf. the boast concerning his sources on the title page of his Candelabri . . . interpretatio: "a work highly useful . . . based on the Zohar and Bahir and many other very ancient monuments of cabala." [BACK]

13. His cabalism largely accounts for the reputation for obscurity which he bore even in his own time. The official examiner of his writings during his trial for heresy before the Venetian Holy Office in 1555 reported wearily that he had been able to extract meaning from them only after the greatest effort, and that, although Postel's doctrines were "unheard of, not to say impious," no one, fortunately, could possibly understand them except the author. (In the documents connected with the trial printed by Weill, op. cit. , 119-20.) [BACK]

14. For various aspects of Postel's career, see Abel Lefranc, Histoire du Collège de France (Paris, 1893), 184ff.; Henri Busson, Les sources et le développement du rationalisme dans la littérature française de la Renaissance (1553-1601) (Paris, 1922), 282-302; Geoffroy Atkinson, Les nouveaux horizons de la Renaissance française (Paris, 1935), 245-9; Lucien Febvre, Le problème de l'incroyance au XVIe siècle . La religion de Rabelais (Paris, 1947), 111-28; Henri Fouqueray, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus des origines à la suppression (Paris, 1910-22), I, 131ff.; Johann Fück, "Die arabischen Studien in Europa vom 12. bis in den Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts," Beiträge zur Arabistik, Semitistik und Islamwissenschaft (Leipzig, 1944), 120-28. [BACK]

15. An eighteenth-century Jesuit, François J. T. Desbillons, listed Postel's published writings in Nouveaux éclaircissements sur la vie et les ouvrages de Guillaume Postel (Liège, 1773), 111ff. Geoffrey Butler's bibliography, Studies in Statecraft (Cambridge, 1920), 117-31, is based on that of Desbillons but unhappily omits the latter's discussion of his sources and his frank reservations concerning some works listed. [BACK]

16. P anqenwsia , 6. [BACK]

17. Postel's own phrase in De orbis terrae concordia libri quatuor (Basel, 1544), 15. [BACK]

18. For his interest in astrology, see, among other examples, De originibus (Basel, ?1553), 70, where Postel traces astrological lore back to Abraham; and, for a political application, Les raisons de la monarchie (Paris, 1551), xx. [BACK]

19. Absconditorum clavis (new ed., Amsterdam, 1646), 13-14: "siquidem ab extremo in extremum sine Medio non itur. . . ." [BACK]

20. De nativitate ultima , 16. [BACK]

21. As a philologist Postel had numerous opportunities to develop this traditional view in detail. See particularly the De originibus of 1538, passim . [BACK]

22. Cf. Scholem, op. cit. , 17-18. [BACK]

23. For his view of language and the problem of universals, see De nativitate ultima , 13-16. [BACK]

24. Le prime nove del altro mondo (Venice?, 1555), f. 3v. [BACK]

25. Blau, op. cit. , 3-4. [BACK]

26. Ibid ., 15. [BACK]

27. His system is most fully described in his Apologia pro Serveto , a work directed against Calvin but in fact little concerned with Servetus. It was first published by Johann Lorenz von Mosheim, Versuch einer unpartheiischen und gründlichen Ketzergeschichte (Helmstaedt, 1748), II, 466-99. Postel's meaning here, however, must be understood in the light of his other works. [BACK]

28. The nature and functions of the animus mundi are particularly developed in the three works of 1547 (see above, note 9). [BACK]

29. See the extended description of the anima mundi in the Apologia pro Serveto , 466. [BACK]

30. Ibid ., 479: "Sub INTELLECTU agente vel formali, Patiente vel materiali, et sub Facto, sive Compositorio , requirendae tres individuariae Personae, una Patris generalis in quo Autoritatis radix, altera matris, in qua Rationis generalis Basis, et tertia Filii, tam Autoritate, quam ratione docentis, quarum trium Personarum una coniunctarum opera, Summa ad cognoscendum Deum Lux Mundo proponatur, ut sicut ipsi gradus generales sunt coniuncti Deo, sic etiam singula individua, et membra particularia tanquam universalis humanitatis partes . . . ut singuli homines cognoscant, sicut et cogniti sunt." [BACK]

31. Ibid ., 480. [BACK]

32. Ibid ., 478: "Nam finalis Intentio Dei in hoc tendit per has tres mediatoris universalis naturas, ut rationis Lex omnium mentibus per Intellectum sive per Lumen primorum principiorum inscripta manifestetur et servetur, ut homo Animal rationale hoc est IMAGO ET SIMILITUDO DEI revera sit." [BACK]

33. Histoire ecclésiastique des églises réformées au royaume de France , G. Baum and Ed. Cunitz, eds. (Paris, 1883), I, 108. This work was first published at Antwerp, 1580. [BACK]

34. For example, De orbis concordia , 290-92; P anqenwsia , 11-13. [BACK]

35. On Postel as feminist, see Émile Telle, L'Oeuvre de Marguerite d'Angoulême reine de Navarre et la querelle des femmes (Toulouse, 1937), 63ff. [BACK]

36. On the Shekinah see Scholem, op. cit. , 226-7. Postel explicitly identified the anima mundi with the Shekinah, stating that by the maternal principle "I mean the Shekinah (ssechinach, hoc est), or localized and moving providence, by means of which God disposes of all things and rules and sustains in place." ( Apologia pro Serveto , 466). [BACK]

37. Les très merveilleuses victoires des femmes du nouveau-monde (Turin, 1869), 62-3 (1st ed., Paris, 1553). [BACK]

38. Ibid ., 21-22. [BACK]

39. For a general statement of Postel's dualistic principle, see De Etruriae regionis originibus, institutis, religione, ac morbus commentatio (J. G. Graevius, ed., Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Italiae, Etruriae, Umbriae, Sabinorum et Latii , VIII, Part I [Lyons, 1723]), 36. For particular applications see Apologia pro Serveto , 476; letter to Masius, Nov. 25, 1563 (in Chaufepié, loc. cit. , 226); Victoires des femmes , 28, 50-51. [BACK]

40. This idea is developed through a number of Postel's works, in which the process by which traditional psychological terminology is gradually altered under the impact of cabalistic doctrine can be traced. See for this development the comparatively early De orbis concordia , 19-20; P anqenwsia , 26-9; and De Etruriae regionis , 35, 51. [BACK]

41. See above all De Etruriae regionis , 20ff. [BACK]

42. This is a major concern of his De nativitate ultima . [BACK]

43. See the letters to Masius, May 19, 1549, and Nov. 25, 1563 (Chaufepié, loc. cit. , 220, 225-6); Victoires des femmes , 19-20; Le prime nove del altro mondo, passim . [BACK]

44. Victoires des femmes , 19-20. [BACK]

45. Ibid ., 20: "she said that I was to be her eldest son." [BACK]

46. L'Histoire mémorable des expéditions . . . faictes par les Gauloys ou Françoys depuis la France iusques en Asie , etc. (Paris, 1552), f. 2. [BACK]

47. Eberhard Gothein, Ignatius Loyola und die Gegenreformation (Halle, 1895), 377; Desbillons, Éclaircissements sur Postel , 56-7. [BACK]

48. De universitate liber , 2nd ed. (Paris, 1563), 4. [BACK]

49. De originibus (1553), 84-6. [BACK]

50. In this insistence on the value of cabala as a missionary tool, Postel shared a conviction common among Renaissance cabalists. Their optimism was, in fact, considerably encouraged by a number of conversions among Jewish intellectuals of the time which were, at any rate, attributed to cabala (Blau, op. cit. , 65). [BACK]

51. De orbis concordia , 133. [BACK]

52. His most outspoken attacks on ecclesiastical abuses are in his P anqenwsia , which was dedicated to the delegates at Trent. For attacks on abuses in civil society, see De magistratibus Atheniensium liber (Paris, 1541) and De la république des Turcs (Poitiers, 1560). [BACK]

53. He found much in common between these threats to Catholicism in Alcorani seu legis Mahometi et Evangelistarum concordiae liber (Paris, 1543). [BACK]

54. His view of history, which involves regular cycles of decay and regeneration, was first outlined in Absconditorum clavis and developed in subsequent works. [BACK]

55. All this is conveniently summarized in the second section of his major work on the Turks, bearing the separate title Histoire et considération de l'origine, loy, et coutume des . . . Ismaelites ou Muhamédiques (Poiters, 1560), 53-4. [BACK]

56. This letter fell into the hands of Flacius Illyricus and was printed by him under the title Epistola Guilielmi Postelli ad C. Schwenckfeldium (Jena, 1556). [BACK]

57. For the original prediction, see especially his letters to Schwenckfeld and Melanchthon (in Postelliana. Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte der Mystik im Reformationszeitalter , J. Kvacala,, ed., Acta et Commentationes Imp. Universitatis Jurievenis ( olim Dorpatensis ) XXIII [1915], No. 9, pp. 8-10, 33-43). For suggestions concerning Postel's revision of this date, see his letters to Theodor Zwinger, described in ibid ., 80, 85. [BACK]

58. Absconditorum clavis , 6ff.; De originibus (1553), 44, 56-7; Description et charte de la Terre saincte (Paris?, 1553?), 20. On Postel's notion of French political leadership in the last age, see Pierre Mesnard, L'Essor de la philosophie politique au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1936), 445ff. [BACK]

1. The complexity of the issues involved is nicely suggested by Troeltsch's own retreat from the famous "medieval" interpretation of Reformation theology in his classic Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen of 1911. Hans Baron has called my attention to Troeltsch's little-known revision of his Protestantisches Christentum und Kirche in der Neuzeit (Leipzig and Berlin, 1922), in the second edition of part one of Die Kultur der Gegenwart , Abteilung IV. 1, II Hälfte, pp. 431-792. [BACK]

2. Quirinus Breen, Christianity and Humanism: Studies in the History of Ideas (Grand Rapids, 1968), and John Calvin, A Study in French Humanisim (Chicago, 1931); Alain Dufour, "Humanisme et Reformation," Histoire politique et psychologie historique (Geneva, 1966), p. 37-62; Lewis W. Spitz, The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), and, most recently, "Humanism in the Reformation," in Renaissance Studies in Honor of Hans Baron , Anthony Molho and John Tedeschi, eds. (Florence, 1970), pp. 643-62; Heinz Liebing, "Die Ausgänge des europäischen Humanismus," Geist und Geschichte der Reformation (Berlin, 1966), pp. 357-76; Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought (2 vols.; Chicago, 1970), and ''Renaissance Problems in Calvin's Theology," Studies in the Renaissance , I, (1954) 59-80. [BACK]

3. Among more important recent works, see Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought: The Classic, Scholastic, and Humanist Strains (New York, 1961); Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance (rev. ed.; Princeton, 1966); Eugenio Garin, L'umanesimo italiano (Bari, 1958); Jerrold E. Seigel, Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism (Princeton, 1968); Hanna H. Gray, "Renaissance Humanism: The Pursuit of Eloquence," Journal of the History of Ideas , XXIV (1963), 497-514. [BACK]

4. I have discussed these matters at greater length in Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter-Reformation (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968), esp. chs. 1 and 8. [BACK]

5. Cf. Petrarch, De sui ipsius et multorum ignorantia , Hans Nachod, trans., in The Renaissance Philosophy of Man , Ernst Cassirer et al., eds. (Chicago, 1948), p. 74: "I certainly believe that Aristotle was a great man who knew much, but he was human and could well be ignorant of some things, even of a great many things." [BACK]

6. Cf. Ernst Cassirer, Individuum und Kosmos in der Philosaphie der Renaissance (Leipzig and Berlin, 1927), ch. 1. [BACK]

7. See Mario Fois, Il pensiero cristiano di Lorenzo Valla nel quadro storico culturale del suo ambiente (Rome, 1969), p. 492. [BACK]

8. For Poggio's celebrated dialogue on this subject—one of the better known pieces on the theme—see George Holmes, The Florentine Enlightenment, 1400-1450 (London, 1969), pp. 148-50 [BACK]

9. For Florence, for example, see Marvin B. Becker "Church and State in Florence on the Eve of the Renaissance (1343-1382)," Speculum , XXVII (1962), 509-27. More generally, see Nicolai Rubinstein, "Marsilius of Padua and Italian Political Thought of His Time," Europe in the Late Middle Ages , J. R. Hale et al., eds. (London and Evanston, 1965), pp. 44-75; and Daniel Waley, The Italian City-Republics (London, 1969), pp. 87ff. [BACK]

10. Cf. Hans Baron, "Secularization of Wisdom and Political Humanism in the Renaissance," Journal of the History of Ideas , XXI (1960), 140-41. [BACK]

11. See in general Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness . On Pomponazzi see also J. H. Randall's introduction to Pomponazzi's De immortalitate animae , in The Renaissance Philosophy of Man , esp. p. 273; and on Valla, Giorgio Radetti, "La religione di Lorenzo Valla," Medioevo e Rinascimento: studi in onore di Bruno Nardi (Florence, 1955), II, 616-17. [BACK]

12. Cf. Petrarch, De ignorantia , p. 49: "Shall we never have any respite? Must this pen always need fight? Shall we never have a holiday? . . . Shall I never find quiet repose by fleeing almost everything for which mankind strives and fervently exerts itself? . . . Most avidly craving for peace, I am thrust into war." [BACK]

13. For an introduction to this aspect of the Renaissance, see the fine piece of Theodor E. Mommsen, ''Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages,'" Speculum , XVII (1942), 226-42, and Donald R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship (New York, 1969), esp. ch. 2. [BACK]

14. Baron, Crisis , esp. pp. 332 ff., and Dufour, p. 58. Dufour emphasizes the concern for vernacular communication as a bond between humanists and Reformers. [BACK]

15. On the general point Trinkaus is particularly valuable. [BACK]

16. The affinities between Italian humanism and some tendencies in later scholasticism have been recognized by Garin, L'umanesimo italiano , pp. 10-11, and Medioevo e Rinascimento: studi e ricerche (Bari, 1961). [BACK]

17. Cf. Heiko A. Oberman, "Some Notes on the Theology of Nominalism, with Attention to Its Relation to the Renaissance," Harvard Theological Review , LIII (1960), 47-76. [BACK]

18. Trinkaus, I, 40-41, 55, 76, 127, 147; II, 575. On Valla, see also Radetti, pp. 609-10. [BACK]

19. On the uses of history, see Walter Ullmann, Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages (London, 1961), pp. 228-29. [BACK]

20. This is a central conception, for example, in the first part of Machiavelli's Istorie fiorentine . [BACK]

21. Cf. Guicciardini: "Political power cannot be wielded according to the dictates of a good conscience. If you consider its origin, you will always find it in violence—except in the case of republics within their territories, but not beyond. Not even the emperor is exempt from this rule; nor are the priests, whose violence is double, since they assault us with both temporal and spiritual arms." Maxims and Reflections of a Renaissance Statesman , Mario Domandi, trans. (New York, 1965), p. 54. [BACK]

22. Cf. Machiavelli, Discorsi , Bk. III, ch. 1, on the need for regular revivals in religion. [BACK]

23. See Radetti, pp. 610-12. [BACK]

24. For Mussato, Manlio Dazzi, "Il Mussato storico," Archivio Veneto , Ser. 5, VI (1929), 361; for Machiavelli, see, for example, Isotorie fiorentine , bk. I, ch. 1; for Guicciardini, Storia d'Italia , Bk. IV, ch. 12; for Sarpi, see my Venice , pp. 358 ff. [BACK]

25. De ignorantia , pp. 103-4. [BACK]

26. Hanna H. Gray, "Valla's Encomium of St. Thomas Aquinas and the Humanist Conception of Christian Antiquity," Essays in History and Literature Presented to Stanley Pargellis (Chicago, 1965), p. 45. [BACK]

27. Institutes , I, i. [BACK]

28. For the point in Valla, see Radetti, p. 616. [BACK]

29. Trinkaus, II, 768-69. [BACK]

30. Baron, Crisis , pp. 295-96. [BACK]

31. Radetti, p. 616. [BACK]

32. For example, George H. Williams, The Radical Reformation (Nashville, 1962), pp. 16 ff., and various works of Delio Cantimori. [BACK]

33. Cf. Heiko A. Oberman, Forerunners of the Reformation (New York, 1966), pp. 10-12, and Jean Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme (Paris, 1968), p. 356, quoting J. Toussaert: "un Christianisme à 80% de morale, 15% de dogme et 5% de sacraments." [BACK]

34. Ullmann, p. 51 and passim . Cf. E. Delaruelle et al., L'église au temps du Grand Schisme et de la crise conciliaire (Paris, 1962), II, 899, 902. [BACK]

35. Cf. Trinkaus, I, 74-76 (on Salutati's amalgamation of Christianity with civic life), 88-89; and Nicola Abbagnano, "Italian Renaissance Humanism," Journal of World History , XI (1963), 278. [BACK]

36. See L. D. Ettlinger, The Sistine Chapel before Michelangelo: Religious Imagery and Papal Primacy (Oxford, 1965). The development is nicely reflected also in the changing ecclesiology of Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. [BACK]

37. In this emphasis I differ somewhat from Kristeller and Trinkaus, though I am deeply indebted to both. [BACK]

38. Paul Oskar Kristeller, The Philosophy of Marsilio Ficino (New York, 1943), p. 322. On the general point cf. Holmes, p. 243. [BACK]

39. See Josephine L. Burroughs, in Renaissance Philosophy of Man , p. 185. For the modification in the idea of hierarchy, P. O. Kristeller, "Ficino and Pomponazzi on the Place of Man in the Universe," in his Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (Rome, 1956), p. 286. [BACK]

40. Letter to Pico, quoted by Leland Miles, John Colet and the Platonic Tradition (London, 1961), p. 7. On the general point, Burroughs, p. 191. [BACK]

41. Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries of the Renaissance (New Haven, 1958), pp. 14 ff. [BACK]

42. Eugene Rice, The Renaissance Idea of Wisdom (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), pp. 49 ff. [BACK]

43. See the letter of Pico Della Mirandola to Ermolao Barbaro, in Breen, Christianity and Humanism , pp. 16 ff. On the general point, Seigel, p. 258. [BACK]

44. Roland Bainton, Erasmus of Christendom (New York, 1969), pp. 59-60. [BACK]

45. J. C. Margolin, Recherches érasmiennes (Geneva, 1969), p. 31. [BACK]

46. See the general discussion by Eugene Rice, "Erasmus and the Religious Tradition," in Renaissance Essays , P. O. Kristeller and P. P. Wiener, eds. (New York, 1968), pp. 175-79. [BACK]

47. See Philip S. Watson's introduction to Luther and Erasmus: Free Will and Salvation (London, 1969), p. 14. For Erasmus's criticism of Luther's attack on Aristotle, see his letter to Jodocus Jonas, 10 May 1521, Opus Epistolarum Erasmi , P. S. and H. M. Allen, eds. (Oxford, 1906-1958), IV, 488. [BACK]

48. Cf. Matthew Spinka's introduction to the Enchiridion , in Advocates of Reform from Wyclif to Erasmus (London, 1953), pp. 285-86; and Heinrich Bornkamm, "Faith and Reason in the Thought of Erasmus and Luther," Religion and Culture: Essays in Honor of Paul Tillich , Walter Leibrecht, ed. (New York, 1959), p. 138. [BACK]

49. Letter to Jonas, Allen, IV, 487-88. [BACK]

50. See, for one example among many, his Paraclesis , in Ausgewählte Werke , Annemarie and Hajo Holborn, eds. (Munich, 1933), p. 144; here Erasmus expresses the hope that there should "everywhere emerge a people who would restore the philosophy of Christ not in ceremonies alone and in syllogistic propositions but in the heart itself and in the whole life." John C. Olin, trans., in Christian Humanism and the Reformation (New York, 1965), p. 99; cf. his letter to Paul Volz, 14 Aug. 1518, Allen, III, 374. [BACK]

51. Cf. his approval of Colet's position on this matter, letter to Jonas, 13 June 1521, in Allen, IV, 521. [BACK]

52. As with other aspects of Erasmus's thought, it is possible to find the most contradictory passages on this point among his various pronouncements, but it seems to me difficult to ignore the dualism underlying his influential Enchiridion ; and it is notable that although he has much to say about the immortality of the soul, he says remarkably little about the resurrection of the body. For the dependence of actions on beliefs, see the adage Aut fatuum aut regem , Margaret Mann Phillips, trans., The Adages of Erasmus (Cambridge, 1964), p. 217: "The first requisite is to judge rightly about each matter, because opinions are like sources from which all the actions of life flow, and when they are infected everything must needs be mismanaged." [BACK]

53. Noted by Bornkamm, pp. 135-36. [BACK]

54. Cf. Johan Huizinga, Erasmus and the Age of the Reformation , F. Hopman, trans. (New York, 1957), pp. 119-20; and Bernd Moeller, Reichsstadt und Reformation (Gütersloh, 1962), p. 49. [BACK]

55. Cf. Delumeau, pp. 33, 48 ff.; Trinkaus, II, 767-69; Joseph Lortz, Die Reformation in Deutschland (3rd ed.; Freiburg, 1948), I, 11-12; Delaruelle, II, 872-74. [BACK]

56. Axiomata , in Erasmi opuscula , W. K. Ferguson, ed. (The Hague, 1933), p. 337, trans. Olin, p. 149. [BACK]

57. Cf. Institutes , IV, xx, 8. [BACK]

58. Römerbrief , WA, LVI, 258-59. [BACK]

59. Institutes , II, ii, 4. [BACK]

60. Melanchthon's esteem for rhetoric is well known, and for Calvin see Breen, "John Calvin and the Rhetorical Tradition," Church History , XXVI (1957), 14 ff. But Luther's attitude to rhetoric has received less attention, although he discussed it from time to time in the Tischreden , for example 193 called to my attention by Professor Steven Ozment) and 3528. WA Tr , I, 85-86., III, 378. [BACK]

61. For Luther see the massive documentation in George W. Forell, Faith Active in Love: An Investigation of the Principles Underlying Luther's Social Ethics (New York, 1954). There is a good deal to the point for Calvinism in Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), esp. ch. 1. [BACK]

62. Institutes , III, iv, 7, for example. [BACK]

63. For the general point in Luther, see John Headley, Luther's View of Church History (New Haven, 1963), and the stimulating suggestions of Gerhard Ebeling, Luther: An Introduction to His Thought , R. A. Wilson, trans. (Philadelphia, 1970), pp. 87-88, 161-62. [BACK]

64. Headley, p. 2; Trinkaus, "Renaissance Problems in Calvin," pp. 68, 72. [BACK]

65. Dictata super Psalterium, WA , III, 152, [BACK]

66. Ebeling, esp. pp. 66-67, 119-21. [BACK]

67. Institutes , II, viii, 10; II, xi, 13; III, xviii, 9, xxiv, 9; IV, viii, 5-7. [BACK]

68. Institutes , III, ii, 23. On the general point, Walzer, passim . [BACK]

69. WA Tr , V, 210, 5518. [BACK]

1. One example, among many, appears in the Consiglio in difesa di due ordinazioni della Serenissima Repubblica , published in Istoria dell'Interdetto e altri scritti of Sarpi, ed. M. D. Busnelli and G. Gambarin (Bari: Laterza, 1940; hereafter referred to as Scritti ), vol. II, p. 16: "Just as until the present I have put forward in my writings only clear and unquestioned doctrine, so in the future I will be able to state quite simply all that I know to be Christian and Catholic doctrine." Cf. Luigi Salvatorelli, "Paolo Sarpi," in Contributi alla storia del Concilio di Trento e della Controriforma (Florence, 1949), pp. 142-43. [BACK]

2. On Sarpi as a problem in historiography, see Giovanni Getto, Paolo Sarpi (Rome, 1941; but now republished, substantially unaltered, by Olschki in Florence, 1967), pp. 7-43 (pp. 1-52 of the Florentine edition); Vincenzo M. Buffon, Chiesa di Cristo e Chiesa Romana nelle opere e nelle lettere di Paolo Sarpi (University of Louvain, 1941), pp. 31-32; Federico Chabod, La politica di Paolo Sarpi (Rome and Venice: Instituto per la Collaborazione Culturale, 1962), pp. 13-18; Gaetano Cozzi, "Paolo Sarpi: il suo problema storico, religioso e giuridico nella recente letteratura," Il diritto ecclesiastico , LXIII (1952), 52-88; and Giovanni Gambarin, "Il Sarpi alla luce di studi recenti," Archivio veneto , L-LI (1953), 78-105. [BACK]

3. Cf. Chabod, La politica di P. S ., p. 48. [BACK]

4. See the penetrating book by Henri X. Arquillière, L'Augustinisme politique: Essai sur la formation des théories politiques du Moyen-Age (Paris: Vrin, 1934). [BACK]

5. Cf. Salvatorelli, "Paolo Sarpi," p. 139. [BACK]

6. Cf. Hubert Jedin, Das Konzil von Trient: ein Überblick über die Erforschung seiner Geschichte (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1948), pp. 62 ff. [BACK]

7. Arturo Carlo Jemolo, Stato e Chiesa negli scrittori politici italiani del Seicento e del Settecento (Turin: Bocce, 1914). [BACK]

8. Cf. Buffon, Chiesa di Cristo e Chiesa Romana , p. 32. On this point I agree with Getto, op. cit. , pp. 116-17, and I agree still more with Salvatorelli in his penetrating study Le idee religiose di fra Paolo Sarpi , Classe di Scienze Morali . . . Memorie, vol. V (Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1953), p. 338. [BACK]

9. Letter to François Hotman, 22 July 1608, in Sarpi, Lettere ai Gallicani , ed. Boris Ulianich (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner 1961), p. 173. Cf. Buffon, Chiesa di Cristo e Chiesa Romana , p. 185. [BACK]

10. Georges Delagarde, La naissance de l'esprit laïque au déclin du Moyen-Age , 6 vols. (Paris, 1942-48; but see now the new edn. in 5 vols. published by Nauwelaerts at Louvain, 1956 et seq .). [BACK]

11. Cf. in particular Eugenio Garin, L'umanesimo italiano (Bari: Laterza, 1952); and Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955). [BACK]

12. Gaetano Cozzi, Il doge Nicolò Contarini (Venice and Rome: Istituto per la Collaborazione Culturale, 1958), p. 81. [BACK]

13. Cf. Chabod, La politica di P. S ., p. 119, and Clemente Maria Francescon, Chiesa e Stato nei consulti di fra P. S . (Vicenza, 1942), p. 251. The Republic's protection of Cesare Cremonini from the Inquisition is of special interest in this regard. See Spini, Ricerca dei libertini (Rome, 1950), pp. 146-47. [BACK]

14. Cf. Salvatorelli, "Venezia, Paolo V e fra P. S.," in La civiltà veneziana nell'età barocca (Venice and Rome: Istituto per la Collaborazione Culturale, 1959), p. 91. [BACK]

15. This is the impression that emerges very forcefully from the first biography of Sarpi, the Vita by Fulgenzio Micanzio, first published at Leiden in 1646 and more readily available in the Milan, 1824, or the Florence (Barbèra), 1958, editions of the Istoria del Concilio Tridentino , here cited in the 1658 edition (no place); see p. 178 for Sarpi's interest in travel. See also Chabod, La politica di P. S ., p. 32. [BACK]

16. Cf. Romano Amerio, Il Sarpi dei Pensieri filosofici inediti (Turin, 1950), pp. 13-15, and the citations in Sarpi, Scritti filosofici e teologici , ed. Amerio (Bari: Laterza, 1951). [BACK]

17. In Il Sarpi dei Pensieri filosofici inediti . Notable examples of Sarpi's empiricism are to be found in his letters to Jérôme Groslot de l'Isle of 6 January and 12 May 1609, in Lettere ai Protestanti , ed. Manlio Duilio Busnelli (Bari: Laterza, 1931; hereafter cited as Lettere ), vol. I, pp. 58 and 79. For his juridical thought, see "Consiglio in difesa di due ordinazioni" and "Consiglio sul giudicar le colpe di persone ecclesiastiche," both in Scritti ; see especially pp. 6 and 52-53. [BACK]

18. Istoria del Concilio Tridentino , ed. Giovanni Gambarin (Bari: Laterza, 1935), vol. I, p. 187. Cf. Getto, P. S ., pp. 175-76. [BACK]

19. Vita , pp. 79-80. [BACK]

20. Cf. Buffon, Chiesa di Cristo e Chiesa Romana , p. 10. Getto, on the other hand ( P. S ., pp. 68-69 and 92), sees Sarpi as a "Stoic sage." [BACK]

21. "Considerazioni sulle censure," in Scritti , vol. II, p. 209: "Many things which in their beginnings are good become pernicious as they then change." [BACK]

22. See his discussion of the council as an institution in Christian history: Istoria del Concilio Tridentino , vol. I, pp. 5-6 and 214-18; of the cult of the Virgin, ibid ., vol. I, pp. 287-90; of ecclesiastical government, ibid ., vol. I, pp. 350-52; and of ecclesiastical benefices, ibid ., vol. I, pp. 400-403. Naturally I do not exclude the importance of Protestant historiography in Sarpi. [BACK]

23. Cozzi, Contarini , pp. 56-57. [BACK]

24. Vita , p. 76. [BACK]

25. Note the conclusion of Sarpi's first formal consulto , the ''Consiglio in difesa di due ordinazioni," in Scritti , vol. II, p. 16. [BACK]

26. Micanzio, Vita , pp. 93 and 145. [BACK]

27. "Risposta al Breve circa li prigioni" in Scritti , vol. II, p. 71. Sarpi's words reflect a general Venetian ethos; see Ernesto Sestan, "La politica veneziana del Seicento" in La civilità veneziana nell'età barocca , p. 54. [BACK]

28. As in "Scrittura sopra la forza e validità della scommunica," in Scritti , vol. II, pp. 38-39. [BACK]

29. From the consulto, Della giurisdittione temporale sopra Aquileia , cited by Francescon in Chiesa e Stato nei consulti di fra P. S ., p. 114. Cf. also "Consiglio in difesa di due ordinazioni," in Scritti , vol. II pp. 12, 14, and 15, and "Consiglio sul giudicar le colpe di persone ecclesiastiche," ibid ., p. 46. [BACK]

30. "Considerazioni sopra le censure," in Scritti , vol. II, p. 251. [BACK]

31. Note the skill with which Sarpi contrasts the authoritarianism of Pope Paul V and the free deliberations of the Venetian Senate in "Istoria dell'lnterdetto," Scritti , vol. I, pp. 15 ff. et passim . [BACK]

32. La politica di P. S ., p. 72. [BACK]

33. "Considerazioni sopra le censure," in Scritti , vol. II, p. 249. [BACK]

34. Cf. Garin, L'umanesimo italiano , pp. 31 ff. [BACK]

35. Cf. Sestan, "La politica veneziana," pp. 45 ff. [BACK]

36. Cf. Chabod, La politica di P. S ., p. 135. [BACK]

37. Thus in the "Istoria dell'Interdetto," Scritti , vol. I, p. 57, Sarpi speaks of the Spanish view that "the distrust between the two greatest Italian [states] made their affairs more stable; and by having the pope conquer the Republic, they would also increase their temporal jurisdiction." [BACK]

38. Letter to Groslot, 23 October 1607, in Lettere , vol. I, p. 4. [BACK]

39. Cozzi, Contarini , pp. 133-34; letter to Groslot, 25 September 1612, in Lettere , vol. I, p. 244. [BACK]

40. Letter to Groslot, 23 October 1612, ibid ., vol. I, p. 248. [BACK]

41. "Istoria dell'lnterdetto," in Scritti , vol. I, p. 4, et passim . [BACK]

42. Letter to Groslot, 27 April 1610, in Lettere , vol. I, p. 119. [BACK]

43. This doctrine appears in many of his works. Note, for example, the letter to Groslot of 25 November 1608, ibid ., vol. I, p. 50: "But in all things the occasion is the chief matter, without which all goes not only fruitlessly, but even with loss. When God shows us the opportunity, we must believe it to be His will that we take it. When [He does] not, we must await silently the time of His good pleasure." The doctrine is carefully examined by Salvatorelli in Le idee religiose di fra P. S ., pp. 312 ff. and 358 ff., and by Cozzi in "Fra P. S., l'Anglicanesimo e la 'Historia del Concilio Tridentino,'" Rivista storica italiana , LXVIII (1956), 569-71. [BACK]

44. Letter to Groslot, 25 September 1612, in Lettere , vol. I, p. 243. [BACK]

45. See, for example, the letter to Groslot of 26 October 1610, ibid ., vol. I, p. 149: "I, however, have observed many times that matters thought to be without hope turn out well and those that appear to have every chance of success turn out badly. I thus prefer to wait to see what happens and make no predictions.'' [BACK]

46. So the letter to Groslot of 14 September 1610, ibid ., vol. I, p. 135: "As to predicting the future, I dare not do it, because of the experience I have had with things that always turn out contrary to expectations." [BACK]

47. Letter to Groslot, 4 August 1609, ibid ., vol. I, p. 88. Cf. Micanzio, Vita , p. 173. [BACK]

48. Cf. Boris Ulianich, "Sarpiana: La lettera del Sarpi allo Heinsius," Rivista storica italiana , LXVIII (1956), 425-46, and Cozzi, "Fra P. S., l'Anglicanesimo e la 'Historia del Concilio Tridentino.'" Micanzio, Vita , p. 73, speaks of Sarpi's special interest in St. Augustine. [BACK]

49. Cf. Amerio, Il Sarpi dei Pensieri filosofici inediti , pp. 13-15. [BACK]

50. Note, for example, the debates on systematic theology in the Istoria del Concilio Tridentino , vol. I, pp. 298-99, 318, 343-44, 365, and 380-81. Cf. Cozzi, "Paolo Sarpi tra il cattolico Philippe Canaye de Fresnes e il calvinista Isaac Casaubon," Bollettino dell'Istituto di Storia della Società e dello Stato Veneziano , I (1958), 98-99, on Sarpi's attitude with regard to speculative theology among the Protestants. See also Chabod, La politica di P. S ., pp. 149-50. [BACK]

51. This is the position taken subsequently by Galileo and the Galileans, and it may be traced to the close personal ties between Galileo and Sarpi. [BACK]

52. Letter to Groslot, 7 July 1609, Lettere , vol. I, p. 86. [BACK]

53. For a more complete documentation on what follows, see Buffon, Chiesa di Cristo e Chiesa Romana , and Boris Ulianich, "Considerazioni e documenti per una ecclesiologia di P. S." in Festgabe Joseph Lortz (Baden-Baden: B. Grimm, 1958), vol. II, pp. 363-444. [BACK]

54. See for example the "Apologia per le opposizioni fatte dal cardinale Bellarmino," Scritti , vol. III, p. 69: "What is meant by 'Church'? If we follow the meaning of the word itself and the Holy Scriptures, [it is] the congregation of the faithful." For precedents of Sarpi's position among the medieval canonists, see Brian Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory (London: Cambridge University Press, 1955). [BACK]

55. "Scrittura sopra la forza e validità della scommunica," Scritti , vol. II, p. 21: "And the theologians give as a certain and infallible rule that when a man is sure in his conscience of not having sinned mortally in the action for which he has been excommunicated, he can have a sure conscience about having no damage in his soul and of not being excommunicated [in they eyes of] God, nor deprived of the spiritual assistance of the Church." For Sarpi's opinion on the Jesuit doctrine of obedience, see "Istoria dell'Interdetto,'' in Scritti , vol. I, p. 107, and on the troubles of the Jesuits during the interdict crisis, see Pietro Pirri, S. J., L'Interdetto di Venezia del 1606 e i Gesuiti (Rome: Institutum Historicum S. I., 1959). [BACK]

56. Thus Sarpi's approval of the electoral principle in ecclesiastical office. See the letter to Groslot of 17 February 1608, Lettere , vol. I, p. 65. [BACK]

57. For Sarpi, the cause of Gallican autonomy was also the cause of the Universal Church. See letter to Groslot of 22 July 1608, ibid ., vol. I, p. 24. [BACK]

58. Note the texts presented by Cozzi in "Sarpi, L'Anglicanesimo e la 'Historia . . .,'" pp. 613-15, and "P. S. tra il cattolico Philippe Canaye . . .," pp. 123-24, n. 284. [BACK]

59. He represented Protestant doctrine as a radical remedy for "extinguishing tyranny" in the letter to Groslot of 22 July 1608, Lettere , vol. I, p. 23. [BACK]

60. Cited in Buffon, Chiesa di Cristo e Chiesa Romana , p. 42, from the "Sommario di una considerazione sulla libertà ecclesiastica," Biblioteca Marciana, Venice, MS It., cl. XI, cod. 176, fol. 171. [BACK]

61. Note Sarpi's caustic reply to the pope in "Nullità nelli brevi del pontefice," Scritti , vol. II, p. 90. [BACK]

62. See the summary of this position in Amerio, Il Sarpi dei Pensieri filosofici inediti , pp. 35-36. [BACK]

63. "Consulto sui rimedii. . .," Scritti , vol. II, p. 159: "It becomes just and legitimate to reject and oppose those pontiffs who adopt any means (even though wicked and impious) in order to conserve and increase their temporal authority. . . ." [BACK]

64. Note Spini, Ricerca dei libertini , pp. 15 ff. [BACK]

65. Note the texts assembled with regard to this point by Francescon in Chiesa e Stato nei consulti di Fra P. S . [BACK]

66. See Micanzio, Vita , pp. 161-62. [BACK]

67. "Consiglio sul giudicar le colpe di persone ecclesiastiche," Scritti , vol. II, p. 49. [BACK]

68. Ibid ., p. 50: "Ecclesiastics are citizens and members of the republic. But the republic is governed by the laws of the prince. Hence [ecclesiastics] are subjects; and in disobeying [the law] they sin before God no less than the laity." [BACK]

1. But see J. R. Hale, England and the Italian Renaissance: The Growth of Interest in Its History and Art (London, 1954), which does recognize that before the eighteenth century Venice was the primary source of European impressions of the Italian Renaissance. See also Zera S. Fink, The Classical Republicans: An Essay in the Recovery of a Pattern of Thought in Seventeenth-Century England , 2nd ed. (Evanston, 1962). [BACK]

2. For fuller treatment of the Venetian political tradition, see my Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter-Reformation (Berkeley, 1968). [BACK]

3. Della perfezione della vita politica , in his Opere politiche , ed. C. Monzani (Florence, 1852) I, 33-405. [BACK]

4. Ibid., 41-57, 214-216. [BACK]

5. In his Discorsi politici , in Opere politiche , II, 1-371. [BACK]

6. Sopra la forza e validità della scommunica , in Istoria dell' Interdetto e altri scritti , ed. Giovanni Gambarin (Bari, 1940) II, 40. [BACK]

7. Istoria del Concilio Tridentino , ed. Giovanni Gambarin (Bari, 1935) II, 250. [BACK]

8. De magistratibus et republica venetorum (Venice, 1543). [BACK]

9. I cite from the edition of J. G. Graevius, Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Italiae (Leyden, 1722) V, col. 58. [BACK]

10. Ibid., cols. 7-8. [BACK]

11. Ibid., col. 4. [BACK]

12. Ibid., cols. 56-57. [BACK]

13. In his relazione of 1595 after his Roman embassy, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al senato , ed. Eugenio Albèri (Florence, 1839-1863), II, iv, 355-448. [BACK]

14. In his Historia vinetiana (Venice, 1605). [BACK]

15. In his Discorsi , cited above. [BACK]

16. Vita politica , 254-256. [BACK]

17. Istoria delle guerre civili di Francia (Milan, 1807) I, 7-13. [BACK]

18. Concilio Tridentino , I, 236. [BACK]

19. Bellarmine's charge appeared in his Risposta a un libretto intitolato Risposta di un dottore di Theologia (Rome, 1606). It was directed against Giovanni Marsilio, who replied in his Difesa a favore della risposta dell' otto propositioni (Venice, 1606). Both works are included in Raccolta degli scritti usciti . . . nella cause del P. Paolo V. co' signori venetiani (Chur, 1607) I, 166-167 and 243 for these passages. [BACK]

20. Concilio Tridentino , II, 437. [BACK]

21. Guerre civili di Francia , I, 3-5. [BACK]

22. Concilio Tridentino , I, 187. [BACK]

23. Ibid., I, 4-5. [BACK]

24. Letter to Jérôme Groslot de l'Isle, 28 Feb. 1612, in his Lettere ai Protestanti , ed. Manlio D. Busnelli (Bari, 1931) I, 219. [BACK]

25. For a vision of Sarpi as reformer, see Pierre F. Le Courayer, Défense de la nouvelle traduction de l'histoire du Concile de Trente (Amsterdam, 1742) 38. [BACK]

26. The French translation was by Jehan Charrier (Paris, 1544), the English by Sir Lewes Lewkenor (London, 1599). [BACK]

27. Gabriel Naudé, Bibliographia politica (Frankfurt, 1673) III. [BACK]

28. For these translations see Carlo Curcio, Dal Rinascimento alla Controriforma (Rome, 1934) 211, n. The translation of the history (London, 1658) was the work of Henry, Earl of Monmouth. [BACK]

29. Bibliographia politica , 33. [BACK]

30. Curcio, 211. [BACK]

31. By Charles Cotterell and William Aylesbury (1647) and Ellis Farnesworth (1758). [BACK]

32. The French translation (1644) was by I. Baudoin, the Spanish (1675) by P. Basilio Varen de Soto, and the Latin (1735) by François Cornazanus. [BACK]

33. Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, Letters on the Study and Use of History (London [1st ed., 1752], 1770) 136-137. For English interest in Davila, see also Christopher Hill, Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution (Oxford, 1965) 2, 278-279. [BACK]

34. It was first published in Boston, 1805. It must be admitted that the work is very little concerned with Davila. [BACK]

35. See Hubert Jedin, Das Konzil von Trient, ein Überblick über die Erforschung seiner Geschichte (Rome, 1948) 93. [BACK]

36. Giorgio Spini, "Riforma italiana e mediazioni ginevrine nella Nuova Inghilterra," in Ginevra e l'Italia (Florence, 1959) 454-455. [BACK]

37. For Johnson's interest in Sarpi, see, most recently, John Lawrence Abbott, "Dr. Johnson and the Making of The Life of Father Paul Sarpi ," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library , XXXVIII (1966) 255-267. The first translation was by Nicholas Brent (1620). [BACK]

38. The first was by the Calvinist Giovanni Diodati (Geneva, 1621); the later translations were by Abraham Nicolas Amelot de la Houssaye (Amsterdam, 1683) and Pierre F. Le Courayer (London, 1736). [BACK]

39. For example, Cardinal Pallavicino, in his own Historia del Concilio Tridentino ; on this point see V. Luciani, Francesco Guicciardini and His European Reputation (New York, 1936) 208. [BACK]

40. Science des princes, ou considérations politiques sur les coups d'état (Paris, 1757) III, 238 [BACK]

41. Amelot, in the preface of his Histoire du Concile de Trente (2nd rev. ed., Amsterdam, 1686). [BACK]

42. See Francesco Griselini, Memorie anedote spettanti alla vita ed agli studi del sommo filosofo e giureconsulto F. Paolo Servita (Lausanne, 1760) 260. [BACK]

43. For the numerous translations of this work, see Luigi Firpo, Traduzioni dei "Ragguagli" di Traiano Boccalini (Florence, 1965). [BACK]

44. Cf. Franco Gaeta, "Alcune considerazioni sul mito di Venezia," Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance , XXIII (1961) 63. Among Europeans particularly impressed by this was Claude de Seyssel, La monarchie de France (1519), ed. Jacques Poujol (Paris, 1961) 107. [BACK]

45. For earlier impressions of Venice, see Gina Fasoli, "Nascita di un mito," Studi storici in onore di Gioacchino Volpe (Florence, 1958) I, 445-479. For Florentine interest in Venice see also Rudolph von Albertini, Das florentinische Staatsbewusstsein im Übergang von der Republik zum Principat (Berne, 1955); Renzo Pecchioli, "Il'mito'di Venezia e la crisi fiorentina intorno al 1500," Studi Storici , III (1962) 451-492; and Felix Gilbert, Machiavelli and Guicciardini: Politics and History in Sixteenth-Century Florence (Princeton, 1965). [BACK]

46. Mémoires-Journaux , ed. G. Brunet (Paris, 1875-1896) VIII, 198-310. [BACK]

47. I (1614) leaves 48-70, 89-104, 120-128. [BACK]

48. Avity, Les estats empires royaumes et principautés du monde (Paris, 1635) 497. [BACK]

49. Rohan, De l'interest des princes, et des estats de la Chrestienté (Paris, 1692) 122-123. [BACK]

50. Howell, S.P.Q.V. A survay of the signorie of Venice (London, 1651) 142. [BACK]

51. Histoire du gouvernement de Venise et l'examen de sa liberté (Paris, 1677). [BACK]

52. On the general point see, for example, the recent works of E. Thuau, Raison d'état et pensée politique à l'époque de Richelieu (Paris, 1966), and Leonard Marsak, "The Idea of Reason in Seventeenth-Century France" Cahiers d'Histoire Mondiale , XI (1969) 407-416. [BACK]

53. Pp. 1, 10. [BACK]

54. See, for example, his Interest des princes , 102. [BACK]

55. Jean Bodin, The six bookes of a commonweale , Richard Knolles, trans. (London, 1606), in the facsimile edition of Kenneth D. McRae (Cambridge, Mass., 1962) 563. The Knolles translation made use of both the slightly differing French and Latin editions. [BACK]

56. Avity, 477, for example. [BACK]

57. The point has been made by Fink, 34-35. [BACK]

58. "Brittania and Rawleigh," in Andrew Marvell, Poems and Letters , ed. H. M. Margoliouth (Oxford, 1952) I, 188. Margoliouth thinks the poem is not Marvell's. [BACK]

59. Thomas de Fougasse, The generall historie of the magnificent state of Venice , W. Shute, trans. (London, 1612) I, 25, 162, from the French edition of 1608; Gregorio Leti, Ragguagli historici e politici delle virtu, e massime necessarie alla conservatione degli stati (Amsterdam, 1699) I, 103-105. In this work Leti attempts to substitute Holland for Venice as a new model of political perfection, but he does so by magnifying in the Dutch the virtues elsewhere attributed to Venice. [BACK]

60. In his epistle to the reader. [BACK]

61. Traiano Boccalini, Ragguagli di Parnaso , ed. Luigi Firpo (Bari, 1948) I, 21-22. [BACK]

62. P. 203. See also 204-207. [BACK]

63. Charles Perrault, Parallèle des Anciens et des Modernes (Paris, 1688), in the facsimile edition of H. R. Jauss (Munich, 1964) II, 100. [BACK]

64. An Essay upon the ancient and modern learning , ed. J. E. Spingarn (Oxford, 1909) 36. [BACK]

65. A Venice looking-glasse: or, a letter written very lately from London to Rome, by a Venetian clarissimo (London, 1648). This has been attributed to Howell. [BACK]

66. Alexandre Toussaint de Limojon, sieur de Saint-Didier, La ville et la république de Venise (Paris, 1680) 4. [BACK]

67. P. 476. [BACK]

68. P. 1. [BACK]

69. P. 12. [BACK]

70. James Harrington, Oceana , ed. S. B. Liljegren (Heidelberg, 1924) 185. [BACK]

71. Opening words of the epistle to Parliament. [BACK]

72. Pp. 107-108. [BACK]

73. P. 433. [BACK]

74. Pp. 22, 28-29. [BACK]

75. Pp. 5, 8, 35. [BACK]

76. Pp. 32, 137. [BACK]

77. Article "Venise," Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (Paris, 1751-1765) XVII, 12. [BACK]

78. P. 24. [BACK]

79. This prefaced Lewkenor's English translation of Contarini. [BACK]

80. Pp. 21-22. [BACK]

81. P. 785. [BACK]

82. Pp. 428, 606. [BACK]

83. Pp. 108, 114. [BACK]

84. Pp. 4, 208. See also Boccalini, 26. [BACK]

85. Pp. 200-204. [BACK]

86. For example, I, 114. [BACK]

87. II, 344. [BACK]

88. P. 549. [BACK]

89. Against Naudé, in his notes to Naudé's Science des Princes (Strasbourg, 1673). Dumay was a Counselor-Secretary to the Elector of Mainz. [BACK]

90. P. 547. See also Boccalini, 25-26. [BACK]

91. Boccalini, 24. [BACK]

92. P. 23. See also Amelot de la Houssaye, 48-49; Howell, 5; and the Sieur de la Haye, La politique civile et militaire des Venitiens (Paris, 1668) 65-67. [BACK]

93. P. 23. [BACK]

94. Amelot de la Houssaye, 37; Howell, 183; Harrington, 173. [BACK]

95. P. 7. [BACK]

96. In the preface to his translation of Sarpi's Concilio Tridentino . [BACK]

97. P. 128. [BACK]

98. I, 23. [BACK]

99. "Venise, et, par occasion, de la liberté," in Voltaire, Oeuvres complètes , ed. Louis Moland (Paris, 1877-1885) XX, 552-554, often included in the Dictionnaire philosophique . [BACK]

100. Thomas Coryat, Crudities (Glasgow, 1905) I, 415-416. [BACK]

101. P. 1 and prefatory verses. [BACK]

102. P. 180. [BACK]

103. P. 160. [BACK]

104. Gaeta, 69-72. [BACK]

105. And not only in France; see G. P. Gooch, English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1954) 243. [BACK]

106. Cf. Fougasse, I, 208; and Fink, 46. [BACK]

107. Boccalini, 23, 26-27; Amelot de la Houssaye, 37 et seq., 49-50, 61. [BACK]

108. P. 151. [BACK]

109. Dialogue between Pole and Lupset , ed. K. M. Burton (London, 1948) 167. [BACK]

110. P. 12; see also 6. [BACK]

111. Gaeta, 71-72. [BACK]

112. P. 178. [BACK]

113. P. 112. [BACK]

114. P. 554. [BACK]

115. Pp. 10-11. [BACK]

116. P. 19. [BACK]

117. Pp. 152-153. [BACK]

118. Contrat social , bk. iv, ch. 3. [BACK]

119. P. 55. See also 4, with special reference to Venetian foreign policy. [BACK]

120. II, 457-458 in Naudé, Science des Princes . [BACK]

121. P. 128. See also 92, 122. [BACK]

122. Science des Princes , I, 146; cf. 144 [BACK]

123. Amelot de la Houssaye, 99-101, 54-55. [BACK]

124. Howell, 92. [BACK]

125. Boccalini, 30-31; Amelot de la Houssaye, 76-77; Saint-Didier, 227-228. [BACK]

126. Amelot de la Houssaye, 102. [BACK]

127. Dumay, in Naudé, Science des Princes , I, 163; III, 115. [BACK]

128. Rosseau, Émile , in Oeuvres complètes (Paris, 1969) IV, 646 n. [BACK]

129. Leti, I, 74-76, on the ground that it is the way of nature for the great to oppress the weak. [BACK]

130. Saint-Didier, 274 et seq., where these practices are seen as both debasing and useful; cf. Amelot de la Houssaye, 309 et seq., where distaste and fascination seem equally mixed. [BACK]

131. P. 711. [BACK]

132. Pp. 99, 135-142, 383. [BACK]

133. Pp. 235, 398. [BACK]

134. Pp. 133-134. [BACK]

135. P. 208. [BACK]

136. A seasonable discourse (London, 1649), cited by Hill, 278. [BACK]

137. Fougasse, I, 112-113. Howell, 18, 185; Dumay, in Naudé, Science des Princes , I, 204. [BACK]

138. Preface to his translation of Sarpi, Concilio Tridentino . [BACK]

139. Défense de la traduction , 72, 94. [BACK]

140. Article "Venise," 8. [BACK]

141. "Father Paul Sarpi," Works (London, 1820) XII, 6-7. [BACK]

142. Letter to Walpole, 2 Aug. 1758, in Letters , ed. J. Y. T. Greig (Oxford, 1932) I, 152. [BACK]

143. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire , ed. H. H. Milman (Philadelphia, n. d.) V, 537 n. 89. [BACK]

144. P. 353. [BACK]

145. René Pintard, Le libertinage érudit première moitié du XVIIe siècle (Paris, 1943) I, 104. [BACK]

146. Areopagitica and Other Prose Works (London, Everyman's Library, 1927) 8. [BACK]

147. P. 171. [BACK]

148. I, 260. [BACK]

149. As in Coryat, I, 401-409; Amelot de la Houssaye, 88, 142 et seq., 331-332; and even Howell, 8: "She melts in softness and sensualitie as much as any other [place] whatsoever; for, 'tis too well known, ther is no place where ther is lesse Religion from the girdle downwards." [BACK]

150. Article "Venise," 12. [BACK]

151. Fulgenzio Micanzio, Vita del Padre Paolo (n.p., 1658) 79. [BACK]

1. The first that has come to my notice is Girolamo Briani, Istoria d'Italia (Venice, 1632), which, in eighteen books, moves from Hannibal to 1527. This was followed by several other general accounts of Italian affairs, chiefly, however, dealing with the seventeenth century. [BACK]

2. For what follows see, in general, Rudolph von Albertini, Das florentinische Staatsbewusstsein im Übergang von der Republik zum Principat (Bern, 1955). [BACK]

3. For Guicciardini see, in addition to Albertini, Vittorio de Caprariis, Francesco Guicciardini: dalla politica alla storia (Bari, 1950), esp. 89ff. [BACK]

4. For Varchi, see, in addition to Albertini (esp. 332-333), Michele Lupo Gentile, "Studi sulla storiografia fiorentina alla corte di Cosimo I de' Medici," Annali delta R. Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa , XIX (1906). [BACK]

5. I use the edition, in three volumes, Florence, 1647. A biography of Ammirato is in preparation by Rodolfo de Mattei. [BACK]

6. Istorie fiorentine , I, 4D and 2. [BACK]

7. Ibid ., 2. [BACK]

8. Ibid ., II, 1102C. [BACK]

9. Cf. the remarks of Ferdinand Schevill, Medieval and Renaissance Florence , new ed. (New York and Evanston, 1963), I, xxiii. [BACK]

10. V. Luciani, Francesco Guicciardini and His European Reputation (New York, 1936), 14ff. [BACK]

11. Agostino Mascardi, Dell'arte istorica (Rome, 1636); Sebastiano Macci, De historia (Venice, 1613). On Mascardi, see A. Belloni, Il Seicento (Milan, 1929), 447-448; on Macci, see Giorgio Spini, "I trattatisti dell'arte storica nella Controriforma italiana," in Contributi alla storia del Concilio di Trento e della Controriforma (Florence, 1948), 130-131. [BACK]

12. Nevertheless even the edition of the Istorie fiorentine of 1647 ran into trouble with the censors. See the preliminary note by the printer explaining the omission of a section (for the year 1511) on pp. 294-295 of the third volume. [BACK]

13. On this point see Jean Delumeau, Vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du XVIE siècle ( = Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome , Fasc. 184) (Paris, 1957-1959), I, 219. [BACK]

14. For Bellarmine's historical thought, see E. A. Ryan, The Historical Scholarship of Saint Robert Bellarmine (Louvain, 1936). [BACK]

15. Pontien Polman, L'élément historique dans la controverse religiuse au XVIe siècle (Gembloux, 1932), 500. [BACK]

16. Cf. Ryan, Bellarmine , 149-150. [BACK]

17. The skeptic was probably Giovanni Marsili, in the anonymous Risposta d'un dottore in theologia ad una Lettera scrittagli da un reverendo suo amico sopra il breve di censure, dalla santità di Papa Paolo V. publicate contro li Signori Venetiani (Venice, 1606). I use the edition included in the Raccolta degli scritti usciti fuori in istampa e scritti a mano, nella causa del P. Paolo V co'signori venetiani (Coira, 1607), p. 143 for the passage cited. [BACK]

18. Roberto Bellarmino, Risposta del Card. Bellarmino a un libretto intitolato Risposta di un Dottore di Theologia (Rome, 1606), also in the Raccolta cited above, 166-167. [BACK]

19. Cf. Polman, L'élément historique , 527. [BACK]

20. A recent instance is provided by Hubert Jedin's authoritative history of the Council of Trent. I quote from the translation of Ernest Graf, A History of the Council of Trent , I (London, 1957), 5-6: "Up to the fateful turn of the Middle Ages, about the year 1300, the supremacy of the Papacy in the Church and in the Respublica christiana had remained unchallenged. Caesarism had collapsed after a long struggle. . . . The fourth Council of the Lateran, the two Councils of Lyons and that of Vienne, showed the Pope as the unquestioned head of Christendom." [BACK]

21. It is cited frequently by the partisans of the papacy in the numerous anti-Venetian writings occasioned by the interdict of 1606-1607. Bellarmine, for example, appealed to its authority in the Risposta del Card. Bellarmino ad un libretto intitolato Trattato, e risolutione sopra la validità delle Scommuniche, di Gio Gersone (Rome, 1606), also in the Raccolta cited above, 310 bis. [BACK]

22. So the "Monitum" of Louis Guerin, in the Annales ecclesiastici , I (1864): "Qui Baronium nominaverit, is nobis in memoriam revocaverit virum in historia ea auctoritate praeditum, qua ejus municeps, sanctus Thomas Aquinas, in theologia valet. Annales enim Ecclesiasticos unum esse hoc in genere absolutum opus, nemo non profitetur." [BACK]

23. In point of fact, he was the second official historian of Venice, Andrea Navagero having been appointed fifteen years earlier; and Navagero, as a layman and diplomat, would seem to have been a more appropriate kind of choice. Navagero died, however, without having written anything. For the decrees of these appointments, see Carlo Laggomaggiore, " L'Istoria Veneziana di M. Pietro Bembo," Archivio Veneto , Ser. 3, IX (1905), 331-334. [BACK]

24. Bembo was followed by Daniele Barbaro who, however, abandoned his history in favor of an ecclesiastical appointment in 1550; what he had written was evidently so little valued that it disappeared until found and published by Tommaso Gar, Archivio Storico Italiano , VII, part 2 (1884), 949-1112. After 1550 Venice had no official historian until the appointment of Paolo Paruta in 1580. [BACK]

25. See, in general, the excellent discussion of this period of Venetian history in Gaetano Cozzi, Il doge Nicolò Contarini: Richerche sul patriziato veneziano agli inizi del seicento (Venice and Rome, 1958), esp. 1-52. [BACK]

26. For Paduan historiography see, in general, Spini, "Trattatisti dell'arte storica," n. 11 above. [BACK]

27. Patrizzi's skepticism is emphasized by Julian H. Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (New York, 1963), 96-102. See also Franz Lamprecht, Zur Theorie der humanistische Geschichtsschreibung, Mensch und Geschichte bei Francesco Patrizzi (Zurich, 1950); and Beatrice Reynolds, "Shifting Currents in Historical Criticism," Journal of the History of Ideas , XIV (1953), 471-472. [BACK]

28. For discussion and excerpts from Contarini's Le Historie Venetiane , see Cozzi, Contarini , 197ff. and appendix. An edition of Contarini's history is now in preparation under the auspices of the Fondazione Giorgio Cini. [BACK]

29. Della perfezione della vita politica , in Opere politiche , C. Monzani, ed. (Florence, 1852), I, 200-203. [BACK]

30. Giovanni Marsili, Difesa a favore della risposta dell'otto propositioni (Venice, 1606), in Raccolta , 243. [BACK]

31. Fulgenzio Micanzio, in an official consulta of April 6, 1623, on the Sui reditus ex Auglia consilium of Marc-Antonio de Dominis, given in Bartolomeo Cecchetti, La Repubblica di Venezia e la Corte di Roma nei rapporti delta relegione (Venice, 1874), II, 246. [BACK]

32. Paolo Paruta, Historia Vinetiana (Venice, 1605); for Contarini, see above, note 28; Andrea Morosini, Historia Veneta ab anno 1521 usque ad annum 1615 (Venice, 1623). [BACK]

33. An example is the relation, on his return from Rome in 1558, of Bernardo Navagero, in Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al senato , ed. Albéri, ser. 2, III (Florence, 1846), esp. 371ff.; this is a significant early attempt to understand historically the political role of the church. [BACK]

34. Marco Foscarini, Della letteratura veneziana ed altri scritti intorno ad essa (Venice, 1854), 423-426, 437. This work, by a cultivated doge of the later eighteenth century, is generally useful for Venetian historical writing. [BACK]

35. For Bruto see Andrea Veress, "Il veneziano Giovanni Michele Bruto e la sua storia d'Ungheria," Archivio Veneto , Ser. 5, VI (1929), 148-178. [BACK]

36. L'Istoria delle guerre civili d'Inghilterra tra le due Case di Lancastro, e Iorc (Venice, 1637). [BACK]

37. Istoria delle guerre civili di Francia (Venice, 1630). [BACK]

38. By the Florentine Girolamo Bardi, Dichiaratione di tutte le istorie, che si contengono ne i quadri posti novamente nelle Salle dello Scrutinio, e del Gran Consiglio, del Palagio Ducale della Serenissima Republica di Vinegia (Venice, 1587). [BACK]

39. On the circumstances of its publication, see Gaetano Cozzi, "Fra Paolo Sarpi, l'anglicanesimo e la Historia del Concilio Tridentino ," Rivista Storica Italiana , LXVIII (1956), 559-619. [BACK]

40. Istoria del Concilio Tridentino , Giovanni Gambarin, ed. (Bari, 1935), I, 187. [BACK]

41. On this point see Hubert Jedin, Das Konzil von Trient, ein Überblick über die Erforschung seiner Geschichte (Rome, 1948), 93. [BACK]

1. "Une question mal posée: les origines de la réformee française et le problème des causes de la réforme," first published in the Revue historique , CLXI (1929), and included in Au coeur religieux du XVI ^e siècle (Paris, 1957), pp. 3-70. [BACK]

2. A good example is the treatment by Ernest Lavisse, Histoire de France , VII (Paris, 1905), Part I, 387-400, Part II, 14-37. [BACK]

3. An extreme, though not altogether unrepresentative, example of this view is M. Dubruel, "Gallicanisme," Dictionnaire de théologie catholique , VI, Part 2 (Paris, 1924), cols. 1096-1137; see, for example, cols. 1108-1109: "Ces théories sont des constructions factices imaginées pour justifier des résistances aux développements théoriques et pratiques de la primauté de Pierre," etc. Among the most important recent works on the subject are Joseph Lecler, ''Qu'est-ce que les libertés de l'Église gallicane,'' Recherches de science religieuse , XXIII (1933), 385-410, 542-568, and XXIV (1934), 47-85; Aimé George Martimort, Le Gallicanisme de Bossuet (Paris, 1953), with massive bibliographies; and the magisterial works of Victor Martin, Le Gallicanisme et la réforme catholique (Paris, 1919), Le Gallicanisme politique et le clergé de France (Paris, 1929), and Les origines du Gallicanisme (Paris, 1939). [BACK]

4. Origines du Gallicanisme , I, 39. [BACK]

5. Ibid ., I, esp. 29 ff.; Lecler, pp. 388-395. [BACK]

6. For the Council of Trent as a stimulus to Gallicanism, see Lecler, pp. 542 ff. [BACK]

7. A systematic study of this group, its social and political backgrounds and its culture, is badly needed. There are scattered suggestions in René Pintard, Le libertinage éudit dans la première moitié du XVII ^e siècle (Paris, 1943), and George Huppert, The Idea of Perfect History: Historical Erudition and Historical Philosophy in Renaissance France (Urbana and Chicago, 1970). [BACK]

8. It may be observed that the general importance of lawyers in the political and cultural history of the Renaissance is now receiving increased attention, for example in Myron P. Gilmore, Humanists and Jurists (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), and Lauro Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft in Renaissance Florence (Princeton, 1968). [BACK]

9. Martin, Origines du Gallicanisme , I, 137-138. [BACK]

10. In this connection cf. Edmond Richer, De la puissance ecclésiastique et politique (Paris, 1612), p. 11: "non donc la seule puissance est de Dieu: il y en a de mediocres & d'inferieures: & comme ce que Dieu a conioint ne doit estre separé: aussi ne se doit on aproprier, ce qu'il a attribué à ceux qui nous sont adioincts." [BACK]

11. For John of Paris, see Otto Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Age , tr. Frederic William Maitland (Cambridge, 1900), p. 20 and n. 61. Richer appealed to his authority, p. 48. [BACK]

12. There is a witty reflection of this attitude in Paolo Sarpi, Istoria del Concilio Tridentino , ed. Giovanni Gambarin (Bari, 1935), II, 250, which quotes the bishop of Valence as observing that "it would be a great absurdity to watch Paris burn when the Seine and Marne are full of water, in the belief that it was necessary to wait to put out the fire for water from the Tiber." See also, in this work, the remarks attributed to the French chancellor at Poissy (II, 300). On the general point see Martimort, pp. 106 ff. [BACK]

13. Cf. Martimort, pp. 19-20, 76 ff. The same kind of episcopalianism was prominent in Saint Cyran; cf. Jean Orcibal, Jean Duvergier de Hauranne, abbé de Saint-Cyran, et son temps (Paris, 1947), pp. 353-354. [BACK]

14. As in Richer, p. 10. Cf. p. 18, where Richer insists also on the participation of priests in church councils. [BACK]

15. Cf. Orcibal, pp. 35 ff., and Martimort, pp. 21-22. [BACK]

16. On the general point see Martimort, pp. 41 ff. For some particular expressions of conciliar sentiment, cf. Pierre Pithou, Les Libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane (in his Opera [Paris, 1609] pp. 511-533), p. 522; Jacques Leschassier, De la Liberté ancienne et canonique de l'Eglise Gallicane (Paris, 1606), pp. 29-30; Richer, pp. 18-23. [BACK]

17. Cf. Richer, p. 18, on the superiority of a council: "& celà se iuge en partie par inspiration divine, partie par la lumière naturelle: veu que plusieurs yeux voyent plus loing & aperçoivent mieux qu'un seul: & il n'a esté concedé de Dieu on de Nature à un seul d'estre sage, de peur qu'il ne s'en eslevast." There is an interesting parallel here with the defense of royal rule through councils in Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires , ed. J. Calmette and G. Durville (Paris, 1924-1925), I, 103. [BACK]

18. Martimort, pp. 23 ff. on the general point. [BACK]

19. Cf. Charles Faye, Discours des moyens pour lesquels messieurs du clergé . . . ont declaré les Bulles Monitoriales . . . nulles & injustes (Paris, 1591), in Traitez des droits et libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane , ed. Pierre Dupuy (Paris, 1731), I, 98-99, which denies that the pope is universal bishop and insists on the limits of his authority in France. For the same point, see Guy Coquille, Autre discours , in his Oeuvres (Bordeaux, 1703), pp. 192-196; Pithou, pp. 522-526; Richer, pp. 7-9, 14, 17, 22-23, 29. [BACK]

20. This tendency may be viewed as an application to the church of the general resurgence of French constitutionalism in the later sixteenth century, as noted by William Farr Church, Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth-Century France (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), pp. 74 ff. [BACK]

21. Libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane , pp. 513-514. [BACK]

22. On the general point cf. Martimort, pp. 84 ff. See also Martin, Gallicanisme et la réforme , pp. 350, 353, for examples of parlementary condemnations (to the distress of Rome) of heresy. For a typical assertion of the responsibilities of the clergy in ecclesiastical matters, cf. Leschassier, pp. 31-32. Leschassier argues that the defense of the church "est le plus grand honneur qui puisse estre en la main de iuges souverains, que de rendre à l'Eglise la saincteté de ses anciens reglemens." [BACK]

23. On this point see Martimort, pp. 97-98. [BACK]

24. As in Richer, pp. 29-32, who here makes a general Gallican point with particular sharpness. [BACK]

25. Liberté de l'Eglise Gallicane , p. 31. [BACK]

26. Libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane , pp. 514 ff. Pithou's list of actions prohibited to the pope is remarkably comprehensive. [BACK]

27. Richer attacks papalists because they "confondent l'estat de l'Eglise avec le gouvernement" (p. 39). [BACK]

28. Martimort, pp. 62-63, on the general point. Cf. Pithou, p. 513, and Leschassier, p. 29. [BACK]

29. Coquille, Discours des droits ecclesiastiques et libertez de l'Eglise de France ; Claude Fauchet, Traicté des libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane ; Faye, as cited above, note 19. The two first works are also in Dupuy, I, 70-86, 190-210. [BACK]

30. Cf. Leopold Willaert, Après le concile de Trente: la restauration catholique ( 1563-1648 ) (Paris, 1960), I, 387. [BACK]

31. De l'origine et du progrès des Interdicts ecclésiastiques , included in Dupuy, I (separately paged). [BACK]

32. On the general point, Martimort, pp. 66-67. Cf. Pithou, p. 518; Faye, 99 ff.; and Maintenue et Defense de Princes souverains et Eglises chrétiennes, contre les attentats, usurpations et excommunications des Papes de Rome , printed in Mémoires de la Ligue (Paris, 1601-1604), IV, 374-616. [BACK]

33. See on this point the classic work of Marc Bloch, Les rois thaumaturges: étude sur le caractère surnaturel attribué à la puissance royale, particulièrement en France et en Angleterre (Strasbourg, 1924); Martimort, p. 83. [BACK]

34. Martin, Origines du Gallicanisme , I, 33; Lecler, p. 392. [BACK]

35. Liberté de l'Eglise Gallicane , pp. 30-31, appealing to the authority of Charlemagne and Constantine. [BACK]

36. Le tocsin (Paris, 1610), p. 31. [BACK]

37. Liberté de l'Eglise Gallicane , p. 33. [BACK]

38. Cf. Julian Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (New York, 1963) and, more generally, J. G. A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law (Cambridge, 1957), pp. 1-29. [BACK]

39. As a number of scholars are now showing us. In addition to the works of Huppert and Franklin, cited above, see Werner L. Gundersheimer, The Life and Works of Louis Le Roy (Geneva, 1966); Samuel Kinser, The Works of Jacques-Auguste de Thou (The Hague, 1966); Franco Simone, Il Rinascimento francese: studi e ricerche (Turin, 1961); George W. Sypher, "La Popelinière's Histoire de France : A Case of Historical Objectivity and Religious Censorship," Journal of the History of Ideas , XXIV (1963), 41-54, and "Similarities Between the Scientific and the Historical Revolutions at the End of the Renaissance," in the same journal, XXVI (1965), 353-368; Donald R. Kelley, " Historia Integra : François Baudouin and His Conception of History," Journal of the History of Ideas , XXV (1964), 35-57, and "Guillaume Budé and the First Historical School of Law,'' American Historical Review , LXXII (1967), 807-834. [BACK]

40. On the general point, see Lecler, pp. 547 ff. [BACK]

41. Libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane , p. 533. The text is Proverbs 22:28. [BACK]

42. For a typical discussion of how much of antiquity could serve as a model for the contemporary church, see Lettre de Monseigneur le cardinal Du Perron. Envoyé au Sieur Casaubon en Angleterre (Paris, 1612), pp. 22-25. On the general interest of the Gallican magistrates in the study of ancient canon law, see Martimort, pp. 90-91. [BACK]

43. A general account of Leschassier's views may be found in Lecler, pp. 554-557. [BACK]

44. Pp. 9, 25. [BACK]

45. On Sarpi's vision of church history, see my Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter-Reformation (Berkeley, 1968), esp. pp. 571ff. [BACK]

46. Devis entre un Citoyen de Nevers, & un de Paris , in Oeuvres , I, 200: "Quand la Ville de Rome commandoit à tout le monde, le Pape étant élû à Rome ßtoit reconnu Souverain." [BACK]

47. Discours , p. 100. [BACK]

48. Liberté de l'Eglise Gallicane , pp. 16 ff., 27. [BACK]

49. Discours , pp. 103, 115. [BACK]

50. Liberté de l'Eglise Gallicane , pp. 4-8. [BACK]

51. Ibid ., p. 30. [BACK]

52. For example, Faye, Discours , p. 105, which quotes Augustine in support of the proposition that a man sincerely concerned to know the truth cannot be considered a heretic. Cf. Coquille's favorable treatment of Luther, Devis , p. 204. [BACK]

53. Cf. Ludwig von Pastor, The History of the Popes , tr. Dom Ernest Graf (London, 1898-1953), XXV, 300. See too Sarpi's Lettere ai Gallicani , ed. Boris Ulianich (Wiesbaden, 1961); these letters deal repeatedly with scientific interests. [BACK]

54. In addition to numerous treatises by older Gallican writers such as Gerson and John of Paris, Goldast included works of Richer, Leschassier, Louis Servin, and other contemporary Gallicans. [BACK]

55. For example, Richer, A Treatise of Ecclesiasticall and Politike Power (London, 1612). [BACK]

56. See Martin, Gallicanisme et la réforme catholique , pp. 367 ff. [BACK]

57. For Sarpi's contacts with Gallican leaders, see Ulianich's long introduction to his edition of the Lettere ai Gallicani . [BACK]

58. See, in general, Gaetano Cozzi, Il doge Nicolò Contarini: Ricerche sul patriziato veneziano agli inizi del Seicento (Venice, 1958), esp. pp. 1-52. [BACK]

59. Letter to Hotman de Villiers, Oct. 12, 1606, in his Lettres et ambassade (Paris, 1635-1636), III, 233. [BACK]

60. Leschassier, Consultatio Parisii cujusdam de controversia inter sanctitatem Pauli V et Sereniss. Rempublicam Venetam, ad virum clariss. Venetum , and Servin, Pro libertate status et reipublicae venetorum Gallo-franci ad Philenetum epistola , both printed in Paris in 1606. [BACK]

61. See his Lettere ai Gallicani and his Lettere ai Protestanti , ed. Manlio Duilio Busnelli (Bari, 1931), passim. [BACK]

62. On the general point, see his Mémoires-Journaux , ed. G. Brunet (Paris, 1875-1896), VIII, 254 ff.; on Sarpi, p. 255. [BACK]

63. Roberto Ubaldini to Cardinal Borghese, Aug. 5, 1608, in "Per l'epistolario di Paolo Sarpi," ed. Pietro Savio, Aevum , X (1936), 74, n. 1. [BACK]

64. (Paris, 1610), pp. 46-47. This work is now generally attributed to César de Plaix. [BACK]

1. Herfsttij der Middeleeuwen: Studie over Levens- en Gedachtenformen der Veertiende en Vijftiende Eeuw in Frankrijk en de Nederlanden (Haarlem, 1919). I cite the convenient Anchor edition, The Waning of the Middle Ages: A Study of the Forms of Life, Thought and Art in France and the Netherlands in the XIVth and XVth Centuries , tr. F. Hopman (New York, 1954). This essay owes much to Rosalie Colie, "Johan Huizinga and the Task of Cultural History," American Historical Review , 59 (1964), 607-630. For discussion of Huizinga in the context of the Renaissance problem, see also Wallace Ferguson, The Renaissance in Historical Thought: Five Centuries of Interpretation (Boston, 1948), esp. pp. 373-376. [BACK]

2. "The Task of Cultural History," Men and Ideas: Essays by Johan Huizinga , tr. James S. Holmes and Hans van Marle (New York, 1959), pp. 40-42. [BACK]

3. Huizinga, Waning , pp. 265, 322. [BACK]

4. Ibid., pp. 18-19, 64-67, 70, 332-334. [BACK]

5. Ibid., p. 325-326. [BACK]

6. Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny , rev. ed. (Princeton, 1966); Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought (Chicago, 1970). [BACK]

7. Waning , p. 335; also pp. 324-325 and passim . [BACK]

8. Huizinga, ''Task," p. 27. [BACK]

9. Ibid., p. 28. [BACK]

10. Huizinga, Waning , p. 225. [BACK]

11. Ibid., p. 270. [BACK]

12. Ibid., pp. 77. [BACK]

13. Ibid., pp. 50-51. [BACK]

14. This was pointed out to me by Heiko Oberman. The title of Oberman's own The Harpest of Medieval Theology: Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Nominalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1963) is intended both to recall Huizinga and to correct the one-sidedness of Huizinga's vision. [BACK]

15. Huizinga, "Task," p. 39. [BACK]

16. Huizinga, Waning , p. 295. [BACK]

17. Ibid., p. 335. [BACK]

1. See, for example, the opening paragraphs of Robert Darnton, "Intellectual and Cultural History," in Michael Kammen (ed.), The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States (Ithaca, 1980), 327-354. [BACK]

2. Plato, Timaeus , 47a. [BACK]

3. Arthur O. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the History of an Idea (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 10-14. [BACK]

4. Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny (Princeton, 1955). The works cited in this article were chosen for illustrative purposes. I have not surveyed recent literature, although I have tried to range widely enough with my examples to suggest that the tendencies described in my text are not confined to particular areas of study. [BACK]

5. Henry May, The Enlightenment in America (New York, 1976); Elizabeth Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1979). [BACK]

6. Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy (Oxford, 1972); Loren Partridge and Randolph Starn, A Renaissance Likeness: Art and Culture in Raphael's 'Julius II' (Berkeley, 1980); Carl E. Schorske, Finde-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980). [BACK]

7. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England (London, 1971). [BACK]

8. For example, Natalie Davis, "The Reasons of Misrule" and "The Rites of Violence," in Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, 1975), 97-123, 152-187. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan de 1294 à 1324 (Paris, 1975); Lawrence W. Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought from Slavery to Freedom (New York, 1977); Winthrop D. Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill, 1968). [BACK]

9. Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxford, 1969); Steven Ozment, The Reformation in the Cities: An Essay on the Appeal of Protestant Ideas to Sixteenth-Century Society (New Haven, 1975); Thomas N. Tentler, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton, 1977); John W. O'Malley, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Reform in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court, c. 1450-1521 (Durham, N. C., 1979); Lionel Rothkrug, "Religious Practice and Collective Perceptions: Hidden Homologies in the Renaissance and Reformation," Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques , VII (1980), published as a special issue. [BACK]

10. Gerald Strauss, Luther's House of Learning: Indoctrination of the Young in the German Reformation (Baltimore, 1978). Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore, 1973); John G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, 1975); Robert Brentano, Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century (Princeton, 1968). [BACK]

11. Marshall Sahlins, Culture and Practical Reason (Chicago, 1976); Pierre Bourdieu (trans. Richard Nice), Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977); Maurice Bloch, "The Past and the Present in the Present," Man , XII (1977), 278-292. [BACK]

12. The quoted remark is Clifford Geertz's paraphrase of Max Weber in The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973), 5. Cf. Bouwsma, "The Renaissance and the Drama of Western History," American Historical Review , LXXXIV (1979), 10-11. [BACK]

13. For example, Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhetoric and Historical Consciousness in Florentine Humanism (Princeton, 1970); Pocock, Politics, Language, and Time (New York, 1971); Marjorie O'Rourke Boyle, Erasmus on Language and Method in Theology (Toronto, 1977).

I should like to acknowledge at the outset the helpful criticism this paper received from Thomas A. Brady, Jr., of the University of Oregon and from my Berkeley colleagues Gene Brucker and Randolph Starn. [BACK]

1. Ferguson, The Renaissance (New York, 1940), 2. [BACK]

2. Ferguson, The Renaissance in Historical Thought (Boston, 1948), 389. [BACK]

3. For some of the works that particularly influenced me at this time, in addition to those of Ferguson, see Paul Oskar Kristeller, The Classics and Renaissance Thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1955); Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny , 2 vols. (Princeton, 1955); Eugenio Garin, L'umanesimo italiano (Bari, 1958); and the various essays of Erwin Panofsky, especially "Renaissance and Renascences," Kenyon Review , 6 (1944): 201-36. [BACK]

4. Tinsley Helton, ed., The Renaissance: A Reconsideration of the Theories and Interpretations of the Age (Madison, Wisc., 1961), xi-xii. The papers in this volume were presented at a symposium at the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, in 1959. For other symposia, see The Renaissance: A Symposium (New York, 1953); and Bernard O'Kelly, ed., The Renaissance Image of Man and the World (Columbus, Ohio, 1966). [BACK]

5. Randolph Starn has called attention to this; see his review of Nicolai Rubinstein, ed., Florentine Studies: Politics and Society in Renaissance Italy (London, 1968), in Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance , 32 (1970): 682-83. Also see his "Historians and 'Crisis,'" Past & Present, no. 52 (1971): 19. [BACK]

6. For explicit recognition that the term functions chiefly as an administrative convenience, see Brian Pullan, A History of Early Renaissance Italy from the Mid-Thirteenth to the Mid-Fifteenth Century (London, 1973), 11. [BACK]

7. Mattingly, "Some Revisions of the Political History of the Renaissance," in Helton, The Renaissance: A Reconsideration , 3. [BACK]

8. The effect of this periodization by course sequences has doubtless been intensified by the decline of introductory surveys of European history. [BACK]

9. There may be analogies here with the consequences of specialization in other occupations, notably medicine. [BACK]

10. In his Renaissance in Historical Thought , Ferguson tied the notion of transition to synthesis; he combined the two strategies in Europe in Transition, 1300-1520 (Boston, 1962), the first large-scale presentation of the period in these terms, though this project was already foreshadowed in his "The Interpretation of the Renaissance: Suggestions for a Synthesis," Journal of the History of Ideas , 12 (1951): 483-95. For other works that rely on the idea of transition, see Eugene F. Rice, Jr., The Foundations of Early Modern Europe, 1460-1559 (New York, 1970), ix; Lewis W. Spitz, The Renaissance and Reformation Movements (Chicago, 1971), vii, 3; and Pullan, Early Renaissance Italy , 11. The widespread assumption that textbooks such as these are no part of our "serious" work seems to me both troubling and mistaken. [BACK]

11. It may be noted that medievalists who write about the Renaissance tend to see it not as a "transition" but as having a distinct identity of its own. See, for example, Denys Hay, The Italian Renaissance in Its Historical Background (Cambridge, 1961), 14-25; and Robert S. Lopez, The Three Ages of the Italian Renaissance (Charlottesville, Va., 1970), 73. [BACK]

12. For a work that is especially sensitive to this problem, see Rice, Foundations of Early Modem Europe , x. [BACK]

13. I have been helped to see the complexity of this problem by Richard D. Brown's work; see his Modernization: The Transformation of American Life, 1600-1865 (New York, 1976), 3-22. [BACK]

14. For a stimulating exception, see John Hale, Renaissance Europe: The Individual and Society, 1480-1520 (London, 1971). But its short time-span excuses it from the need to deal with larger processes, and in spite of Hale's attempt to write "majority" history, much of his detail is drawn—inevitably—from "minority" sources. [BACK]

15. This issue is muddied by the ambiguity of the term "science." For a useful discussion of its somewhat different meanings in French and English usage, see J. H. Hexter, "Fernand Braudel and the Monde Braudellien . . .," Journal of Modern History , 44 (1972): 500. [BACK]

16. Le Roy Ladurie, "L'histoire immobile," Annales: Economics, sociétés, civilisations , 29 (1974): 673-82, translated by John Day as "Motionless History," Social Science History , (1977): 115-36. Clyde Griffen kindly called this article to my attention. [BACK]

17. Le Roy Ladurie, "Motionless History," 133-34. [BACK]

18. For a notable critique, see Hexter, "Fernand Braudel and the Monde Braudellien ," 480-539. Also see, for a criticism of the neglect of process in much of the new social history, Eugene and Elizabeth Fox Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History , 10 (1976): 215. As Robert M. Berdahl points out, many non-Marxists can agree with this; see his "Anthropologie und Geschichte: einige theoretische Perspektiven und ein Beispiel aus der preussisch-deutschen Geschichte," [now published in Klassen und Kultur , ed. Robert M. Berdahl et al. (Frankfurt, 1982), 263-2871. [BACK]

19. Le Roy Ladurie, "Motionless History," 134. [BACK]

20. The long-range significance of these tendencies of the Renaissance is still recognized, however, in some recent work. See Jean Delumeau, "Le développement de l'esprit d'organisation et de la pensée méthodique dans la mentalité accidental à l'époque de la Renaissance," in Thirteenth International Congress of Historical Sciences, Moscow 1970, Doklady Kongressa , 1, pt. 5 (Moscow, 1973): 139-50; and Peter Burke, Culture and Society in Renaissance Italy, 1420-1540 (London, 1972), 225. [BACK]

21. The very real danger of anachronism seems to have led Charles Trinkaus to renounce the "traditional genetic-modernist bias," i.e., the scrutiny of the past in the interest of understanding the present; Trinkaus, "Humanism, Religion, Society: Concepts and Motivations of Some Recent Studies," Renaissance Quarterly , 29 (1976): 677, 685-86. Though I agree that it is subject to abuse, I see nothing illegitimate in principle in genetic explanation, and I am quite sure that its abandonment by historians would only leave it to others less sensitive to its difficulties. [BACK]

22. For this complex word, see Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (New York, 1976), 176-78. For a generally instructive work on the role of myth in historiography, see Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore, 1973). [BACK]

23. See Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, "Sociological Theory and an Analysis of the Dynamics of Civilizations and Revolutions," Daedalus , 106 (1977): esp. 61-63. [BACK]

24. Isaiah Berlin has helped me bring these strains into focus; see his Vico and Herder: Two Studies in the History of Ideas (New York, 1976). [BACK]

25. See Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought , 1 (Chicago, 1970): 244-45. Also see, for a significant and more recent application of this myth, Donald R. Kelley, "The Metaphysics of Law: An Essay on the Very Young Marx," AHR , 83 (1978): 350. [BACK]

26. For studies that reflect this concept of culture, see Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice , trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, 1977); Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London, 1966), Natural Symbols (London, 1970), and Implicit Meanings: Essays in Anthropology (London, 1975); Louis Dumont, From Mandeville to Marx: The Genesis and Triumph of Economic Ideology (Chicago, 1977); Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973); Marshall Sahlins, Culture and Practical Reason (Chicago, 1976); Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Ithaca, N.Y., 1969); and, seminal for the role of language in culture, Edward Sapir, Culture, Language, and Personality: Selected Essays , ed. David G. Mandelbaum (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1949). [BACK]

27. Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures , 5. [BACK]

28. The historian's creation of the world of the past out of language provides a close analogy. [BACK]

29. For much of this I am indebted to the theoretical essays of Harry Berger, Jr. See, in particular, his "Outline of a General Theory of Cultural Change," Clio , 2 (1972): 49-63, and "Naive Consciousness," Paper on Language and Literature , 8 (1973): 1-44. [BACK]

30. See Sahlins, Culture and Practical Reason , esp. ix-x. [BACK]

31. As quoted in Karl J. Weintraub, Visions of Culture: Voltaire, Guizot, Burckhardt, Lamprecht, Huizinga, Ortega y Gasset (Chicago, 1966), 138. [BACK]

32. Huizinga, Men and Ideas: History, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance , trans. James S. Holmes and Hans van Marle (New York, 1959), 28. Also see Weintraub, Visions of Culture , 230-31. [BACK]

33. For a general discussion of Renaissance views of language, see Karl-Otto Apel, Die Idee der Sprache in der Tradition des Humanismus von Dante bis Vico , Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte, no. 8 (Bonn, 1963). For some of the studies that have influenced my own understanding of these matters, see Michael Baxandall, Giotto and the Orators: Humanist Observers of Painting in Italy and the Discovery of Pictorial Composition, 1350-1450 (Oxford, 1971); Salvatore I. Camporeale, Lorenzo Valla: Umanesimo e teologia (Florence, 1972); Thomas M. Greene, "Petrarch and the Humanist Hermaneutic," in K. Atchity and G. Rimanelli, eds., Italian Literature: Roots and Branches (New Haven, 1976), 201-24; Gordon Leff, William of Oakham: The Metamorphosis of Scholastic Discourse (Manchester, 1975), esp. 124-237; J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, Language, and Time: Essays on Political Thought and History (New York, 1971); and Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhethoric and Historical Consciousness in Florentine Humanism (Princeton, 1970). It is increasingly apparent that those self-conscious antagonists, Renaissance humanists and later Scholastics, in fact collaborated in this development. [BACK]

34. For an especially useful discussion of this relationship, see Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice , esp. 72-95. [BACK]

35. On this radical application of the Renaissance concept of human creativity, see A. Bartlett Giamatti, "Proteus Unbound: Some Versions of the Sea God in the Renaissance," in Peter Demetz, ed., The Disciplines of Criticism (New Haven, 1968), 431-75; and Stephen J. Greenblatt, "Marlowe and Renaissance Self-Fashioning," in Alvin Kernan, ed., Two Renaissance Mythmakers: Christopher Marlowe and Ben Jonson (Baltimore, 1977), 41-69. [BACK]

36. Hence, the condemnation of the Renaissance in Protestant neo-orthodoxy; see Herbert Weisinger, "The Attack on the Renaissance in Theology Today," Studies in the Renaissance , 2 (1955): 176-89. This hostility continues to inhibit recognition of the filiation between the Reformation and the Renaissance. [BACK]

37. The structural principle of the conventional ancient-medieval-modern division seems to persist in more recent trinitarian schemes—i.e., primitive-traditional-modern and aristocrat-bourgeois-proletarian. [BACK]

1. Cf. Thorlief Boman, Hebrew Thought Compared with Greek , tr. Jules L. Moreau (New York, 1970), esp. pp. 28-33, 45-69. [BACK]

2. An exception can be found in Seneca's letter to his mother, known as the Consolation to Helvia , in which he recommends a standard program of literary and philosophical studies to console her for his exile. [BACK]

3. Cf. H. I. Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity , tr. George Lamb (New York, 1964), pp. 297-98. [BACK]

4. A good example of this ideal is John Chrysostom's address to Christian parents on the upbringing of children, translated by M. L. W. Laistner in his Christianity and Pagan Culture in the Later Roman Empire (Ithaca, 1951), pp. 85-122. ''Thou art raising up a philosopher and athlete and citizen of heaven,'' Chrysostom declared; for this he recognized "wisdom" as "the master principle which keeps everything under control," the height of which is "refusal to be excited at childish things." The purpose of education for him is to make the Christian boy "sagacious and to banish all folly": that is, to make him a precocious little Stoic sage. He is to "know the meaning of human desires, wealth, reputation, power" that he "may disdain these and strive after the highest." And the fruit of his maturity consists in the ability to control his passions: if he can only learn "to refrain from anger, he has displayed already all the marks of a philosophic mind." [BACK]

5. Cf. The Antichrist , no. 51, tr. Walter Kaufmann: "We others who have the courage to be healthy and also to despise—how we may despise a religion which taught men to misunderstand the body! which does not want to get rid of superstitious belief in souls! which turns insufficient nourishment into something 'meritorious'! which fights health as a kind of enemy, devil, temptation! which fancies that one can carry around a 'perfect soul' in a cadaver of a body, and which therefore found it necessary to concoct a new conception of 'perfection'—a pale, sickly, idiotic-enthusiastic character, so-called 'holiness.' Holiness—merely a series of symptoms of an impoverished, unnerved, incurably corrupted body." From the standpoint of normative Christianity, this seems fair enough as a characterization of much that has professed to represent Christianity. Wagner's Parsifal is a familiar and particularly morbid expression of this conception. [BACK]

6. For a perceptive essay on Nietzsche's relation to Christianity, see Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics , III:2 (Edinburgh, 1960), pp. 231-42. [BACK]

7. Margaret Knight, Honest to Man (London, 1974), pp. 41-42, 193, viii, 21, 196. The popular character of this work by no means reduces its value for our purposes. [BACK]

8. Quoted by John Mundy, Europe in the High Middle Ages (London, 1973), p. 323. [BACK]

9. Calvin's New Testament Commentaries , XI, tr. T. H. L. Parker (Grand Rapids, 1972), p. 183 (on Ephesians 4:14). [BACK]

10. Ephesians 4:13-16. I use the translation in The New English Bible . The precise authorship of this epistle is a matter of dispute, but there seems to be little doubt about its Pauline inspiration. [BACK]

11. New Testament Commentaries , XI, pp. 182-84. On Paul's metaphorical use of childhood, see Paul Ricoeur, The Symbolism of Evil , tr. Emerson Buchanan (Boston, 1969), p. 149. [BACK]

12. For biblical anthropology in general, see Hans Walter Wolff, Anthropology of the Old Testament , tr. Margaret Kohl (Philadelphia, 1974), esp. pp. 7-9. On Paul's anthropological terminology, so often misunderstood in historical Christianity, cf. Günther Bornkamm, Paul , tr. D. M. G. Stalker (London, 1971), p. 131. [BACK]

13. Cf. Augustine, Confessions , tr. R. S. Pine-Coffin (London, 1961), p. 224: "What, then, am I, my God? What is my nature? A life that is ever varying, full of change, and of immense power. . . . This is the great force of life in living man, mortal though he is." There is much of this attitude also in Pascal's Pensées , for example, no. 434: "What a chimera then is man! What a novelty! What a monster, what a chaos, what a contradiction, what a prodigy! Judge of all things, imbecile worm of the earth; depositary of truth, a sink of uncertainty and error; the pride and refuse of the universe!" Barth, Church Dogmatics , III:2, pp. 110-11, has this: "[Man's] existence is he himself, who in his very subjectivity, in his very indefinability, is seeking after the mystery of himself." [BACK]

14. The common notion of the "infinite elasticity of Christianity" (in Hegel's phrase) is somewhat misleading; this quality might, with approximately equal justice, be called the infinite elasticity of Hellenism. [BACK]

15. There is a useful survey of this idea in the early church in Barth, Church Dogmatics , III:2, pp. 152-53. I do not mean to suggest that Creation ex nihilo is clear in the Genesis account; cf. E. A. Speiser, Genesis [The Anchor Bible] (Garden City, 1964), pp. 13-14. But Job 26:7 suggests it, and it is clearly spelled out in 2 Macc. 7:28. [BACK]

16. Cf. Reinhold Niebuhr, The Nature and Destiny of Man (New York, 1941), I, pp. 133-34. [BACK]

17. Cf. Barth, Church Dogmatics , III:2, pp. 350-51. [BACK]

18. Wolff, Anthropology , p. 162. [BACK]

19. Augustine appears to be struggling toward this conception in De natura et gratia , ch. 38: "I am of the opinion that the creature will never become equal with God, even when so perfect a holiness is accomplished within us as that it shall be quite incapable of receiving an addition. No, all who maintain that our progress is to be so complete that we shall be changed into the substance of God, and that we shall thus become what He is should look well to it how they build up their opinion; upon myself I must confess that it produces no conviction." But there is a tentativeness here that suggests the difficulty of the idea of man's creatureliness for the hellenistic Christian. [BACK]

20. Niebuhr, I, p. 167, suggests that "sometimes the authority of this simple dictum . . . was all that prevented Christian faith from succumbing to dualistic and acosmic doctrines which pressed in upon the Christian church." [BACK]

21. Augustine's Confessions is, of course, a kind of extended essay on this theme; cf. his On Christian Doctrine , tr. D. W. Robertson, Jr. (Indianapolis, 1958), p. 64: "the order of time, whose creator and administrator is God." [BACK]

22. Cf. Emil Brunner, "The Problem of Time," in Creation: The Impact of an Idea , ed. Daniel O'Connor and Francis Oakley (New York, 1969), p. 124. [BACK]

23. Cf. Augustine, Confessions , 222-23: "Who is to carry the research beyond this point? Who can understand the truth of the matter? O Lord, I am working hard in this field, and the field of my labors is my own self. I have become a problem to myself, like land which a farmer works only with difficulty and at the cost of much sweat. For I am not now investigating the tracts of the heavens, or measuring the distance of the stars, or trying to discover how the earth hangs in space. I am investigating myself, my memory, my mind." See also Rudolf Bultmann, Primitive Christianity in Its Contemporary Setting , tr. R. H. Fuller (Cleveland, 1956), pp. 144-45. [BACK]

24. On this point, cf. Charles Norris Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture (New York, 1957), p. 456; Niebuhr, I, p. 69; Bultmann, p. 180; and Kierkegaard, The Concept of Dread , tr. Walter Lowrie (Princeton, 1957), p. 26: "the essential characteristic of human existence, that man is an individual and as such is at once himself and the whole race, in such wise that the whole race has part in the individual, and the individual has part in the whole race." [BACK]

25. Eric Auerbach, Mimesis , tr. Willard Trask (Garden City, 1957), chs. 1-3, is especially perceptive on this characteristic of biblical, as opposed to classical, literature. [BACK]

26. Kierkegaard's conception of the stages on life's way may perhaps be taken as a reflection of this tendency in Christian thought; Kierkegaard's three stages do not simply replace each other, but the later stages absorb the earlier. [BACK]

27. Cochrane, pp. 386ff.; Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (Berkeley, 1967), p. 173. [BACK]

28. As in Bultmann, p. 130. [BACK]

29. This seems to be implied in the Divine Comedy , in which the way to Paradise begins with the full moral experience of the Inferno. [BACK]

30. Cf. Brown, p. 177, on Augustine's understanding of conversion as a beginning. As Augustine remarks in Christian Doctrine , p. 13, the Christian life is "a journey or voyage home." The notion of life as movement was also important for Luther: "For it is not sufficient to have done something, and now to rest . . . this present life is a kind of movement and passage, or transition . . . a pilgrimage from this world into the world to come, which is eternal rest" (quoted by Gerhard Ebeling, Luther: An Introduction to His Thought , tr. R. A. Wilson [Philadelphia, 1970], pp. 161-62). Calvin devoted particular attention to this theme ( Institutes , III, vi, p. 5): "But no one . . . has sufficient strength to press on with due eagerness, and weakness so weighs down the greater number that, with wavering and limping and even creeping along the ground, they move at a feeble rate. Let each one of us, then, proceed according to the measure of his puny capacity and set out upon the journey we have begun. No one shall set out so inauspiciously as not daily to make some headway, though it be slight. Therefore, let us not cease so to act that we may make some unceasing progress in the way of the Lord. And let us not despair at the slightness of our success; for even though attainment may not correspond to desire, when today outstrips yesterday the effort is not lost. Only let us look toward our mark with sincere simplicity and aspire to our goal; not fondly flattering ourselves, nor excusing our own evil deeds, but with continuous effort striving toward this end: that we may surpass ourselves in goodness until we attain to goodness itself. It is this, indeed, which through the whole course of life we seek and follow. But we shall attain it only when we have cast off the weakness of the body, and are received into full fellowship with him" (Battles tr.). Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress vividly dramatizes the conception. [BACK]

31. Ricoeur, pp. 272-74, is instructive on the conception of progress implicit in Paul's understanding of the transition from the law to the grace of Christ: "the fall is turned into growth and progress; the curse of paradise lost becomes a test and a medicine." Augustine interpreted his own life as a progression in understanding: "I am the sort of man who writes because he has made progress, and who makes progress—by writing" (quoted by Brown, 353). For Thomas à Kempis, the Christian life is marked by a concern "to conquer self, and by daily growing stronger than self, to advance in holiness" ( Imitation of Christ , tr. Leo Sherley-Price [London, 1952], p. 31). For Luther, progress was a condition of all existence, for ''progress is nothing other than constantly beginning. And to begin without progress is extinction. This is clearly the case with every movement and every act of every creature." Thus one must "constantly progress, and anyone who supposes he has already apprehended does not realize that he is only beginning. For we are always travelling, and must leave behind us what we know and possess, and seek for that which we do not yet know and possess" (quoted by Ebeling, pp. 161-62). [BACK]

32. Bultmann, esp. p. 184. [BACK]

33. This interpretation of the Fall owes a good deal to Ricoeur. For the transition from anxiety to sin, see Niebuhr, I, pp. 168, 182-86. [BACK]

34. The Secular City (New York, 1965), p. 119. [BACK]

35. For a survey of Christian attitudes to culture, see H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New York, 1951). [BACK]

36. Ricoeur, pp. 58-59, 144-45, 321. [BACK]

37. Quoted by Gerhart B. Ladner, The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 406. [BACK]

38. Ricoeur, p. 93. [BACK]

39. The Epistle to the Romans , tr. Edwyn C. Hoskyns (London, 1933), pp. 68, 87-88. [BACK]

40. Cf. Brown, p. 175. [BACK]

41. Quoted by Brown, p. 366. [BACK]

42. Christian Doctrine , p. 13. [BACK]

43. Cf. Paul Tillich, The Eternal Now (New York, 1956), p. 158. [BACK]

44. Institutes , II, vii, p. 10. Melanchthon was particularly subtle about human behavior that does not correspond to the impulses of the "heart"; the result is not, in fact, rationality, but, to follow Lionel Trilling's distinction, both insincerity and inauthenticity: "Therefore it can well happen that something is chosen which is entirely contrary to all affections. When this happens, insincerity takes over, as when, for example, someone treats graciously, amicably, and politely a person whom he hates and wishes ill to from the bottom of his heart, and he does this perhaps with no definite reason" ( Loci communes theologici , tr. Lowell J. Satre, in Melanchthon and Bucer , ed. Wilhelm Pauck [London, 1969], p. 28). [BACK]

45. Quoted by Anders Nygren, Agape and Eros , tr. Philip S. Watson (New York, 1969), p. 454. [BACK]

46. On the virtues of a childlike spontaneity, cf. Horace Bushnell, Christian Nurture (New Haven, 1916; first ed., 1888), p. 5: "A child acts out his present feelings, the feelings of the moment, without qualification or disguise." [BACK]

47. Cf. Niebuhr, Beyond Tragedy (New York, 1937), pp. 143-48. [BACK]

48. Journals and Papers , tr. Howard V. and Edna H. Hong (Bloomington, 1967), I, p. 122, no. 272. [BACK]

49. Niebuhr, Beyond Tragedy , pp. 148-52. At the same time Augustine's portrayal of infancy in the Confessions should warn us, in its realism, that Christianity is not merely sentimental about childhood, in which it can also detect the flaws of maturity. But this is again to suggest their identity. [BACK]

50. Bushnell noted, p. 136, that the apostolic church included children and observed, pp. 139-40, that "just so children are all men and women; and, if there is any law of futurition in them to justify it, may be fitly classed as believing men and women." [BACK]

51. Cf. Bushnell, 10: "since it is the distinction of Christian parents that they are themselves in the nurture of the Lord, since Christ and the Divine Love, communicated through him, are become the food of their life, what will they so naturally seek as to have their children partakers with them, heirs together with them, in the grace of life?" [BACK]

52. Barth emphasizes this, Church Dogmatics , III:4, p. 248. It is a significant feature of the Christian conception, indeed in a patriarchal society a revolutionary feature, that the Son, rather than the Father, is the model of adulthood. Lest this peculiarity seem to invite too simple an interpretation, however, the paradoxical unity of Father and Son in the Trinity must also be kept in mind. [BACK]

53. Cf. Tillich, Eternal Now , pp. 155-57. [BACK]

54. For Christianity and play, I have been stimulated by Lewis B. Smedes, "Theology and the Playful Life," in God and the Good: Essays in Honor of Henry Stob , ed. Clifton Orlebeke and Lewis B. Smedes (Grand Rapids, 1975), pp. 46-62. In view of common misunderstandings about the normative Christian attitude to sexuality, it is worth quoting Smedes—who certainly represents the normative position—on the playfulness of sex, p. 59: "The sexual component of our nature testifies that man was meant to find the most meaningful human communion in a playful relationship. In mutual trust and loving commitment, sexual activity is to be a playful festivity. It attests that human being is closest to fulfilling itself in a game. To be in God's image, then, includes being sexual, and sexuality is a profound call to play." Smedes also has useful comments on recent theologies of play. [BACK]

55. Bushnell, pp. 290-92. [BACK]

56. Cf. Augustine, City of God , XIX, v: "For how could the city of God . . . either take a beginning or be developed, or attain its proper destiny, if the life of the saints were not a social life?" Luther was emphatic: "We ought not to isolate ourselves but enter into companionship with our neighbor. Likewise it . . . is contrary to the life of Christ, who didn't choose solitude. Christ's life was very turbulent, for people were always moving about him. He was never alone, except when he prayed. Away with those who say, 'Be glad to be alone and your heart will be pure'" (''Table Talk," no. 1329). [BACK]

57. Cf Barth, Church Dogmatics , III:2, pp. 222ff. [BACK]