1. This is especially true for German chemistry. See Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Klett, 1976); Otto Krätz, "Der Chemiker in den Gründerjahren," in E. Schmauderer, ed., Der Chemiker im Wandel der Zeiten (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1973), pp. 259-284; and Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany," Isis , 76 (1985), 500-524.

2. ibid. The raw numbers are given in Krätz, ibid., pp. 269-270, which I have converted to doubling periods.

1. This is especially true for German chemistry. See Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Klett, 1976); Otto Krätz, "Der Chemiker in den Gründerjahren," in E. Schmauderer, ed., Der Chemiker im Wandel der Zeiten (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1973), pp. 259-284; and Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany," Isis , 76 (1985), 500-524.

2. ibid. The raw numbers are given in Krätz, ibid., pp. 269-270, which I have converted to doubling periods.

3. These two words had differing connotations in the 1850s and 1860s, meanings that will be explored in the chapters to come. For now, it suffices to note that both indicated the disposition of the atoms and groups of atoms within chemical molecules.

4. Clearly, a market economy model of academia, of the sort used by Joseph Ben-David and Avraham Zloczower, is useful in helping to explain the rapid expansion of organic chemistry in Germany after 1850. As I argue in this book, this social dynamic was only one factor, albeit an important one. For a concise description, analysis, and critique of the Zloczower thesis, see Steven Turner, Edward Kerwin, and David Woolwine, "Careers and Creativity in Nineteenth-Century Physiology: Zloczower Redux," Isis , 75 (1984), 523-529.

5. Laurent, Méthode de chimie (Paris: Mallet & Bachelier, 1854), p. 28; Kekulé, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 1 (Erlangen: Enke, 1859), 58; L. Meyer, ed. notes in S. Cannizzaro, Abriss eines Lehrganges der theoretischen Chemie (Leipzig: Engelmann, 1891), pp. 53-58.

6. This applies both to my own treatment in Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1984), chaps.7-10

, and to John Brooke, "Avogadro's Hypothesis and its Fate," History of Science , 19 (1981), 235-273 (on p. 257), although both of us drew attention to the extended and multipartite character of the "Karlsruhe revolution."

7. Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany."

8. H. Kiesewetter, Industrielle Revolution in Deutschland, 1815-1914 (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1989).

9. Liebig's career in Giessen has been much studied, although the regional context still needs to be explored further. There are a few fine studies of chemistry in other non-Prussian locales, e.g., Christoph Meinel, Die Chemie an der Universität Marburg seit Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts (Marburg: Elwert, 1978), and Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden . For Prussia, see the writings of R. S. Turner, especially his masterly essay, "Justus Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry: Reflections on Early Institute-Building in Germany," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 13 (1982), 129-162.

10. Robert C. Tucker, Stalin as Revolutionary (New York: Norton, 1973); idem, "A Stalin Biographer's Memoir," in S. H. Baron and C. Pletsch, eds., Introspection in Biography: The Biographer's Quest for Self-Awareness (Analytic Press, 1985), pp. 249-271 (on p. 270).