The Quiet Revolution "endnotes"

Notes

Introduction

1. This is especially true for German chemistry. See Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Klett, 1976); Otto Krätz, "Der Chemiker in den Gründerjahren," in E. Schmauderer, ed., Der Chemiker im Wandel der Zeiten (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1973), pp. 259-284; and Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany," Isis , 76 (1985), 500-524.

2. ibid. The raw numbers are given in Krätz, ibid., pp. 269-270, which I have converted to doubling periods.

3. These two words had differing connotations in the 1850s and 1860s, meanings that will be explored in the chapters to come. For now, it suffices to note that both indicated the disposition of the atoms and groups of atoms within chemical molecules.

4. Clearly, a market economy model of academia, of the sort used by Joseph Ben-David and Avraham Zloczower, is useful in helping to explain the rapid expansion of organic chemistry in Germany after 1850. As I argue in this book, this social dynamic was only one factor, albeit an important one. For a concise description, analysis, and critique of the Zloczower thesis, see Steven Turner, Edward Kerwin, and David Woolwine, "Careers and Creativity in Nineteenth-Century Physiology: Zloczower Redux," Isis , 75 (1984), 523-529.

5. Laurent, Méthode de chimie (Paris: Mallet & Bachelier, 1854), p. 28; Kekulé, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 1 (Erlangen: Enke, 1859), 58; L. Meyer, ed. notes in S. Cannizzaro, Abriss eines Lehrganges der theoretischen Chemie (Leipzig: Engelmann, 1891), pp. 53-58.

6. This applies both to my own treatment in Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1984), chaps.7-10

, and to John Brooke, "Avogadro's Hypothesis and its Fate," History of Science , 19 (1981), 235-273 (on p. 257), although both of us drew attention to the extended and multipartite character of the "Karlsruhe revolution."

7. Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany."

8. H. Kiesewetter, Industrielle Revolution in Deutschland, 1815-1914 (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1989).

9. Liebig's career in Giessen has been much studied, although the regional context still needs to be explored further. There are a few fine studies of chemistry in other non-Prussian locales, e.g., Christoph Meinel, Die Chemie an der Universität Marburg seit Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts (Marburg: Elwert, 1978), and Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden . For Prussia, see the writings of R. S. Turner, especially his masterly essay, "Justus Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry: Reflections on Early Institute-Building in Germany," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 13 (1982), 129-162.

10. Robert C. Tucker, Stalin as Revolutionary (New York: Norton, 1973); idem, "A Stalin Biographer's Memoir," in S. H. Baron and C. Pletsch, eds., Introspection in Biography: The Biographer's Quest for Self-Awareness (Analytic Press, 1985), pp. 249-271 (on p. 270).

1— Academic Chemistry in Early Nineteenth-Century Germany

1. Justus Liebig, "Der Zustand der Chemie in Preussen," Annalen , 34 (1840), 97-136 (on p. 100).

2. For background regarding eighteenth-century chemistry, see Karl Hufbauer, The Formation of the German Chemical Community (1720-1795) (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1982); E. Schmauderer, ed., Der Chemiker im Wandel der Zeiten (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1973); and Christoph Meinel, " Artibus Academicis Inserenda : Chemistry's Place in Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Universities," History of Universities , 7 (1988), 89-115.

3. The following discussion of the German universities in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is based on a body of recent high-quality English-language research on this subject. See especially R. Steven Turner, "The Growth of Professorial Research in Prussia, 1818-1848—Causes and Context," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 3 (1971), 137-182; idem, "University Reformers and Professorial Scholarship in Germany, 1760-1806," in Lawrence Stone, ed., The University in Society , 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1974), 2 , 495-531; Charles McClelland, State, Society, and University in Germany, 1700-1914 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980); and Turner, "The Prussian Professoriate and the Research Imperative," in H. N. Jahnke and M. Otte, eds., Epistemological and Social Problems of the Sciences in the Early Nineteenth Century (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1981), pp. 109-121. A recent and excellent German compilation focusing on the professoriate is Klaus Schwabe, ed., Deutsche Hochschullehrer als Elite 1815-1945 (Boppard: Boldt, 1988).

4. A. G. Kästner, Briefe aus sechs Jahrzehnten, 1745-1800 (Berlin, 1912),

cited in J. L. Heilbron, ''Experimental Natural Philosophy," in G. Rousseau and R. Porter, eds., The Ferment of Knowledge (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980), pp. 378-379.

5. For example, William Coleman, "Prussian Pedagogy: Purkyne at Breslau, 1823-1839," in Coleman and F. L. Holmes, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth-Century Medicine (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1988), pp. 15-64.

6. Ibid., pp. 45-53; Kathryn Olesko, "On Institutes, Investigations, and Scientific Training," ibid., pp. 295-332 (on pp. 297-299 and 309-310).

7. McClelland, State, Society, and University , pp. 174-180.

8. Arleen Tuchman, "From the Lecture to the Laboratory: The Institutionalization of Scientific Medicine at the University of Heidelberg," in Coleman and Holmes, Investigative Enterprise , pp. 65-99 (on pp. 85-86 and 91-92); Coleman, "Prussian Pedagogy," ibid., p. 40.

9. The best general works on Berzelius in major languages are J. E. Jorpes, Jac. Berzelius: His Life and Work (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1966), and Berzelius, tr. O. Larsell, Autobiographical Notes (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1934). Other works on aspects of Berzelius relevant to the material I treat here are H. G. Söderbaum, "Berzelius und Hwasser, ein Blatt aus der Geschichte der schwedischen Naturforschung," in Julius Ruska, ed., Studien zur Geschichte der Chemie (Berlin: Springer, 1927), pp. 176-186; Evan Melhado, Jacob Berzelius: The Emergence of His Chemical System (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1981); Anders Lundgren, Berzelius och den kemiska atomteorin (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1979); Vladislav Kruta, "Berzelius' Interest in Physiology," Lychnos , 1973-1974 , 256-262; and T. Frängsmyr and E. Melhado, eds., Enlightenment Science in a Romantic Age: Berzelius and His Science in International Context (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992).

10. Söderbaum, "Berzelius und Hwasser"; Kruta, "Physiology"; and Berzelius, Autobiographical Notes , pp. 61-62, 96, 123-128, and 180-181n.

11. Melhado, Berzelius ; Lundgren, Berzelius ; Frängsmyr and Melhado, Berzelius ; and A. J. Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century: From Dalton to Cannizzaro (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984), pp. 66-79 and 153-190.

12. On Wöhler, see Robin Keen, "The Life and Work of Friedrich Wöhler," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. College London, 1976; idem, "Friedrich Wöhler," DSB , 14 , 474-479; A. W. Hofmann, "Zur Erinnerung an Friedrich Wöhler," in Erinnerung an vorangegangene Freunde , 3 vols. (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1888), 2 , 1-205; and Johannes Valentin, Friedrich Wöhler (Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1949).

13. Keen, "Life and Work," p. 40.

14. Wallach, BWB , 1 , 105, 137, 157, 191-192, 235-236, etc.; see also Wöhler's similar comments to Liebig, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 150-151.

15. Keen, "Life and Work," p. 115. This was when Wöhler visited Liebig in Giessen for two weeks in November 1831 and again for two weeks in January 1832.

16. Wöhler to Berzelius, 19 December 1830, 24 November 1831, and 1 December 1831, in Wallach, BWB , 1 , 325-327, 381, and 387; Liebig to Wöhler, 15 June 1832, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 53-54.

17. Liebig to Wöhler, 1 February 1836, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 84-85; Keen, "Life and Work," pp. 98-100. In addition to Gmelin and Berzelius, support from Hausmann, Gauss, and Weber was expressed from within the Göttingen faculty.

18. Wöhler to Berzelius, 27 April 1836, in Wallach, BWB , 1 ,652-654.

19. Wöhler to Berzelius, 25 May and 8 September 1836, 30 March and 14 October 1838, ibid., 1 , 656 and 663-664, and 2 , 18 and 66.

20. Keen ("Life and Work," p. 87) was unable to locate any information about a Wöhler practicum in Kassel.

21. GUA, 4 I, Nr. 47 ("Übersichten der Zuhörerzahl"); Wöhler to Berzelius, 27 May and 22 November 1838, 14 February and 10 August 1839, 22 May 1840, 3 November 1841, and 13 January 1842, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 30, 70-72, 96, 125-126, 175, 266, and 275-277; Wöhler to Liebig, 30 June 1838, 23 January and 2 March 1839, 21 May and 25 July 1841, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 121, 134-135, 140-141, 184, and 253-254. Examples of published work by Wöhler's students includes A. Stürenburg, Annalen , 29 (1839), 291-293; F. Weppen, ibid., pp. 317-319; G. Schnedermann, ibid., 45 (1843), 277-286; K. Voelckel, ibid., 33 (1840), 220-222; ibid., 35 (1840), 306-309; and ibid., 38 (1841), 314-320. The biographical information about Wöhler's students is taken from Wilhelm Ebel, ed., Die Matrikel der Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen, 1837-1900 (Hildesheim: Lax, 1974), pp. 9, 10, 21, 24, and 28; on Voelckel, see also Wallach, BWB , 2 , 349n.

22. An instance of the first category is Wöhler, "Eigenschaften der Tantalsäure," Annalen , 31 (1839), 120-124; that an (unnamed) student actually did the analysis was mentioned in Wöhler's letter to Berzelius of 8 June 1839, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 115. An instance of the second sort is Wöhler, "Arsenikgehalt des Zinns," Annalen , 29 (1839), 216-217, where Stürenburg's name is mentioned. Some examples of the third category are cited in the previous note.

23. Wöhler to Berzelius, 19 May, 25 July, 12 August, 11 September, and 21 October 1841, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 244, 253-255, 259, and 261-262; Wöhler to Liebig, 21 May 1841, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 184. Biographical matters are taken from Ebel, Matrikel , pp. 6, 30, and 37.

24. Wöhler to Berzelius, 3 November 1841 and 13 January 1842, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 266 and 276-277; GUA, 4 I, Nr. 47 ("Übersichten der Zuhörerzahl"). This document begins only in the winter semester of 1842/43 and includes a separate category of numbers of "tägl. Praktikanten" only for the first five semesters.

25. The data are from Ebel, Matrikel , pp. 2, 4, 7-10, 15, 17, 20-22, 24, 28, 30, 36-37, 46, 48, 52, 56, and 66.

26. Wöhler to Berzelius, 24 April, 23 June, 22 September, and 12 November 1842 and 6 June 1843, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 293-294, 300-302, 330, 345-349, and 418-419; Valentin, Wöhler , pp. 105-108.

27. The standard biography is Jacob Volhard, Justus von Liebig , 2 vols. (Leipzig: Barth, 1909). On Liebig's laboratory research and teaching, see also

J. B. Morrell, "The Chemist Breeders: The Research Schools of Liebig and Thomas Thomson," Ambix , 19 (1972), 1-46; Bernard Gustin, "The Emergence of the German Chemical Profession, 1790-1867" (Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Chicago, 1975); R. S. Turner, ''Justus Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry: Reflections on Early Institute Building in Germany," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 13 (1982), 129-162; F. L. Holmes, "The Complementarity of Teaching and Research in Liebig's Laboratory," Osiris , [2] 5 (1989), 121-164; and Joseph S. Fruton, "The Liebig Research Group—A Reappraisal," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society , 132 (1988), 1-66.

28. Liebig, "Eigenhändige biographische Aufzeichnungen," in Hertha von Dechend, ed., Justus von Liebig in Eigenen Zeugnissen , 2d ed. (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1963), pp. 13-27 (on pp. 13-17). These reminiscences are carefully evaluated in Pat Munday, "Social Climbing through Chemistry: Justus Liebig's Rise from the Niederer Mittelstand to the Bildungsbürgertum ," Ambix , 37 (1990), 1-19.

29. Ernst Berl, Briefe von Justus Liebig, nach neuen Funden (Giessen: Gesellschaft Liebig-Museum, 1928), pp. 30, 31, and 34-35.

30. Liebig, "Aufzeichnungen," pp. 17-22; Berl, Briefe , pp. 43-71.

31. Berl, Briefe , pp. 30 and 34; Gustin, "Chemical Profession," pp. 66-102.

32. Volhard, Liebig , 1 , 51-63 and 83; Berl, Briefe , pp. 75-81.

33. Holmes, "Liebig's Laboratory," pp. 122-132.

34. ibid. This contra Holmes, ibid., pp. 126-128. Here it is important to note that the winter semester of 1826/27 was the first time the chemical course was offered in the new pharmaceutical institute. Liebig said he learned from his initial university practica that intensive lab work was necessary to create a proficient chemist.

33. Holmes, "Liebig's Laboratory," pp. 122-132.

35. For example, compare Berzelius' judgment of Liebig in his letters to Wöhler of 9 July and 14 October 1830, just before and just after his first meeting with Liebig, in Wallach, BWB , 1 , 304 and 315.

36. Volhard, Liebig , 1 , 63-85; Holmes, "Liebig's Laboratory," pp. 146-156; Fruton, "Liebig Research Group." The phrase quoted is from Liebig, "Aufzeichnungen," p. 23.

37. Holmes, "Liebig's Laboratory," pp. 155-156 and 159-162.

38. Ibid., p. 162.

37. Holmes, "Liebig's Laboratory," pp. 155-156 and 159-162.

38. Ibid., p. 162.

39. Volhard, Liebig , 1, 83-84.

40. Turner, in "Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry," p. 158, stresses this point. Turner's analysis anticipates and supports the more detailed subsequent studies of Liebig's research lab (by Holmes and by Fruton) and Wöhler's lab (see my discussion above) in their essential aspects.

41. H. E. Roscoe, "Bunsen Memorial Lecture," JCS , 77 (1900), 513-554; Theodor Curtius, "Gedächtnissrede," JpC , 169 (1900), 381-407; Heinrich Debus, Erinnerungen an Robert Wilhelm Bunsen (Kassel: Fischer, 1901); and Georg Lockemann, Robert Wilhelm Bunsen (Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1949).

42. Verzeichniss der Vorlesungen (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1835-1836); salary information at Kassel is derived from HSA, 153/4, Nr. 21, p. 20.

43. This according to Wöhler's letter to Berzelius of 27 April 1836, in Wallach, BWB , 1 , 654.

44. See Berzelius' JB for 1834, 15 (1836), 218; JB for 1835, 16 (1837), 126-129; JB for 1836, 17 (1838), 160; JB for 1837, 18 (1839), 487-502; JB for 1839, 20 (1841), 526-537; JB for 1840, 21 (1842), 495-503 (Bunsen has "immortalized" his name by his research, on p. 496). By this time Bunsen had begun reporting his results directly to Berzelius by letter to facilitate their early inclusion in the Jahresberichte .

45. Roscoe, "Bunsen," p. 513.

46. L. W. McCay, "My Student Days in Germany," Journal of Chemical Education , 7 (1930), 1081-1099 (on p. 1095), regarding Bunsen's lectures in 1882.

47. Indispensable sources for Bunsen's teaching in Kassel and Marburg are (for both periods) Debus, Bunsen , pp. 5-28, and (for Marburg only) Christoph Meinel, Die Chemie an der Universität Marburg seit Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts (Marburg: Elwert, 1978), pp. 20-48. Debus' book provides valuable details regarding Bunsen's strong Berzelian proclivities during the 1840s, as do C. Glück's student notes at Marburg in 1850, in UBM, Mscr. 501 and 502.

48. Meinel, Chemie , p. 20.

49. Ibid., pp. 30-31; Debus, Bunsen , pp. 18-20, 158; Bunsen report to Universitäts-Deputation, 2 May 1848, HSA, 16 Rep. VI, Kl. 1, Nr. 25, pp. 63-69.

48. Meinel, Chemie , p. 20.

49. Ibid., pp. 30-31; Debus, Bunsen , pp. 18-20, 158; Bunsen report to Universitäts-Deputation, 2 May 1848, HSA, 16 Rep. VI, Kl. 1, Nr. 25, pp. 63-69.

50. Debus, pp. 25-27 and 144-150; Max Bodenstein, "Robert Wilhelm Bunsens Stellung zur organischen Chemie," Die Naturwissenschaften , 24 (1936), 193-196.

51. Debus, pp. 19-20, 27, 157-158; Curtius, "Gedächtnissrede," p. 403; and H. Goldschmidt, "Erinnerungen an Robert Wilhelm Bunsen," Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie , 24 (1911), 2137-2140.

52. On laboratories and institutes at German universities in the early nineteenth century, see G. Lockemann, "Der chemische Unterricht an den deutschen Universitäten im ersten Viertel des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts," in Ruska, ed., Studien (see n. 9), pp. 148-158; Coleman and Holmes, eds., Investigative Enterprise ; Gustin, "Chemical Profession"; Morrell, ''Chemist Breeders"; McClelland, State, Society and University ; the several works of R. S. Turner cited in this chapter, and especially his "Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry"; and Kathryn Olesko, Physics as a Calling: Discipline and Practice in the Königsberg Seminar for Physics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1991).

53. Hofmann, "Wöhler," pp. 76-77; Hufbauer, German Chemical Community , pp. 202 and 244-245; Lockemann, "Chemischer Unterricht," pp. 151-152; and Lockemann and R. E. Oesper, "Friedrich Stromeyer and the History of Chemical Laboratory Instruction," Journal of Chemical Education , 30 (1953), 202-204.

54. Maurice Crosland, Gay-Lussac: Scientist and Bourgeois (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1978); L. J. Klosterman, "A Research School of Chemistry in the Nineteenth Century: Jean Baptiste Dumas and His Research Students," Annals of Science , 42 (1985), 1-80. Academic science in nineteenth-century France is also dealt with in such works as R. Fox and G. Weisz, eds.,

The Organization of Science and Technology in France, 1808-1914 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980); Harry W. Paul, From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of the Science Empire in France, 1860-1939 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985); and Mary Jo Nye, Science in the Provinces (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1986).

55. Revealing testimony on the state of academic chemistry in Britain ca. 1840 and early evidence of agitation for change is provided by D. B. Reid, Remarks on the Present State of Practical Chemistry and Pharmacy (Edinburgh: Neill, 1838); and William Gregory, Letter to the Right Honorable George, Earl of Aberdeen . . . on the State of the Schools of Chemistry in the United Kingdom (London: Taylor & Walton, 1842). Gregory lamented (pp. 18-22 and 28-29) that due to the deficiencies and expense of British universities, and the excellence and inexpensiveness of German academies, most ambitious British chemistry students were going to Göttingen or Giessen for their educations. Nineteenth-century British academic science is covered in D. S. L. Cardwell, The Organisation of Science in England (London: Heinemann, 1957), and by Robert Bud and G. K. Roberts, Science Versus Practice: Chemistry in Victorian Britain (Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1984).

56. Frederick Gregory, "Kant, Schelling, and the Administration of Science in the Romantic Era," Osiris , [2] 5 (1989), 17-35, idem, "Kant's Influence on Natural Scientists in the German Romantic Period," in R. Visser et al., eds., New Trends in the History of Science (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1989), pp. 53-66; see also Max Lenz, Geschichte der königlichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin , 3 vols. (Halle: Waisenhaus, 1910-1918), 1 , 305ff, 570-571, and 2 , 1, 3ff, 224-230, 509-510.

57. Christa Jungnickel and Russell McCormmach, The Intellectual Mastery of Nature , vol. 1 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 23-26; and Kenneth Caneva, "From Galvanism to Electrodynamics: The Transformation of German Physics and Its Social Context," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 9 (1978), 63-159.

58. Turner, "Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry," pp. 133-138 and 144-147 and the pages cited in Lenz, Geschichte (see n. 56).

59. Jungnickel and McCormmach, Intellectual Mastery of Nature , p. 22n. and chap. 4; Olesko, Physics as a Calling ; and David Cahan, "The Institutional Revolution in German Physics, 1865-1914," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 15 (1985), 1-65.

60. Coleman and Holmes, eds., Investigative Enterprise , especially the articles by Coleman and by Arleen Tuchman.

61. Meinel, "Chemistry's Place"; see also Hufbauer, German Chemical Community ; Gustin, "German Chemical Profession"; and Turner, "Liebig."

62. In addition to the sources cited in the previous note, see also Erika Hickel, "Der Apothekerberuf," Medizinhistorisches Journal , 13 (1978), 259-276.

63. Turner, "Liebig"; Holmes, "Liebig's Laboratory."

64. See sources cited in n. 10.

65. Liebig to Emil Erlenmeyer, 27 March 1861, in Emil Heuser, ed., Justus von Liebig und Emil Erlenmeyer in ihren Briefen yon 1861-1872 (Mannheim:

Bionomica, 1988), p. 11. I have found the same sentiment expressed in two other letters from Liebig's pen.

66. See citations in n. 8.

67. Coleman, "Prussian Pedagogy," p. 47.

68. Cited in Turner, "Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry," p. 160.

69. A number of polytechnic schools were established in pre-Napoleonic Germany; see Helmuth Albrecht, Technische Bildung zwischen Wissenschaft und Praxis (Hildesheim: Ohms, 1987), pp. 25-40.

70. Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Klett, 1976); Tuchman, "Scientific Medicine at Heidelberg." The practical benefits of chemistry were by no means ignored by state ministries even in the eighteenth century. A number of teaching positions involving what we would call applied chemistry existed (mostly at Gewerbeschulen, mining academies, and polytechnics), as did a significant student clientele interested in industrial careers—for which see Meinel, "Chemistry's Place," and Hufbauer, German Chemical Community . But interest in the ministries dramatically increased after mid-century.

71. A. J. Rocke, "Berzelius' Animal Chemistry: From Physiology to Organic Chemistry, 1805-1814," in Frängsmyr and Melhado, Berzelius , pp. 107-131.

72. Debus, Bunsen , pp. 144-151.

73. Liebig, "Aufzeichnungen," pp. 13-17.

74. Debus, Bunsen , p. 145.

75. Liebig to Wöhler, 26 June 1848, in Carrière, BLB , p. 265.

76. Berzelius to Wöhler, 20 August 1839, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 134.

77. Wöhler to Liebig, 12 November 1863, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 149-150.

78. Caneva, "German Physics."

2— Growing Up and Limbering Up

1. Götz von Selle, Die Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen, 1737-1937 (Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 1937); Charles E. McClelland, State, Society, and University in Germany, 1700-1914 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980); and R. Steven Turner, "University Reformers and Professorial Scholarship in Germany, 1760-1806," in L. Stone, ed., The University in Society , 2 vols. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1974), 2 , 495-531.

2. See Selle, pp. 261-281.

3. Cited without reference by Hajo Holborn, A History of Modern Germany, 1840-1945 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1969), p. 27.

4. See Selle, p. 281.

5. Charles E. McClelland, "Die deutschen Hochschullehrer als Elite, 1815-1850," in Klaus Schwabe, ed., Deutsche Hochschullehrer als Elite (Boppard: Boldt, 1988), pp. 27-53 (on p. 43-53).

6. Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart , 2d ed., 4 (Tübingen: Mohr, 1930), 1123, s.v. "Pfarrer."

7. G. W. Kolbe's name does not appear in Götz von Selle, ed., Die Matrikel der Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen (Hildesheim: Lax, 1937). He

is briefly described in obituaries of Carl Kolbe: Vierteljährliche Nachrichten von Kirchen- und Schulsachen , 1870, pp. 154-155, and P. Meyer, ed., Die Pastoren der Landeskirchen Hannovers und Schaumburg-Lippes seit der Reformation , 2 vols. (Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 1941-1942), 1 , 250, and 2 , 116 and 414. His residence and profession in 1808, 1813, and 1816 are cited in brothers Carl, G. C. A., and F. Kolbe's matriculation entries at the University of Göttingen (Selle, Matrikel , 1 , 476, 575, and 766). Information on his situation in 1821 is contained in the dedication to Carl's book (see n. 14). I wish to thank Dr. Günther Beer, Göttinger Museum der Chemie, and Herr Karl-Heinz Bielefeld, director of the Kirchenkreisarchiv Göttingen, for helpful correspondence and for assistance during my visit to their institutions in 1990.

8. See sources cited in the previous note. I thank Herr Leenders of the Landeskirchliches Archiv Hannover for a report on the content of Carl Kolbe's correspondence with his Konsistorium. The Göttingen Gymnasium has no records dating to the early nineteenth century, and the university has only a Matrikel of students. Auguste Hempel's full name is given in the marriage record (written by the pastor, her groom) in the Elliehäuser Kirchenbuch, held by the Kirchenkreisarchiv Göttingen; her precise birth and death dates are on her gravestone in Lutterhausen.

9. On Hempel, see A. C. P. Callisen, ed., Medicinisches Schriftsteller-Lexicon , 28 (Copenhagen, 1840), 466-467; August Hirsch, ed., Biographisches Lexikon der hervorragendsten Aerzte , 3 (Vienna, 1886), 146; Selle, Göttingen , p. 223; Neuer Nekrolog der Deutschen , 12 (1834), pt. 1 (Weimar: Voigt, 1836), pp. 194-195. The marriage record of 1816 referred to in the previous note indicates that Louise Hempel was then deceased.

10. Hermann Ost, HK, 118; Ernst von Meyer, HK, 418-420; Georg Lockemann, HK, 124. Ost and Meyer were students of Kolbe; moreover, Ost was his nephew and Meyer his son-in-law; they doubtless had good documentary and oral sources for their biographies. As for Lockemann (1871-1959), he grew up, died, and is buried in the neighboring village to Stöckheim, where Kolbe's family lived from 1826 to 1840. Although when Kolbe died Lockemann was but a Gymnasium student, their lives touched repeatedly even if indirectly: in the early 1890s Lockemann studied at the Hanover Technische Hochschule, where Ost taught chemistry; his father owned (and in the mid-1890s he worked as a chemist at) the same salt-brine works that Kolbe used to visit as a boy; and in 1898 he became assistant to Kolbe's former assistant Ernst Beckmann. Ost was still alive when Lockemann, a prolific historian of chemistry, was writing his biography of Kolbe, and Ost may have shared sources with him. Certainly he conferred with Kolbe's daughter Johanna von Meyer and used documents in her possession: Lockemann, "Aus dem Briefwechsel yon Hermann Kolbe," Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie , 41 (1928), 623. In any case, subsequent biographies of Kolbe are all derivative from these three, as this one is in part. See also Grete Ronge, "Hermann Kolbe," Neue deutsche Biographie , 12 (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1980), 446-451, and Claus Priesner, "Georg Lockemann," Neue deutsche Biographie , 15 (1987), 6-7.

11. Most of the information in this paragraph is derived from conversation

and correspondence with Karl Heinz Thiel, retired pastor of the Elliehausen congregation, to whom I offer my thanks. See also n. 6.

12. Franz Dehme, Das Kirchspiel Stöckheim im Leinetal (Northeim: Röhrs, 1928), pp. 7, 34, and 46-47; Stöckheimer Kirchenbuch. I thank Pastor Peter Dortmund for his help, especially in directing me to these sources.

13. The information in this paragraph comes from the Lutterhausen Kirchenbuch and from conversations with Pastor Hermann Charbonnier, for whose kind assistance I am grateful.

14. Carl Kolbe, Handbuch zum sittlich-religiösen Jugendunterrichte über den Hannoverischen Landes-Katechismus (Göttingen, 1822). Relevant information on Lutheranism in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Hanover may be found in Johannes Meyer, Kirchengeschichte Niedersachsens (Göttingen, 1939), pp. 183-188 and 191-197, and in Die Religion , 3d ed., 3 , 67-72, and 5 , 271-306.

15. Ost, HK, p. 119.

16. Frankland, Sketches from the Life of Edward Frankland (London: Spottiswoode, 1902), pp. 44-50.

17. C. A. Russell, Lancastrian Chemist: The Early Years of Sir Edward Frankland (Milton Keynes: Open Univ. Press, 1986). Professor Russell has emphasized this point to me in conversations and correspondence.

18. HSA, 16. Rep. VI, Kl. 8, Nr. 25, first leaf written and dated in Kolbe's hand. Kolbe's initial problems with his future father-in-law were related in a letter to his friend and publisher Eduard Vieweg, 25 March 1853, VA 51.

19. Lockemann, "Ernst Beckmann," Berichte , 61 (1928), 87-130A (on p. 92). Beckmann, former assistant to Kolbe, was Wislicenus' guide; he told the same story, without the religious commentary, in his biography of Wislicenus: ibid., 37 (1904), 4861-4946 (on pp. 4887-4888).

20. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), xxxix-lx; Kolbe, "Zur Erinnerung an Justus von Liebig," JpC , 116 (1873), 428-458 (on p. 441).

21. Kolbe to Vieweg, 6 September 1853, VA 57. Zeller and Kolbe later had a falling-out. Zeller's book was published in 1854, but not by Vieweg.

22. For a discussion of the status of the Bildungsbürgertum in Germany during the nineteenth century, with citations to the recent secondary literature, see R. Steven Turner, "The Bildungsbürgertum and the Learned Professions in Prussia, 1770-1830: The Origins of a Class," Histoire Sociale—Social History , 13 (1980), 105-135; and K. Jarausch, Students, Society, and Politics in Imperial Germany (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1982), pp. 81-89, 120-126.

23. Fritz Ringer, "Das gesellschaftliche Profil der deutschen Hochschullehrerschaft 1871-1933," in Schwabe, ed., Deutsche Hochschullehrer , pp. 93-104; McClelland, State, Society, and University , p. 96.

24. In an undated letter whose scientific content requires a date of 1850, Hofmann consoled Kolbe over an unstated familial death, which must have been Emma's (SSDM 3553); her birth and death dates are given on her headstone, positioned between those of her parents. On Georg Ost, see P. Meyer, Pastoren , 1 , 251; also Bertha Ost to Frankland, I April 1885,

Frankland Archive 01.04.1603, who informed Frankland that her husband died in 1875.

25. On (Johann) Carl Friedrich Kolbe, see HSA, 305a A IV, b. 2, Nr. 65, and 305a II, Nr. 11, 13 November 1851; Kolbe to Bertha and Georg Ost, 4 and 17 October and 10 and 16 December 1870, SSDM 6792, 6793, 6794, and 6795. On Kolbe's renovation of the three graves, see his letter to Hermann Ost, 25 September 1878, SSDM 6801.

26. See letters from Kolbe to Vieweg of 30 December 1851, 20 October 1855, 30 March 1861, and 31 August 1865, VA 35, 110, 167, and 234. In the first of these letters, Kolbe wrote, "My father is now, thank goodness, out of danger, but he is still so weak that he cannot yet read again, and therefore needs company to entertain him. He appears to appreciate it when I stay by him, and so I intend to hold out here as long as my time permits."

27. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 February 1865, VA 217.

28. Meyer, HK, p. 418; Lockemann, HK, pp. 124-125; Ost, HK, pp. 118-119. The information on Kolbe's residences in Göttingen was kindly provided by Dr. Günther Beer, director of the Museum der Göttinger Chemie. The Knesebecks were a well-known family of the German nobility, with branches in Hanover and Prussia, but I have not been able to learn more about this particular Knesebeck. Selle (see n. 1, p. 262) reported that Knesebeck's father had written a panegyric on the Hanoverian nobility, which had made him highly unpopular in 1831, but the political climate was very different by 1837.

29. Ost, HK, p. 119.

30. Wilhelm Ebel, ed., Die Matrikel der Georg-August-Universität zu Göt-tingen (1837-1900) (Hildesheim: Lax, 1974), pp. 8 and 56; UAG, Abgangszeugnis Nr. 374 (for Hermann Kolbe, dated 22 October 1842).

31. It was Berzelius who broached the subject of the "Göttinger Sieben" in their correspondence: Berzelius to Wöhler, 1 January 1838, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 1. Berzelius agreed with the dissidents' sentiments but disapproved of their action; Wöhler's only concerns were the possible impact on attendance at the university and the difficulty of finding a worthy successor to Weber: Wöhler to Berzelius, 13 January 1838, ibid., 4-5.

32. Wöhler, "Darstellung des Ameisenäthers," Annalen , 35 (1840), 238.

33. Kolbe, "Über die Zusammensetzung des Getreidefuselöls," Annalen , 41 (1842), 53-56; Wöhler to Berzelius, 25 July 1841, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 254; Berzelius, JB for 1842, 23 (1844), 456-457; Meyer, HK, p. 419.

34. Lockemann, HK, pp. 125-126; 200 Hessian thalers were equivalent to about $150 in the United States at that time.

35. John Tyndall, New Fragments (New York: Appleton, 1892), p. 238; Tyndall gives a fascinating description of his period of study in Marburg (pp. 232-243).

36. Kolbe related the poisoning incident in a letter to Max von Pettenkofer, 27 January 1884, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Pettenkoferiana II 2. He had been assisting Bunsen in an hour-long combustion experiment over a charcoal fire, but fortunately had been more resistant to the effects of the carbon monoxide. Bunsen stressed what a " true friend " (Bunsen's emphasis) Kolbe had always been, in a letter to Hermann Ost, 14 January 1885, SSDM 3623.

37. Heinrich Debus, Erinnerungen an Robert Wilhelm Bunsen (Kassel: Fisher, 1901), pp. 10-21; C. Glück, student notebook, UBM, Mscr. 501 and 502. The notes reveal a striking Berzelian orientation, although Bunsen also mentioned Gay-Lussac, Thenard, Liebig, Wöhler, and Dumas in the organic introduction. Bunsen also gave special emphasis to Kolbe's work on conjugated acids, carried out in his lab (ibid., esp. Mscr. 502, pp. 1-22 and 122-185).

38. Mulder, trans. Kolbe, Versuch einer allgemeinen physiologischen Chemie , vol. 1 (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1844-1846).

39. Many passages in his letters to Berzelius from 1832 to 1840 (Wallach, BWB , 1 , 381, 497, 520, and 604; and 2 , 71n., 113, and 164) suggest that Wöhler was indeed becoming uncomfortable with the theoretically labile field of organic chemistry.

40. Wöhler to Berzelius, 26 July 1842, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 304; Berzelius to Wöhler, 9 August 1842, Wallach, BWB , 2 , 317-318. In the second formula, Berzelius actually wrote double prime marks over the carbon to indicate the presence of two sulfur atoms, and used superscripts rather than subscripts.

41. Wöhler to Liebig, 7 August 1842, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 203; Wöhler to Berzelius, 16 September 1842, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 326.

42. Berzelius to Wöhler, 7 October 1842, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 333; Berzelius, JB for 1842, 23 (1844), 77-80. The + symbol here indicates combination of radicals in a compound; Berzelius later substituted a centered dot or period to avoid ambiguity (see examples below).

43. Heinrich [sic] Kolbe, "Über die Einwirkung des Chlors auf Schwefelkohlenstoff," Annalen , 45 (1843), 41-46; Berzelius, JB for 1842, 23 (1844), 77-80. During this period when Liebig was feuding with Berzelius, he refused to obtain barred letters for Berzelius and Wöhler, and simply doubled the number of atoms for barred letters.

44. In a letter to Wöhler of 25 August 1843, Berzelius mentioned a communication he had received from Kolbe (in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 428).

45. Berzelius, JB for 1842, 23 (1844), 77-80 and 456-457; JB for 1844, 25 (1846), 90-96; JB for 1845, 26 (1847), 77-93 and 405-412; Berzelius to Wöhler, 21 January 1845 and 27 February 1846 (in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 520-521 and 574-575); Berzelius to Bunsen, 24 January 1845 and 13 February 1846 (transcriptions made in 1851 and preserved HSA, 16. Rep. VI, Kl. 8, Nr. 25, folio 19).

46. The letter is quoted in Ost, HK , p. 120, and Kolbe expressed his veneration of it in JpC , 131 (1881), 309.

47. For general background on the theoretical development of organic chemistry in the early nineteenth century, see A. J. Ihde, Development of Modern Chemistry (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), chaps. 4-8; J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry , vol. 4 (London: Macmillan, 1964); C. A. Russell, The History of Valency (Leicester: Leicester Univ. Press, 1971); and A. J. Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984). The meanings and historical origins of "two-volume" and "four-volume" formulas, and other notational and conventional matters important for the following discussion, are described in the latter work.

48. Johnston to Charles Daubeny, 1 June 1840, Daubeny Papers, Magdalen

College Oxford, cited in R. F. Bud, "The Discipline of Chemistry: The Origins and Early Years of the Chemical Society of London," Ph.D. dissertation (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1980), p. 124.

49. S. C. H. Windler [F. Wöhler], "Über das Substitutionsgesetz und die Theorie der Typen," Annalen , 33 (1840), 308-310.

3— A Journeyman Chemist

1. For background and literature citations for the following material on the copula theory, see J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry , vol. 4 (London: Macmillan, 1964), pp. 372-375 and 506-512.

2. A. Laurent, Méthode de chimie (Paris: Mallet & Bachelier, 1854), pp. 249-250; trans. W. Odling, Chemical Method (London: Cavendish Society, 1855), pp. 204-205 (quoted here).

3. R. Bunsen, "Untersuchungen fiber die Kakodylreihe," Annalen , 37 (1841), 1-57; 42 (1842), 14-46; 46 (1843), 1-48; Berzelius to Wöhler, 29 January 1841, in Wallach, BWB , 2 , 220.

4. Kolbe, "Notiz über einige gepaarte Verbindungen der Chlorkohlenstoffe," Annalen , 49 (1844), 339-341. These are (mostly) Berzelian four-volume formulas, with C = 12 and O = 16. Here Kolbe used barred symbols to indicate double atoms and superscripts rather than subscripts, in accordance with Berzelius' preference. The equation represents a composite of several that are found in the paper.

5. Kolbe, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der gepaarten Verbindungen," Annalen 54 (1845), 145-188.

6. Ibid., p. 146.

7. Ibid., pp. 186-188.

8. Ibid., pp. 145 and 181-186.

5. Kolbe, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der gepaarten Verbindungen," Annalen 54 (1845), 145-188.

6. Ibid., p. 146.

7. Ibid., pp. 186-188.

8. Ibid., pp. 145 and 181-186.

5. Kolbe, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der gepaarten Verbindungen," Annalen 54 (1845), 145-188.

6. Ibid., p. 146.

7. Ibid., pp. 186-188.

8. Ibid., pp. 145 and 181-186.

5. Kolbe, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der gepaarten Verbindungen," Annalen 54 (1845), 145-188.

6. Ibid., p. 146.

7. Ibid., pp. 186-188.

8. Ibid., pp. 145 and 181-186.

9. J. H. Brooke, "Wöhler's Urea and Its Vital Force?—A Verdict from the Chemists," Ambix , 15 (1968), 84-114; C. A. Russell, "The Changing Role of Synthesis in Organic Chemistry," Ambix , 34 (1987), 169-180.

10. Berzelius, JB for 1844, 25 (1846), 90-96; ibid. for 1845, 26 (1847), 77-93 and 405-412 (quote on p. 410).

11. Berzelius, "Ansichten in Betreff der organischen Zusammensetzung," Annalen der Physik und Chemie , [3] 8 (1846), 161-188, esp. pp. 161-163, 176, and 185-188.

12. Hofmann, "Erinnerungen an Peter Griess," Berichte , 24 (1891), 1007-1057 (on pp. 1022-1023); Jacob Volhard, August Wilhelm yon Hofmann: Ein Lebensbild (Berlin: Friedländer, 1902), pp. 30-39.

13. Edward Frankland, reminiscences of Kolbe sent to Hermann Ost shortly after Kolbe's death, SSDM 3576. Doris Street no longer exists; in the nineteenth century, it lay half a mile north of the Oval, south of the Thames. Belvedere Road runs between Westminster and Waterloo Bridges, parallel to and not far from the right bank of the Thames. Neither Hofmann nor Frank-land mentioned Kolbe's other residence. Because Hofmann married in August 1846, I assume that Kolbe lived first with Hofmann, then moved near Frankland.

14. Frankland, Sketches from the Life of Edward Frankland (London: Spottiswoode, 1901), p. 167. This is the rare (unexpurgated) first edition.

15. Frankland to Hermann Ost, 20 December 1884, SSDM 3575.

16. Georg Lockemann, HK, p. 126.

17. Frankland to Ost, SSDM 3576; Wöhler to Kolbe, 21 November 1849, SSDM 3591.

18. Kolbe to Bunsen, 11 February 1846, SSDM 3632; Bunsen to Kolbe, 18 February 1846, SSDM 3621; H. T. De la Beche, Lyon Playfair, and Warington Smyth, Reports on the Gases and Explosions in Collieries (London: Clowes, 1847), especially pp. 5-6; O. Krätz, "Historische Experimente (1846), Hermann Kolbe und Robert Wilhelm Bunsen: Eudiometrische Analysen von Grubengas," Chem. Exp. Didakt ., 3 (1977), 31-36. Kolbe found that the flammable portion of firedamp consists almost entirely of methane, consistent with earlier English research and inconsistent with work by other Europeans. His name was not mentioned in Playfair's report.

19. Useful details on Playfair and the Museum of Economic Geology are in C. A. Russell, Lancastrian Chemist: The Early Years of Sir Edward Frankland (Milton Keynes: Open Univ. Press, 1986), pp. 141-145.

20. Dated entry in MS. notebook, SSDM 3811, unpaginated; this is the earliest of six of Kolbe's laboratory notebooks donated to the Deutsches Museum by Kolbe's daughter, Johanna von Meyer.

21. Ibid. By 7 December 1846 he had sufficiently promising results publicly to announce the subject of a future article on organic electrolyses: "Observations on the Oxidizing Power of Oxygen when disengaged by means of the Voltaic Electricity," Memoirs and Proceedings of the Chemical Society , 3 (1846), 285-287 (on p. 287).

20. Dated entry in MS. notebook, SSDM 3811, unpaginated; this is the earliest of six of Kolbe's laboratory notebooks donated to the Deutsches Museum by Kolbe's daughter, Johanna von Meyer.

22. Kolbe, "On the Decomposition of Valerianic Acid by the Voltaic Current," Memoirs and Proceedings of the Chemical Society , 3 (1847), 378-380 (H = 1, C = 6, O = 8, four volumes). Kolbe was by no means the first to study the electrolysis of organic compounds, but he was certainly the earliest to achieve consistent success. See Alexander Moser, Die elektrolytische Prozesse der organischen Chemie (Halle: Knapp, 1910), pp. 1-13. The saturated hydrocarbon described by Kolbe was presumably the dimer of the radical of valeric acid, octane; the olefinic by-product was probably isobutylene.

23. Frankland, Sketches , p. 70.

24. Frankland and Kolbe, "Upon the Chemical Constitution of Metacetonic Acid, and Some Other Bodies Related to It," Memoirs and Proceedings of the Chemical Society , 3 (1847), 386-391.

25. Frankland to Ost, 20 December 1884, SSDM 3575. Bunsen's letter to Kolbe inviting Frankland to his lab is dated 9 April 1847, SSDM 3622.

26. Frankland, Sketches , pp. 72-78 and 261-264.

27. Ibid.; SSDM 3576; Lockemann, HK, p. 126. In letters to Frankland after Kolbe's death, Ost told him of the death of this (unnamed) sister in 1881, and Bertha Ost, née Kolbe, reminisced about Frankland's 1847 visit: H. Ost to Frankland, 25 December 1884, and B. Ost to Frankland, 1 April 1885, Frankland Archive, 01.04.1527 and 01.04.85.

26. Frankland, Sketches , pp. 72-78 and 261-264.

28. Frankland and Kolbe, "Über die chemische Constitution der Säuren

der Reihe (C 2 H 2 ) n O 4 und der unter dem Namen 'Nitrile' bekannten Verbindungen," Annalen , 65 (1848), 288-304.

29. Frankland and Kolbe, "Über die Zersetzungsproducte des Cyanäthyls durch Einwirkung von Kalium," Annalen , 65 (1848), 269-287.

30. Edward Frankland diary, 27 January and 7 February 1848, Royal Society, MS. 221 XII b. 9.

31. Sketches , p. 175.

32. Frankland, "On the Isolation of the Organic Radicals," JCS , 2 (1849), 263-296 (on p. 263).

33. Ibid.; Frankland, "Researches on the Organic Radicals," JCS , 3 (1850), 30-52, 322-347 (on pp. 46-47); Frankland, Experimental Researches in Pure, Applied, and Physical Chemistry (London, 1877), pp. 67-118. As Hofmann noted, Liebig had predicted in 1834 that potassium and ethyl iodide might be used to prepare ethyl: see Hofmann, "The Life-Work of Liebig," in Zur Erinnerung an vorangegangene Freunde (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1888), 1 , 274.

32. Frankland, "On the Isolation of the Organic Radicals," JCS , 2 (1849), 263-296 (on p. 263).

34. Liebig to Hofmann, 8 December 1849, in Brock, LHB , p. 88.

35. Ernst Dreyer, Friedr. Vieweg & Sohn in 150 Jahren deutscher Geistesgeschichte (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1936), pp. 3-32; Margarete and Wolfgang Schneider, eds., Justus von Liebig: Briefe an Vieweg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1986). The company moved to Wiesbaden in 1967; the Vieweghaus has been renovated and converted into a state museum.

36. Liebig to Vieweg, 28 April 1847, in M. and W. Schneider, Justus von Liebig , pp. 215-216.

37. Kolbe to E. Vieweg, 12 August 1847, VA 18. Wöhler told Kolbe on 16 January 1847 that he had recommended him for the position, but he had not yet heard whether Vieweg was going to take his advice (SSDM 3579).

38. Friedrich Knapp, "Friedrich Varrentrapp," Berichte , 10 (1877), 2291-2297.

39. Ost, HK, 121; Lockemann, "Kolbe," p. 126; Frankland's 1884 reminiscences, in SSDM 3576; Frankland diary, 31 May to 3 June 1849, Royal Society, MS. 221 XII b. 9. Ost replied to Frankland's reminiscence by informing him that Franziska von Spilker ended up marrying badly and "ist verkommen und verschollen": Ost to Frankland, 25 December 1884, Frankland Archive 01.04.1527.

40. Helmuth Albrecht, Technische Bildung zwischen Wissenschaft und Praxis: Die Technische Hochschule Braunschweig 1862-1914 (Hildesheim: Ohms, 1987), pp. 37-40.

41. Ost, HK, p. 121; Dreyer, Vieweg , pp. 32-34; Frankland diary, 1 June 1849, Royal Society, MS. 221 XII b. 9.

42. Kolbe to Frankland, 1 August 1848, Frankland Archive 01.02.1297.

43. Ost, HK, p. 121; "Pfaff, Adam," Allgemeine deutsche Biographie , 25 (Leipzig, 1887), p. 580.

44. Kolbe to Wöhler, 2 February 1848, with Wöhler's reply on same sheet, SSDM 3577; Liebig to Kolbe, 9 February 1848, SSDM 3525; Wöhler to Kolbe, 25 January, 19 February 1848, and no date, SSDM 3581, 3580, and 3583.

45. A. J. Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984), pp. 177-182 and passim.

46. Kolbe, ''Formeln, chemische," Handwörterbuch , 3 (1848), 174-178 (on p. 176). The publication date of the fascicle in which this article appears was determined to be September 1848 by Oberleiter Lücke of Vieweg Verlag, noted on Kolbe's letter to Lücke of 1 January 1878, VA 397.

47. Ibid., p. 177.

48. Kolbe, "Gepaarte Verbindungen," Handwörterbuch , 3 (1848), pp. 439-444; publication date was determined by Lücke as November 1848, Kolbe to Lücke, 5 January 1878, VA 398.

49. In 1881 Kolbe drew attention to the importance of this shift in his thinking ( JpC , 131 , 312-313).

50. Bunsen to Kolbe, 25 December 1847, SSDM 3496.

51. Kolbe, Ausführliches Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 2 vols. (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1854-1864). There was a third volume as well as a second edition, but these were produced by Kolbe's students and others.

52. Frankland, SSDM 3576; Ost, HK, p. 121; Kolbe to Frankland, 24 November 1863, Frankland Archive 01.04.73. However, Kolbe's letter to Georg Liebig ("Freitag Nachmittag" [14 June 1850], Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Ana 377, II B) mentions his intention to work collaboratively with Varrentrapp in the latter's laboratory.

53. Bunsen to Frankland, 1 August 1848, Frankland Archive 01.02.1288, regarding Kolbe's stay in 1848; Kolbe to Frankland, 1 August 1848, from Marburg, Frankland Archive 01.02.1297; Kolbe to E. Vieweg, 7 August and 27 August 1848, both from Marburg, VA 23 and 24; Frankland, SSDM 3376, regarding late summer 1849; Frankland diary, 24 July 1849, reporting on a letter from Kolbe suggesting his arrival in Marburg would be ca. 7 August, Royal Society, MS. 221 XII b. 9; Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 August 1850, from Giessen, VA 26; Kolbe to Georg Liebig, 23 July and 31 August 1850, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Ana 377, II B.

54. Frankland, SSDM 3576.

55. Kolbe to Vieweg, 7 August 1848, VA 23.

56. Kolbe, "Untersuchungen über die Elektrolyse organischer Verbindungen," Annalen , 69 (1849), 257-294; "Researches on the Electrolysis of Organic Compounds," JCS , 2 (1849), 157-184.

57. Liebig to Kolbe, 18 February 1849, SSDM 3527. Since at least 1847, and probably even earlier, Liebig had been following Kolbe's work with great interest and admiration. See, e.g., Liebig to Kolbe, 17 May 1848, SSDM 3526; Liebig to Vieweg, 20 January 1848, in M. and W. Schneider, eds., Briefe an Vieweg , p. 225; and Liebig to Hofmann, 25 April 1847, 2 February 1848, and 1 February 1849, in Brock, LHB , pp. 72, 77, and 83.

58. Kolbe, "Über die chemische Natur und Constitution der organischen Radicale," Annalen , 75 (1850), 211-239, and 76 (1850), 1-73; "On the Chemical Constitution and Nature of Organic Radicals," JCS , 3 (1850), 369-405, and 4 (1851), 41-79. Kolbe's letter to Liebig of 11 March 1850 is referred to in Liebig's reply of 12 April 1850, SSDM 3528; Hofmann to Kolbe, no date [ca. March 1850], SSDM 3553.

59. Kolbe, "Chemische Natur," pp. 211-217, 29.

60. Ibid., pp. 29, 57, 65-73.

61. Ibid., pp. 234-235, 36.

59. Kolbe, "Chemische Natur," pp. 211-217, 29.

60. Ibid., pp. 29, 57, 65-73.

61. Ibid., pp. 234-235, 36.

59. Kolbe, "Chemische Natur," pp. 211-217, 29.

60. Ibid., pp. 29, 57, 65-73.

61. Ibid., pp. 234-235, 36.

62. He was usually perfectly frank and public about such failed predictions, which greatly assists the historian. Four examples of such explicit predictive failures are "Beiträge" (see n. 5), pp. 160 and 183; "Zersetzungsproducte" (seen. 29), pp. 269-270; and "Researches'' (see n. 56), pp. 157-158.

63. Kolbe, "Chemische Natur," pp. 65-73.

64. Ibid., p. 69. I have used with slight alteration the English translation (see n. 58), p. 76.

63. Kolbe, "Chemische Natur," pp. 65-73.

64. Ibid., p. 69. I have used with slight alteration the English translation (see n. 58), p. 76.

65. Hofmann, "Researches on the Volatile Organic Bases, pt. II," JCS , 1 (1848), 269-281 (on p. 280).

66. Ibid.; ibid., pt. I, JCS , 1 (1848), 159-173; ibid., pt. III, JCS , 1 (1848), 285-317 (on pp. 312-313 and 317).

67. Ibid., pt. V, JCS , 2 (1849), 300-335 (on p. 334-335).

65. Hofmann, "Researches on the Volatile Organic Bases, pt. II," JCS , 1 (1848), 269-281 (on p. 280).

66. Ibid.; ibid., pt. I, JCS , 1 (1848), 159-173; ibid., pt. III, JCS , 1 (1848), 285-317 (on pp. 312-313 and 317).

67. Ibid., pt. V, JCS , 2 (1849), 300-335 (on p. 334-335).

65. Hofmann, "Researches on the Volatile Organic Bases, pt. II," JCS , 1 (1848), 269-281 (on p. 280).

66. Ibid.; ibid., pt. I, JCS , 1 (1848), 159-173; ibid., pt. III, JCS , 1 (1848), 285-317 (on pp. 312-313 and 317).

67. Ibid., pt. V, JCS , 2 (1849), 300-335 (on p. 334-335).

68. Hofmann, "Researches Regarding the Molecular Constitution of the Volatile Organic Bases," PTRS , 140 (received 26 December 1849, read 17 January 1850), 93-131.

69. Hofmann to Kolbe, no date [ca. March 1850], SSDM 3553. Hofmann also told Liebig how much he enjoyed this research: Hofmann to Liebig, 29 January 1850, in Brock, LHB , p. 91.

70. Ibid.

69. Hofmann to Kolbe, no date [ca. March 1850], SSDM 3553. Hofmann also told Liebig how much he enjoyed this research: Hofmann to Liebig, 29 January 1850, in Brock, LHB , p. 91.

70. Ibid.

71. Frankland, "On a New Series of Organic Bodies Containing Metals and Phosphorus," JCS , 2 (1849), 297-299.

72. Frankland, "Researches" (see n. 33), pp. 48-51; "Researches on the Organic Radicals," JCS , 3 (1850), 322-347 (on p. 324); and "On a New Series of Organic Bodies Containing Metals," PTRS , 142 (1852), 417-444 (on pp. 440-442).

73. Kolbe, "Chemische Natur," pp. 45 and 49-51.

74. Ibid., pp. 50-51.

73. Kolbe, "Chemische Natur," pp. 45 and 49-51.

74. Ibid., pp. 50-51.

4— Gerhardt and Wurtz

1. Academic science in nineteenth-century France is discussed in such works as R. Fox and G. Weisz, eds., The Organization of Science and Technology in France, 1808-1914 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980); Harry W. Paul, The Sorcerer's Apprentice: The French Scientist's Image of German Science, 1840-1919 (Gainesville: Univ. of Florida, 1972); idem, From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of the Science Empire in France, 1860-1939 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985); and Mary Jo Nye, Science in the Provinces (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1986). On Dumas, see especially L. J. Klosterman, "A Research School of Chemistry in the Nineteenth Century: Jean Baptiste Dumas and His Research Students," Annals of Science , 42 (1985), 1-80; and Marcel Chaigneau, Jean-Baptiste Dumas: Sa vie, son oeuvre, 1800-1884 (Paris: Guy Le Prat, 1984).

2. Liebig to Berzelius, 8 May 1831, 2 July 1832, and 17 May 1841, in Carrière, BLB , pp. 11, 34, and 230.

3. ibid. Liebig to Berzelius, 17 April 1841, ibid., p. 223.

2. Liebig to Berzelius, 8 May 1831, 2 July 1832, and 17 May 1841, in Carrière, BLB , pp. 11, 34, and 230.

3. ibid. Liebig to Berzelius, 17 April 1841, ibid., p. 223.

4. For a summary of this dispute, see F. L. Holmes, "Justus Liebig," DSB ,

5. Liebig to Berzelius, 30 May 1833, 14 September 1833, and 31 December 1834, in Carrière, BLB , pp. 62, 71, and 99. "The most maddening thing is," he wrote in the latter letter, "somewhat upset by the oxamide business, in my paper on the constitution of ether I permitted myself some expressions of a personal nature against Dumas, which I should not have done. . . . The devil take these accursed affairs." Even earlier (28 December 1831, ibid., p. 25) Liebig expressed great contrition over a published critique of some work of O. B. Kühn: "I will write no more critiques as long as I live," he vowed.

6. Liebig to [C. F. Kuhlmann], 23 April 1850, Archives of the Académie des Sciences, Paris (Dossier Liebig, Fonds Dumas). My translation from the German.

7. Ibid. (additional letters from Liebig to Dumas); Carrière, BLB , pp. 276-278; Liebig to Wöhler, 1 June 1850, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 352-353.

6. Liebig to [C. F. Kuhlmann], 23 April 1850, Archives of the Académie des Sciences, Paris (Dossier Liebig, Fonds Dumas). My translation from the German.

7. Ibid. (additional letters from Liebig to Dumas); Carrière, BLB , pp. 276-278; Liebig to Wöhler, 1 June 1850, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 352-353.

8. Liebig to Gerhardt, 15 August 1839 and 1 March 1840, in Edouard Grimaux and Charles Gerhardt, Jr., Charles Gerhardt: Sa vie, son oeuvre, sa correspondance 1816-1856 (Paris: Masson, 1900), pp. 38 and 42-43. This is hereafter cited simply as "Grimaux."

9. Ibid., pp. 46-62.

10. Gerhardt, "Recherches sur la classification chimique des substances organiques," C.r. , 15 (1842), 498-500; ibid., Revue scientifique , 10 (1842), 145-218; Grimaux, pp. 63-68, 317-332, and 456-457; Marc Tiffeneau, ed., Correspondance de Charles Gerhardt , 2 vols. (Pads: Masson, 1918-1925) (hereafter cited as "Tiffeneau"), 2 , 19-29.

11. Gerhardt, "Considérations sur les équivalents de quelques corps simples et composés," Ann. chim. , [3] 7 (1843), 129-143, 8 , 238-245.

12. Grimaux, pp. 65-68.

13. On Gerhardt's change of heart toward Laurent, see Grimaux, pp. 83-85, 147, 342-345, 451-452, and 459; and Tiffeneau, 1 , i-ii, and 2 , 11 and 38. The religion of Laurent is not known. Wurtz stated that Gerhardt and Laurent "were of the same race" ("Éloge" [see n. 37], p. 2). He may have been privy to oral information that Laurent was a Jew or of Jewish descent since the word "race" would not have been appropriate to express common nationality . Extant biographical details about Laurent and his parentage are notably sketchy and inconsistent.

14. Laurent to Gerhardt, December 1844, 25 March and 9 April 1845, in Tiffeneau, 1 , 11, 31, and 34.

15. Grimaux, pp. 117-167; Tiffeneau, 1 , 83-88, 115-131, and 137; Liebig, Annalen , 57 (1846), 93-118.

16. Tiffeneau, 1 , 355-356.

17. Ibid., pp. 117-123.

16. Tiffeneau, 1 , 355-356.

17. Ibid., pp. 117-123.

18. Laurent, "Sur les combinaisons organiques azotées," C.r. , 20 (1845), 850-855; "Recherches sur les combinaisons azotées," Ann. chim. , [3] 18 (1846), 266-298 (on pp. 267-268 and 294); Tiffeneau, 1 , 13-14, 25, 31, 61, 76, 81-82, 92, 95, 99, 101, and 105.

19. Tiffeneau, 1 , 19-23, 36-61; Laurent, Méthode de chimie (Pads: Mallet

& Bachelier, 1854, p. xiii. See J. H. Brooke, "Laurent, Gerhardt, and the Philosophy of Chemistry," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 6 (1975), 405-429; and N. W. Fisher, "Organic Classification Before Kekulé," Ambix , 20 (1973), 106-131, 209-233 (on pp. 215-217).

20. Laurent, "Observations sur le Précis de chimie organique de M. Gerhardt" (unpublished Ms), in Tiffeneau, 1 , 270-288; Gerhardt to Drion, 15 May 1856, in Grimaux, p. 340.

21. Laurent to Gerhardt, 6 June and 1 July 1846, in Tiffeneau, 1 , 201-202 and 204.

22. Laurent, "Recherches" (see n. 18), p. 296.

23. Laurent to Gerhardt, 2 February 1847, in Tiffeneau, 1 , 222-225.

24. ibid. Laurent to Gerhardt, 4 May 1847, ibid., p. 232.

25. ibid. Laurent to Gerhardt, 30 May 1847, ibid., p. 239.

23. Laurent to Gerhardt, 2 February 1847, in Tiffeneau, 1 , 222-225.

24. ibid. Laurent to Gerhardt, 4 May 1847, ibid., p. 232.

25. ibid. Laurent to Gerhardt, 30 May 1847, ibid., p. 239.

23. Laurent to Gerhardt, 2 February 1847, in Tiffeneau, 1 , 222-225.

24. ibid. Laurent to Gerhardt, 4 May 1847, ibid., p. 232.

25. ibid. Laurent to Gerhardt, 30 May 1847, ibid., p. 239.

26. Seymour Mauskopf, Crystals and Compounds: Molecular Structure and Composition in Nineteenth Century French Science (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976); Robert Fox, "The Rise and Fall of Laplacian Physics," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 4 (1974), 89-136.

27. Grimaux, pp. 168-195.

28. Gerhardt to Jane Gerhardt, 27 March 1848, in Grimaux, p. 174.

29. Ibid., 2 April and 19 April 1848, pp. 175-180.

30. Ibid., 7 April and 13 June 1849, pp. 192-195; Gerhardt to Chancel, 2 February 1851, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 112, describing Laurent's illness.

28. Gerhardt to Jane Gerhardt, 27 March 1848, in Grimaux, p. 174.

29. Ibid., 2 April and 19 April 1848, pp. 175-180.

30. Ibid., 7 April and 13 June 1849, pp. 192-195; Gerhardt to Chancel, 2 February 1851, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 112, describing Laurent's illness.

28. Gerhardt to Jane Gerhardt, 27 March 1848, in Grimaux, p. 174.

29. Ibid., 2 April and 19 April 1848, pp. 175-180.

30. Ibid., 7 April and 13 June 1849, pp. 192-195; Gerhardt to Chancel, 2 February 1851, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 112, describing Laurent's illness.

31. Gerhardt to Liebig, 18 October 1850, in Grimaux, pp. 202-203.

32. Ibid., p. 210; Liebig to Hofmann, 27 October 1850, in Brock, LHB , p. 100.

31. Gerhardt to Liebig, 18 October 1850, in Grimaux, pp. 202-203.

32. Ibid., p. 210; Liebig to Hofmann, 27 October 1850, in Brock, LHB , p. 100.

33. Charles Friedel, "Notice sur la vie et les travaux de Charles-Adolphe Wurtz," Bulletin de la Société Chimique , [2] 43 (1885), i-lxxx (also issued separately, Pads, 1885); A. W. Hofmann, "Erinnerungen an Adolph Wurtz," Berichte , 20 (1887), 815-996, reprinted in Zur Erinnerung an vorangegangene Freunde (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1888), 3 , 171-431; J. H. Brooke, DSB , 14 , 529-532; J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry , 4 (London: Macmillan, 1964), 477-488. Friedel misdates Wurtz' stay in Giessen, an error that has been propagated throughout much of the secondary literature.

34. For example, by Hofmann, who should have known better: Erinnerung , p. 408 (see previous note).

35. Grimaux, pp. 13-15; Tiffeneau, 2 , 302.

36. Grimaux, pp. 76-77; Tiffeneau, 2 , 303; Hofmann, Erinnerung , p. 218. Gerhardt, trans. Wurtz, Grundriss der organischen Chemie , 2 vols. (Strasbourg, 1844-1846).

37. Wurtz, "Éloge de Laurent et de Gerhardt," Moniteur scientifique , 4 (1862), 482-513; undated separate, p. 3.

38. Wurtz, "Ueber die Constitution der unterphosphorigen Säure," Annalen , 43 (1842), 318-334; "Sur l'hydrure de cuivre," Ann. chim. , [3] 11 (1844), 250-252.

39. Wurtz, "Recherches sur l'acide sulfophosphorique et le chloroxyde de phosphore," C.r. , 24 (1847), 288-290 (290); extended paper, same title, Ann. chim. , [3] 20 (1847), 472-481 (on pp. 480-481).

40. Wurtz, "Recherches sur les éthers cyaniques et sur le cyanurate de méthylene," C.r. , 27 (1848), 241-243.

41. Wurtz, "Sur une série d'alcalis organiques homologues avec l'ammoniaque," C.r. , 28 (1849), 223-226; Wurtz, "Recherches sur les ammoniaques composées," C.r. , 29 (1849), 169-172.

42. Hofmann, Erinnerung , pp. 217-218.

43. Ibid., pp. 341-342; Wurtz, "Sur une série . . ."; Liebig, "Organische Basen," in Handwörterbuch , 1 , 697-699. This fascicle appeared in 1840, not 1837 as Partington states (see n. 33, p. 437).

42. Hofmann, Erinnerung , pp. 217-218.

44. Liebig to Hofmann, 23 April 1849, in Brock, LHB , p. 84.

45. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 8 December 1849 and 17 January 1850, ibid., pp. 88-89. The transcription "den Feind Herrn Wurtz" should read "den Freund Herrn Wurtz."

44. Liebig to Hofmann, 23 April 1849, in Brock, LHB , p. 84.

45. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 8 December 1849 and 17 January 1850, ibid., pp. 88-89. The transcription "den Feind Herrn Wurtz" should read "den Freund Herrn Wurtz."

46. Hofmann, Erinnerung , pp. 226-243; Hofmann to Liebig, undated but securely datable by internal references between 23 February and 12 April 1850, in Brock, LHB , p. 93. Curiously, in his biography Hofmann gives the year as 1851.

47. J. B. Dumas, "Rapport sur un mémoire de M. Wurtz, relatif à des composés nouveaux analogues à l'ammoniaque," C.r. , 29 (1849), 203-206; Grimaux, pp. 197-198 and 379-380; Tiffeneau, 2 , 303-304. Gerhardt Jr. (Grimaux, pp. 197-198) goes so far as to accuse Wurtz of lacking integrity. Gerhardt Jr. was in general an excellent biographer for his father, but he was understandably partisan in his opinions.

48. Gerhardt to Chancel, 1 October 1852, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 130.

49. Wurtz, "Mémoire sur une série d'alcaloides homologues avec l'ammoniaque," Ann. chim. , [3] 30 (1850), 443-507, esp. 444-446 and 495-503. He first used the word "structure" in 1859: "Mémoire sur les glycols ou alcools diatomiques," Ann. chim . [3] 55 , 400-478 (on p. 478).

50. Grimaux, pp. 201-204, 208-254, 259, 264-265, 285-286, and 432-435.

51. Williamson to Gerhardt, 16 August 1851, in Grimaux, p. 220. On Williamson's syntheses and their significance, see Partington (see n. 33), pp. 444-460; J. Harris and W. H. Brock, "From Giessen to Gower Street: Towards a Biography of Alexander Williamson," Annals of Science , 31 (1974), 95-130; and A. J. Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984), pp. 215-229. Williamson's work is described in greater detail in chap. 6.

52. Gerhardt and G. Chancel, "Sur la constitution des composés organiques," Comptes rendus des travaux de chimie , 7 (1851), 65-84; Gerhardt, Traité de chimie organique , 4 vols. (Paris, 1853-1856).

53. Gerhardt, "Recherches sur les acides organiques anhydres," C.r. , 34 (1852), 755-758 and 902-905; Ann. chim. , [3] 37 (1853), 285-342.

54. Grimaux, pp. 229-241 and 403-409; Gerhardt to Chancel, 19 June 1852, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 119-121 and 123.

55. Gerhardt to Chancel, 19 June 1852, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 124.

56. Grimaux, p. 241; Chancel to Gerhardt, 22 May 1852, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 121.

57. Grimaux, p. 247. Gerhardt later told Hofmann in glowing terms about

the warmth of this reception: Hofmann, "The Life-Work of Liebig," Erinnerung , 1 , 195-305 (on p. 290).

58. Gerhardt to Chancel, 28 November 1852, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 131. In the event, all mention of Berzelius was omitted from the title page and spine.

59. Tiffeneau, 2 , 141; Liebig to Eduard Vieweg, 12 December 1853, in Margarete and Wolfgang Schneider, eds., Justus von Liebig: Briefe an Vieweg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1986), pp. 267-268.

60. Gerhardt to Cahours, 24 February 1856, and Gerhardt to Wurtz, 6 April 1856, in Tiffeneau, 2 , 57 and 312.

61. Grimaux, pp. 416-435; Gerhardt to Williamson, 24 June and 8 November 1853, Harris Collection, Archives, Univ. College London.

62. Gerhardt, Traité , 1 , i-iii.

63. Gerhardt and Chiozza, "Recherches sur les amides," C.r. , 37 (1853), 86-90; Wurtz, "Histoire des doctrines chimiques depuis Lavoisier," in Wurtz, ed., Dictionnaire de chimie pure et appliquée , 1 (Paris: Hachette, 1868), pp. i-xciv (on p. liv).

64. Wurtz, "Sur les dédoublements des éthers cyaniques," C.r. , 37 (1853), pp. 180-183; ibid., "Sur la théorie des amides," pp. 246-250.

65. Wurtz, "Sur les dédoublements," p. 182n.

66. Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, "Charles Gerhardt, Laurent, et la chimie moderne," Revue alsacienne , August 1884; cited in Grimaux, p. 198.

67. Gerhardt, "Note sur la théorie des amides," C.r. , 37 (1853), 281-284.

68. Wurtz, "Nouvelles observations sur la théorie des amides," C.r. , 37 (1853), 357-361.è

69. Wurtz, Leons de chimie professées en 1863 (Paris: Hachette, 1864), p. 93.

70. A. W. Williamson, "Sur la théorie de l'étherification," Ann. chim. , [3] 40 (1854), 98-114. For Williamson's work on etherification, see Harris and Brock, "From Giessen to Gower Street" (see n. 51).

71. Wurtz to Williamson, 18 April 1854, Harris Collection. This is the earliest correspondence between Wurtz and Williamson of which I am aware.

72. Williamson, "On the Constitution of Salts," Chemical Gazette , 9 (1851), 334-339, reprinted in Papers on Etherification and on the Constitution of Salts (Edinburgh: Alembic Club Reprint no. 16, 1902), pp. 42 and 45-46.è

73. Wurtz, "Éloge" (1862), pp. 25-26; Leons (1864), p. 88; Cours de philosophie chimique (Paris, privately publ., 1864), pp. 30-31; Traité élémentaire de chimie médicale , 2 vols. (Paris: Masson, 1864-1865), 2 , 54-55. In another letter to Williamson (27 May 1863, Harris Collection), Wurtz spoke of "la grande influence" that Williamson's work had exercised on the science.è

74. Wurtz, "Théorie des combinaisons glycériques," Ann. chim. , [3] 43 (1855), 492-496, esp. p. 493. In Wurtz' "Histoire générale des glycols," in Leons de chimie professées en 1860 (Paris: Hachette, 1861), pp. 103-105, he was even more explicit regarding his debt to Williamson for the ideas in this paper.

75. Wurtz, "Sur une nouvelle classe de radicaux organiques," Ann. chim. , [3] 44 (1855), 275-313, esp. 300-313.

76. Wurtz, "Sur un nouveau mode de formation de l'éther carbonique,"

C.r. , 32 (1851), 595-596; Wurtz, "Sur l'alcool butylique," C.r. , 35 (1852), 310-312.

77. For details, see Rocke, Chemical Atomism , passim.

78. R. Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 2 , 61-62.

79. Williamson to H. E. Roscoe, 5 December 1853, Roscoe Collection.

80. Wurtz to Liebig, 3 February 1858, Liebigiana IIB.

5— Early Years in Marburg

1. Wöhler to Liebig, 10 May 1851, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 364; Bunsen to Debus, [May or June] 1851, in Heinrich Debus, Erinnerungen an Robert Wilhelm Bunsen (Kassel: Fischer, 1901), p. 160.

2. Bunsen to Marburg Faculty, 9 February 1851, HSA, Marburg, 16. Rep. VI, K1.8, Nr. 25, f. 17.

3. Liebig to Hofmann, 10 May and 25 October 1851, in Brock, LHB , pp. 112-113 and 117; Liebig to Wöhler, 19 May and 8 July 1851, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 365 and 370.

4. Liebig to Hofmann, 10 May 1851, and Hofmann to Liebig, 18 May 1851, in Brock, LHB , pp. 112-114.

5. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 25 October and 15 November 1851, ibid., pp. 117-119.

6. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 15 April 1852, ibid., p. 127.

7. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 17 June 1852, ibid., p. 138.

8. Ibid.; Hofmann to Liebig, no date (ca. July 1852), and Liebig to Hofmann, 18 July 1852, in Brock, LHB , pp. 142-143. See also Hofmann to Liebig, 18 May 1851, ibid., p. 113, where Hofmann also commented that a reason for declining Marburg was not to harm his friendship with Kolbe, who he knew very much wanted the call.

4. Liebig to Hofmann, 10 May 1851, and Hofmann to Liebig, 18 May 1851, in Brock, LHB , pp. 112-114.

5. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 25 October and 15 November 1851, ibid., pp. 117-119.

6. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 15 April 1852, ibid., p. 127.

7. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 17 June 1852, ibid., p. 138.

4. Liebig to Hofmann, 10 May 1851, and Hofmann to Liebig, 18 May 1851, in Brock, LHB , pp. 112-114.

5. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 25 October and 15 November 1851, ibid., pp. 117-119.

6. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 15 April 1852, ibid., p. 127.

7. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 17 June 1852, ibid., p. 138.

4. Liebig to Hofmann, 10 May 1851, and Hofmann to Liebig, 18 May 1851, in Brock, LHB , pp. 112-114.

5. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 25 October and 15 November 1851, ibid., pp. 117-119.

6. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 15 April 1852, ibid., p. 127.

7. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 17 June 1852, ibid., p. 138.

4. Liebig to Hofmann, 10 May 1851, and Hofmann to Liebig, 18 May 1851, in Brock, LHB , pp. 112-114.

5. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 25 October and 15 November 1851, ibid., pp. 117-119.

6. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 15 April 1852, ibid., p. 127.

7. ibid. Liebig to Hofmann, 17 June 1852, ibid., p. 138.

9. In letters of 16 January 1847, 25 January 1848, and 21 November 1849 (SSDM 3579, 3581, and 3591) Wöhler tried to respond to Kolbe's job search.

10. Hofmann to Nasse, 19 January 1851, HSA, 16. Rep. VI, Kl. 8, Nr. 25, ff. 15-16.

11. Bunsen to Nasse, 9 February 1851; Wöhler to Bunsen, 26 December 1850 and 1 January 1851; Liebig to Bunsen, 8 January 1851; Berzelius to Bunsen, 24 January 1845 and 13 February 1846; transcriptions made in 1851 and preserved in the HSA, 16. Rep. VI, Kl. 8, Nr. 25, ff. 17-21.

12. Ibid., f. 46; HSA, 305a . A IV, 4b., Nr. 94; 305a . A IV, 4c. 2, Nr. 5; 307d . le., 15 February 1851.

13. Ibid.; HSA, 305a . A IV, 4c. e.1, Nr. 6; 153/4, Nr. 21, pp. 1 and 25 (salaries for Wöhler and Bunsen); Christoph Meinel, Die Chemie an der Universität Marburg seit Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts (Marburg: Elwert, 1978), pp. 46-50. Six hundred Kurhessian thalers were equivalent to about $425, which was then a typical janitor's salary in Boston, where prices and wages were admittedly much higher than in Germany (Margaret Rossiter, The Emergence of Agricultural Science [New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1975], p. 78).

12. Ibid., f. 46; HSA, 305a . A IV, 4b., Nr. 94; 305a . A IV, 4c. 2, Nr. 5; 307d . le., 15 February 1851.

14. Kolbe to Vieweg, 12 May 1851, VA 27.

15. Meinel, Chemie , pp. 12-31 and 51-64; Bunsen to Universitäts-Deputation, 2 May 1848, HSA, 16. Rep. VI, K1. 1, Nr. 25, pp. 63-69; Edward Frankland, Sketches from the Life of Edward Frankland (London: Spottiswoode, 1901), p. 74; Tyndall to T. A. Hirst, 2 July 1849, in A. S. Eve and C. H. Creasey, The Life and Work of John Tyndall (London: Macmillan, 1845), p. 22.

16. Meinel, Chemie , pp. 50, 472, and 478-479; Frankland, Sketches , pp. 112 and 262.

17. F. Guthrie to H. E. Roscoe, 5 August 1854, Roscoe Collection.

18. I.e., "curse of Hesse," "Hesse's hatred and curse," and "cashbox curse in whore-Hesse."

19. Karl Demandt, Geschichte des Landes Hessen , 2d ed. (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1972), pp. 552-561.

20. Kolbe to Eduard Vieweg, 15 November 1851, VA 33; Kolbe to Heinrich Vieweg, 30 April 1867, VA 249.

21. Verzeichnisse der Vorlesungen (Marburg: Bayrhoffer, 1851-1865).

22. Kolbe to Vieweg, 27 June 1851, VA 28.

23. These data and those that follow are based upon my collation of information in the handwritten Marburg Zuhörer-Verzeichnisse, winter 1850/51 to summer 1858 (HSA, 305a . A IV, b.2, Nr. 65 and 68); the Honorar Einnahme-Manual, winter 1857/58 to summer 1865 (acc. 1902/8); and the Album [Matrikel] der Universität, 1849-1868 (HSA, 305a . II, Nr. 11). Each of these alone provides only partial and not fully trustworthy data; even when they are used in conjunction, a complete picture of Kolbe's Marburg students is not possible. Meinel ( Chemie , pp. 470-472) gives overall student statistics, without some of the details on nationality and field of study provided here.

24. Kolbe to Vieweg, 21 November 1853, VA 61,

25. For my purposes here, I define "foreign" as coming from outside the German Confederation. Sources for these data are given in n. 23.

26. For example, Steven Turner, "Justus Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry: Reflections on Early Institute-Building in Germany," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 13 (1982), 129-162 (on pp. 142-145), estimates that eighty-five percent of students in Prussian chemical practica in 1855 were studying medicine or pharmacy. Even after excluding the pharmacists from these figures (who in Marburg were required to study under the pharmacist Zwenger), Turner's numbers suggest that two-thirds of the Prussian chemistry clientele in that year came from medicine.

27. Kolbe to Emil Erlenmeyer, 2 July 1864, Dingler Nachlass; HSA, acc. 1902/8.

28. However, wide variations occurred from semester to semester, from a low of 50 thalers in winter 1856/57 to a high of 658 thalers in 1865, his last summer semester in Marburg. These figures were calculated from data in HSA, acc. 1902/8; see also Kolbe to Vieweg, 4 January 1857, VA 122.

29. Kolbe to Emil Erlenmeyer, 6 March 1864, Dingler Nachlass.

30. Even with the chronically low enrollments, close to half of this income

came from student fees, contrary to Turner's rough estimate of twenty to twenty-five percent ("Institute-Building," pp. 155-156). The assumption of the ministries in nineteenth-century Germany was that the great majority of a professor's income would be derived from student fees, thereby justifying the sometimes very low salaries.

31. Kolbe to Vieweg, 14 December 1859, VA 149.

32. Kolbe to Vieweg, 31 December 1860, VA 164.

33. Kolbe to Vieweg, VA 50, 52, 61, 91, 122, 137, and 148 (1853-1859); Kolbe to Vieweg, 14 February 1859, VA 149. Hofmann also lent him money in Marburg; see Kolbe to Hofmann, 3 June 1866, Chemiker-Briefe.

34. For Kopp and Will, see Max Speter, "'Vater Kopp': Bio-, Biblio- und Psychographisches von und über Hermann Kopp (1817-1892)," Osiris , 5 (1938), 392-460 (on p. 414); for Prussia in 1834, see Charles McClelland, State, Society and University in Germany, 1700-1914 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980), p. 208; for Thomson, see J. B. Morrell, "The Chemist Breeders: The Research Schools of Liebig and Thomas Thomson," Ambix , 19 (1972), 1-46 (on p. 44); for Kekulé, see Richard Anschütz, August Kekulé (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 1 , 151n.; for Liebig at Giessen, see J. Volhard, Justus von Liebig (Leipzig: Barth, 1909), 1 , 80; for Horsford, see Rossiter, Agricultural Science , p. 81; for Hofmann and for Liebig at Munich, see Brock, LHB , pp. 13 and 136.

35. Meinel, Chemie , pp. 51-61 and 438-444; HSA, 305n ., Nr. 1045; Kolbe to Kurhessisches Ministerium des Innern (KMI), 29 October 1853, HSA, 16. VI, K1. 13, Nr. 4, Bd. I; Kolbe to KMI, 3 August 1854, 8 September 1855, and 12 September 1860, ibid., Bd. II.

36. In 1842 Liebig was charging his two-days-a-week Praktikanten 13 florins and his full-time advanced Praktikanten 39 florins per semester: William Gregory, Letter to the Right Honourable George, Earl of Aberdeen . . . on the State of the Schools of Chemistry in the United Kingdom (London: Taylor & Walton, 1842), p. 22. The latter figure was equivalent to about 23 thalers per semester, thirty-five percent more than Kolbe's fee of 17 thalers during the following decade. The Grand Duchy's government paid for fuel and replacement apparatus; Liebig's fee may, however, have included supplies. His lab budget was 1900 florins after 1843 (equivalent to 1100 thalers). Lab budgets in some Prussian universities are given in Turner, "Institute-Building," pp. 153-155. For costs in England and the United States, see Morrell, "Chemist Breeders," p. 18n., and Rossiter, Agricultural Science , n. 13.

37. Meinel, Chemie , p. 84; Turner, "Liebig," p. 154.

38. Meinel, Chemie , pp. 60-63.

39. Meinel names the philosopher Th. Waltz (ibid., p. 50); Ernst von Meyer identifies a few more (Meyer, HK, pp. 463-464).

40. Grete Ronge, "Hermann Kolbe," Neue deutsche Biographie , 12 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1980), 447.

41. Kolbe to Vieweg, 12 March 1853, VA 50.

42. Kolbe to Vieweg, 25 March 1853, VA 51; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 11 March 1875, VA 326.

43. Kolbe to Vieweg, 28 April and 22 June 1853, VA 52 and 53.

44. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 January 1853, 25 March 1853, and 14 February 1859, VA 48, 51, and 149.

45. Ernst von Meyer, Lebenserinnerungen (n.p., n.d., ca. 1918), pp. 30 and 97.

46. Kolbe to Vieweg, 18 December 1855 to 9 March 1856, VA 112-115; 13 September 1861 to 21 July 1862, VA 176-184; and 30 March to 23 December 1865, VA 222 to 238.

47. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 May 1854, VA 78.

48. Guthrie to Roscoe, 5 August 1854, Roscoe Collection.

49. Kolbe to Eduard Vieweg, 14 February 1854 and 20 October 1855; Kolbe to Heinrich Vieweg, 20 October 1855, VA 68, 109, and 110.

50. Kolbe to Vieweg, 20 February 1857, VA 123.

51. Kolbe to Vieweg, 12 July and 4 August 1858, 11 July 1860, 9 April 1863, 20 March 1865, and 5 March 1868, VA 140, 141, 171, 189, 222, and 253; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 1 January 1874, VA 316; printed announcement of Kolbe's death, with family members' names, 26 November 1884, Frankland Archive 01.04.1527.

52. Kolbe to Vieweg, 5 June 1865, VA 227. He said he and his wife had for years not partaken of the "gesellschaftlichen Strudel" in Marburg.

53. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 October 1859, VA 153.

54. For example, Kolbe to Vieweg, 5 June and 15 September 1865, VA 227 and 235.

55. Lockemann, HK, p. 125; Frankland, reminiscences of Kolbe sent to Hermann Ost on 20 December 1884, SSDM 3576.

56. Kolbe to Vieweg, 19 December 1853, 20 March 1854, 6 and 19 January and 14 March 1855, VA 62, 70, 95, 96, and 98.

57. Kolbe to Vieweg, 23 December 1855, VA 113.

58. Kolbe to Frankland, 4 April 1871, Frankland Archive 01.03.596; Kolbe to Bertha Ost, 20 April 1876, SSDM 6799.

59. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 March 1857, VA 125.

60. Kolbe to Vieweg, 12 April to 26 May 1857, VA 126 to 129.

61. Kolbe to Vieweg, 17 June and 31 August 1857, VA 130 and 132.

62. Kolbe to Vieweg, 20 December 1857 and 15 February to 23 June 1858, VA 134 and 136 to 139.

63. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 July 1861 and 15 July to 5 August 1861, VA 170 and 172 to 174.

64. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 October 1859, VA 153.

65. Kolbe to Vieweg, 3 and 9 April 1860, VA 156 and 157; Kolbe to Liebig, 16 April 1860, Liebigiana IIB, no. 5.

66. Kolbe to Vieweg, 15 October 1859 and 22 October 1860, VA 152 and 161.

67. Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 October 1860, VA 160.

68. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 and 15 July 1861, VA 170 and 172.

69. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 April 1862, VA 180.

70. For example, Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 10 October 1872 and 3 August 1873, VA 292 and 312.

71. Meinel, Chemie , pp. 83-119, 470-472, 480-486, and 524-528.

72. Guthrie to Roscoe, 5 August 1854, Roscoe Collection.

73. Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 July 1855, VA 106; W. H. Brock, H. E. Armstrong and the Teaching of Science (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1973), pp. 60 and 64.

74. Graebe to his parents, 9 and 20 May 1862, SSDM 1933-78/17. The second of these passages is cited in Elisabeth Vaupel, Carl Graebe (1841-1927): Leben, Werk und Wirken (Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Munich, 1987), pp. 29 and 32.

75. D. Vorländer, "Jacob Volhard," Berichte , 45 (1912), 1855-1902 (on p. 1865).

76. Armstrong later reminisced (more than once) that he arrived in Leipzig in 1868. This appears to have been a trick of memory, for there is no question that he traveled to Leipzig a year earlier.

77. H. E. Armstrong, "The Doctrine of Atomic Valency," Nature , 125 (1930), 807-810 (on p. 808-809); idem, "The Riddle of Benzene: August Kekulé," Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry , 48 (1929), 914-918 (on pp. 914-915); and idem, "Persönliche Erinnerungen und Gedanken," Chemiker-Zeitung , 51 (1927), 114-116.

78. Meyer, "Kolbe," p. 464; idem, Lebenserinnerungen , p. 120.

79. Ost, HK, p. 133.

80. At Göttingen Kolbe took courses in physics, mineralogy & geology, mathematics, and metaphysics. At Leipzig, Ernst von Meyer, a man of admittedly much broader interests than his mentor, took physics, mineralogy & crystallography, zoology, logic, political economy, political history, and the history of art and literature over the course of three semesters before concentrating exclusively on chemistry. See chap. 2 and Meyer, Lebenserinnerungen , pp. 28-29.

81. The following discussion is based on Kolbe's report (8 October 1863) to the Marburg University Senate on the activities of the Chemical Institute, in HSA, 305a . A IV, c.

1, Nr. 12 (a transcript is printed in Meinel, Chemie , pp. 435-438, and Kolbe revised it to form part of the introduction to his Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Marburg [Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1865], pp. 17-28); on Kolbe's final report to his ministry, 5 July 1865, HSA, 305n ., Nr. 1045 (transcript printed in Meinel, Chemie , pp. 438-444); on Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), pp. xxxiv-xlvi; on Meyer, Lebenserinnerungen , pp. 27-30; and on Ost, HK, pp. 128-129.

82. Cf. Emil Erlenmeyer's pedagogical goals, namely, to teach students to "chemisch denken lernen" and "die chemische Sprache lesen und schreiben lernen"; see Die Aufgabe des chemischen Unterrichts (Munich: Königliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1871), esp. pp. 11-17. For a detailed case study from the history of physics, see Kathryn Olesko, Physics as a Calling: Discipline and Practice in the Königsberg Seminar for Physics (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1991).

83. For which, see especially Michael Polanyi, Personal Knowledge (London: Routledge, 1958), and J. R. Ravetz, Scientific Knowledge and its Social Problems (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971).

84. Harold Hartley, quoting Armstrong without reference, in Studies in the History of Chemistry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 219-220.

85. A. F. Plate, G. V. Bykov, and M. S. Eventova, Vladimir Vasil'evich Markovnikov: ocherk zhizni i deiatel'nosti, 1837-1904 (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1962), p. 30, quoting from a letter from Markovnikov to Butlerov with no date cited. The translation is that of H. M. Leicester, ''Controversies on Chemical Structure from 1860 to 1870," in O. T. Benfey, ed., Kekulé Centennial (Washington: American Chemical Society, 1966), pp. 13-23 (on p. 21).

86. A. Crum Brown to Frankland, 5 June 1866, Frankland Archive 01.04.1266.

87. Kolbe, Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig , p. xlviii.

88. Liebig to Vieweg, 28 March 1855, in Margarethe and Wolfgang Schneider, eds., Justus Liebig: Briefe an Vieweg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1986), p. 288.

89. Kolbe to Vieweg, 31 August 1857, VA 132.

90. Liebig, trans. C. Gerhardt, Traité de chimie organique , 3 vols. (Paris, 1841-1844); Karl Löwig, Chemie der organischen Verbindungen , 2d ed., 2 vols. (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1845-1847); J. E. Schlossberger, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 2d ed. (Stuttgart: Müller, 1852); V. Regnault, ed. A. Strecker, Kurzes Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1851); 2d ed., 1853. The latter is essentially a rewrite by Strecker of Regnault's French original.

91. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 January 1853, VA 48.

92. Kolbe to Vieweg, 12 February and 12 March 1853, VA 49 and 50.

93. Gregory-Gerding's organische Chemie (Braunschweig: Schwetschke, 1854), from Gregory's Outlines of Organic Chemistry , 3d ed. (London, 1852).

94. Kolbe to Vieweg, [16 October 1853], VA 59; undated, but letter no. 60 (17 October 1853) mentions this letter as having been written "yesterday." C. Gerhardt, trans. R. Wagner, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie (Leipzig, 1854-1855).

95. Ibid.

96. Kolbe to Vieweg, 6 January 1854, VA 63. An even more direct statement to this effect is in Kolbe to Vieweg, 21 November 1853, VA 61.

97. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69 (quoted passage); 24 and 27 April 1854, VA 75 and 76. Kolbe received his first reaction to the published installment by the end of June: Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 July 1854, VA 80.

98. Kolbe to Vieweg, 4 April 1854, VA 71; Kolbe, Lehrbuch , pp. v-vii.

99. Kolbe to Vieweg, 18 April 1854, VA 74.

100. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 and 27 April 1854, VA 75 and 76.

101. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 July 1854, 12 and 23 August 1854, and 5 February 1855, VA 80, 82, 83, and 97.

102. Kolbe to Vieweg, 15 May 1854, VA 79.

103. Kolbe to Vieweg, 5 February 1855, VA 97.

104. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 June 1856 and 4 August 1858, VA 119 and 141.

105. Kolbe to Heinrich Vieweg, 11 December 1879, VA 447. In this letter

he actually named a second "French" book as well, the Strecker-Regnault text, but as this was a complete rewrite by Strecker of the original, it can hardly be considered French.

106. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 July 1854 and 6 January 1855, VA 80 and 95; Liebig to Vieweg, 28 March 1855, in Margarete and Wolfgang Schneider, eds., Briefe an Vieweg , p. 288.

6— Confronting the Reform Movement

1. See S. H. Mauskopf, "The Atomic Structural Theories of Ampère and Gaudin: Molecular Speculation and Avogadro's Hypothesis," Isis , 60 (1969), 61-74.

2. Dumas explained his concept of mechanical types in "Mémoire sur la loi des substitutions et la théorie des types," C.r. , 10 (1840), 149-178 (on pp. 163-164). He depicted the molecule as a "building" in which the "framework"could be altered but not removed without dissolution of the compound (pp. 174-175).

3. Laurent to Gerhardt, 4 July 1844, 12 February and 24 February 1845, inM. Tiffeneau, ed., Correspondance de Charles Gerhardt , 2 vols. (Paris: Masson, 1918-1825), 1 , 5 and 19-20.

4. P. Thenard, "Suite des recherches sur le phosphore," C.r. , 25 (1847),892-894.

5. J. Harris and W. H. Brock, "From Giessen to Gower Street: Towards aBiography of Alexander W. Williamson," Annals of Science , 31 (1974), 95-130.

6. Williamson, "Theory of Aetherification," Philosophical Magazine , [3] 37 (1850), 350-356, reprinted in Papers on Etherification and on the Constitution of Salts (Edinburgh: Alembic Club Reprint no. 16, 1902), pp. 5-17.

7. Williamson, "Theory of Aetherification," and more explicitly in "On the Constitution of Salts," JCS , 4 (1851), 350-355, reprinted in Papers , pp. 41-49 (on pp. 45-47). For a discussion see Colin A. Russell, History of Valency (Leicester: Leicester Univ. Press, 1971), pp. 50-54.

8. Williamson, "Note on the Decomposition of Sulphuric Acid by Pentachloride of Phosphorus," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 7 (1854), 11-15. Williamson mentioned this paper and its results in a letter dated 10 March 1854 to Henry Roscoe, then in Heidelberg (Roscoe Collection).

9. Gerhardt, "Remarques sur un travail de M. Hofmann sur les radicaux," Comptes rendus des travaux de chimie , 6 (1850), 233-236.

10. Hofmann, "Note on the Action of Heat upon Valeric Acid," JCS , 3 (1850), 121-134.

11. B. C. Brodie, "Observations on the Constitution of the Alcohol-Radicals, and on the Formation of Ethyl," JCS , 3 (1850), pp. 405-411, esp. p. 411.

12. A. Wurtz, "Sur une nouvelle classe de radicaux organiques," Ann. chim. , [3] 44 (1855), 275-313.

13. In an editorial note, Liebig mentioned Hofmann's priority when he printed a German summary of Wurtz' paper: "Über eine neue Klasse organi-

scher Radicale," Annalen , 96 (1855), 364-375 (on p. 365n.). Wurtz himself mentioned no predecessor other than Williamson.

14. Wurtz, "Sur l'hydrure de cuivre," Ann. chim. , [3] 11 (1844), 250-252; Dumas, Traité de chimie appliquée aux arts , 1 (Paris, 1828), xxxviii.

15. Wurtz, "Radicaux organiques," p. 306.

16. Frankland, "Researches on the Organic Radicals," JCS , 3 (1850), 30-52 (on pp. 46-51); Hofmann, "Researches Regarding the Molecular Constitution of the Volatile Organic Bases," PTRS , 140 (1850), 93-131 (on pp. 93 and 95-97); Wurtz, "Mémoire sur une série d'alcaloides homologues avec ammoniaque," Ann. chim. , [3] 30 (1850), 443-507 (on pp. 444-445 and 501-502); Williamson, ''Theory of Aetherification," reprint p. 14.

17. Gerhardt to Liebig, 18 October 1850, in C. Gerhardt, Jr., and E. Grimaux, Charles Gerhardt: Sa vie, son oeuvre, sa correspondance 1816-1856 (Paris: Masson, 1900), pp. 202-203 and 241; Liebig's letter is excerpted in Tiffeneau, ed., Correspondance , 2 , 121.

18. Frankland, "On a New Series of Organic Bodies Containing Metals," PTRS , 142 (1852), 417-444 (on p. 441).

19. Wurtz, "Radicaux organiques," pp. 308-313.

20. A. W. Hofmann, "Life-Work of Liebig," in Zur Erinnerung an vorangegangene Freunde , 3 vols. (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1888), 1 , 195-305 (on p. 273); Hofmann to Liebig, 10 May 1852, in Brock, LHB , p. 132.

21. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69. For Liebig's indifference to theory, cf. Liebig to Wöhler, 15 April 1857, 27 February 1865, and March 1870, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 42, 179, and 280; also Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 March 1850, 18 April 1854, and 24 October 1859, VA 26, 74, and 153.

22. See Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 April 1860, VA 157.

23. See Erdmann to Gerhardt, 4 February 1855, in Grimaux, Gerhardt , p. 265. Erdmann had taken Gerhardt into the editorial board of the Journal für praktische Chemie at the beginning of 1852. When the first installment of Kolbe's Lehrbuch appeared, Erdmann protested loudly in a letter to Kolbe, which is not preserved (see Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 July 1854, VA 80). After Kolbe transferred to Leipzig, their relationship improved greatly.

24. A. Strecker, "Über einige Verbindungen der Milchsäure," Annalen , 91 (1854), 352-367; Will referred to Strecker as a convert in 1854: Annalen , 91 , 265. See also Kolbe to Vieweg, 3 May and 1 June 1856, 20 February 1857, and 15 April 1860, VA 118, 119, 123, and 158. For Strecker's participation in Karlsruhe, see R. Anschütz, August Kekulé (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 1 , 680 and 686-687. See also R. Wagner, "Adolph Strecker," Berichte , 5 (1872), 125-131.

25. H. Kopp, "Über die specifischen Volume flüssiger Verbindungen," Annalen , 92 (1854), 1-32 (on pp. 24 and 28); Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Chemie , 7 (1854), 370-373; ibid., 10 (1857), 269-270; ibid., 13 (1860), 218-222; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 July and 23 October 1854, VA 80 and 87; Kopp, Die Entwickelung der Chemie in der neueren Zeit (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1873), pp. 750-753 and 763. That Kopp as well as Will taught the reformed chemistry while Volhard was a student at Giessen (1852-1855) is stated in Vorländer, "Jacob Volhard," Berichte , 45 (1912), 1855-1902 (on pp. 1860-1861).

26. F. Wrightson, "On the Atomic Weight and Constitution of the Alcohols," Philosophical Magazine , [4] 6 (1853), 88-99.

27. Liebig's editorial notes to' Williamson, "Über Aetherbildung," Annalen , 81 (1851), 73-87 (on pp. 73n. and 76n).

28. Williamson, "Note on the Preparation of Propionic and Caproic Acids," Philosophical Magazine , [4] 6 (1853), 204-206. Williamson later stated that he had tried in vain to talk Wrightson out of publishing the paper ( JCS , 7 [1854], 122). Williamson and Wrightson had first met in Liebig's laboratory in Giessen in the late 1840s.

29. Wrightson, "Remarks on Professor Williamson's Othyle Theory," Philosophical Magazine , [4] 6 (1853), 418-420.

30. Kolbe to Vieweg, no date, but 16 October 1853 by context, VA 59.

31. Kolbe, "Kritische Bemerkungen zu Williamson's Wasser-, Aether- und Säure-Theorie," Annalen , 90 (1854), 46-61; "Critical Observations on Williamson's Theory of Water, Ethers, and Acids," JCS , 7 (1854), 111-121.

32. Henry Watts to H. E. Roscoe, no date, but February 1854 by context, Roscoe Collection.

33. Williamson to Roscoe, 9 February 1854, Roscoe Collection.

34. Williamson, "On Dr. Kolbe's Additive Formulae," JCS , 7 (1854), 122-139; "Über Kolbe's chemische Formeln," Annalen , 91 (1854), 201-228.

35. Williamson, "Kolbe's Formulae," pp. 123 and 132-135. When Kolbe visited London fourteen years later, he was graciously and warmly received by Williamson. In 1881, in the context of a violent diatribe against all of his scientific foes from Dumas to Baeyer, Kolbe mentioned his respect and affection for the Englishman, claiming that their earlier disagreement had been due to a mere misunderstanding ( JpC , 131 [1881], 311n.).

36. Gerhardt, "Über Wasser-, Aether- und Säure-Theorie," Annalen , 91 (1854), 198-200.

37. Ibid. [Liebig, editorial note], p. 199n.

36. Gerhardt, "Über Wasser-, Aether- und Säure-Theorie," Annalen , 91 (1854), 198-200.

37. Ibid. [Liebig, editorial note], p. 199n.

38. Frankland, "Organic Bodies"; "Über eine neue Reihe organischer Körper, welche Metalle enthalten," Annalen , 85 (1853), 329-373.

39. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 12-14 (the first installment consisted of pp. 1-176).

40. Ibid., pp. 14-18.

41. Ibid., pp. 20-22, 24, and 43-44. Cf. Kolbe, "Notiz über das Cyanbenzoyl," Annalen , 90 (1854), 52-63, and "Über eine neue Bildungsweise des Benzoylwasserstoffs und die chemische Constitution der Aldehyde," Annalen , 98 (1856), 344-349.

39. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 12-14 (the first installment consisted of pp. 1-176).

40. Ibid., pp. 14-18.

39. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 12-14 (the first installment consisted of pp. 1-176).

40. Ibid., pp. 14-18.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

42. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 24-27.

43. Ibid., pp. 29-31.

44. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

45. Ibid., p. 35.

46. Ibid. pp. 40-41.

47. Ibid. pp. 41-43.

48. Ibid. pp. 49-53.

49. Ibid. pp. 51-52; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1853 [sic for 1854], VA 69.

50. Hofmann, "Heinrich Will: Ein Gedenkblatt," Berichte , 23R (1890), 852-899 (on p. 857).

51. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 16-17, from a letter to Anschütz, date not cited but probably shortly after the turn of the century, from Reinhold Hoffmann.

52. Volhard, Justus von Liebig (Leipzig: Barth, 1909), 1 , 351; Vorländer, "Volhard," pp. 1860-1861.

53. Will, "Zur Theorie der Constitution organischer Verbindungen," Annalen , 91 (1854), 257-292.

54. Hofmann, "Will," pp. 881-882; idem, Erinnerung , 3 , 249.

55. Hofmann, Introduction to Modern Chemistry (London: Walton & Maberley, 1865), p. v; Schorlemmer to Roscoe, 5 November 1881, Roscoe Collection.

56. Kolbe, "Radicale; Radicaltheorie," Handwörterbuch , 6 (1854), 802-807. The German summary of Wurtz' paper was "Über eine neue Klasse organischer Radicale," Annalen , 96 (1855), 364-375. See also Kolbe to Vieweg, 23 December 1855, 5 January 1856, and 20 February 1857, VA 113, 114, and 123.

57. Frankland, Experimental Researches in Pure, Applied, and Physical Chemistry (London: J. van Voorst, 1877), pp. 147-148; Sketches from the Life of Edward Frankland (London: Spottiswoode, 1901), pp. 193-196.

58. Kolbe, "Radicale." To be precise, Kolbe did not explicitly write that carbon has a maximum combining capacity of four, and he did not say that methyls "substitute" directly for the oxygen of carbonic acid. The argument continued to be phrased in terms of the copula theory. He was, however, quite clearly and consciously applying Frankland's law, which he now accepted, to carbon.

59. Kolbe, "Über die chemische Constitution der elementaren Moleküle," JpC , 115 (1873), 119-126 (on pp. 124-125n.).

7— Kekulé, Wurtz, and the Rise of Structure Theory

1. Williamson mentioned that he had established this convention for himself and his students in a letter of 5 December 1853 to H. E. Roscoe (Roscoe Collection).è

2. For background on this French tradition, see S. H. Mauskopf, Crystals and Compounds: Molecular Structure and Composition in Nineteenth Century French Science (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976). On Dumas' ideas on submolecularity, see A. J. Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984), pp. 115-118. The passage quoted is from Dumas, Leons de philosophie chimique (Pads: Bechet, 1837), p. 290.

3. Laurent, "Sur les combinaisons organiques azotées," C.r. , 20 (1845), 850-855 (854); idem, "Recherches sur les combinaisons azotées," Ann. chim. , [3] 18 (1846), 266-298 (on pp. 267-268 and 294-295); idem, Chemical Method (London, 1855), pp. 46-48 and 69.

4. Laurent, Method , p. 101.

5. Ibid., p. 103.

4. Laurent, Method , p. 101.

5. Ibid., p. 103.

6. Laurent, "Sur la série naphthalique," Revue scientifique , 14 (1843), 74-113 (on pp. 102-103); Method , pp. 103-107; Gerhardt, Traité de chimie orga-

nique , 4 vols. (Paris: Didot, 1853-1856), 4 , 602-604, 712. Laurent's speculations are discussed by Mauskopf, Crystals and Compounds , pp. 50-51. Laurent wrote Berzelius on this subject on 5 January 1844: H. G. Söderbaum, ed., Berzelius Bref , 6 vols. (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1912-1961), 3 :2, 199-200. On this letter, see J. H. Brooke, "Chlorine Substitution and the Future of Organic Chemistry," Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science , 4 (1973), 47-94 (on pp. 60-64).

7. Laurent, Method , pp. 1-16. This is a major thesis of my Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century .

8. For Williamson, see the preceding chapter; William Odling, "On the Constitution of Acids and Salts," JCS , 7 (1854), 1-22; Edward Frankland, "On a New Series of Organic Bodies Containing Metals," PTRS , 142 (1852), 417-444.

9. Williamson, "Note sur la trinitroglycerine," Ann. chim. , [3] 43 (1855), 492 (originally published in Proceedings of the Royal Society , 7 [June 1854], 130-138); Wurtz, "Théorie des combinaisons glycériques," Ann. chim. , [3] 43 (1855), 492-496.è

10. Wurtz, "Sur le glycol ou alcool diatomique," C.r. , 43 (1856), 199-204. The historical comments, including the date of the experiment, were given in Wurtz, "Histoire générale des glycols," in Société Chimique de Paris, ed., Leons de chimie professées en 1860 (Paris: Hachette, 1861), pp. 101-139 (103-109). The assertion that Wurtz had made himself a prediction in this manner was also stated in Wurtz, Ann. chim. , [3] 55 (1859), 401.

11. Wurtz, "Sur une nouvelle classe de radicaux organiques," Ann. chim. , [3] 44 (1855), 275-313 (on pp. 304-309). The idea was first broached in his "Théorie des combinaisons glycériques," pp. 495-496.

12. Wurtz, "Radicaux organiques," pp. 306-307 and 306-307n.è

13. Wurtz, Répertoire de chimie pure , 3 (1861), 419; Leons de philosophie chimique (Paris: Hachette, 1864), pp. 114-115; Cours de philosophie chimique (Paris: Renou et Maulde, 1864), pp. 74-76; "Histoire des doctrines chimiques depuis Lavoisier," in Wurtz, ed., Dictionnaire de chimie pure et appliquée , 3 vols. in 5 (Paris: Hachette, 1868-1878), 1 , lxx; La théorie atomique (Paris: Baillière, 1879), pp. 148-149.

14. Rocke, Chemical Atomism , pp. 11-12, 299-307.

15. For details, see Rocke, "Subatomic Speculations and the Origin of Structure Theory," Ambix , 30 (1983), 1-18.

16. The following biographical details are largely based on Richard Anschütz' monumental, partisan, but indispensable biography August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), and on two autobiographical speeches that Kekulé gave in his old age, reprinted in ibid., 2 , 937-947 and 947-952. For convenience, I will usually cite Anschütz' collection (cited as Kekulé ) rather than the original literature.

17. Kekulé , 1 , 16-17 (from a letter to Anschütz, no date cited but probably shortly after the turn of the century, from Reinhold Hoffmann).

18. Kekulé , 1 , 40.

19. Ibid., p. 41.

20. Ibid., 2 , 950.

21. Ibid., 1 , 664.

18. Kekulé , 1 , 40.

19. Ibid., p. 41.

20. Ibid., 2 , 950.

21. Ibid., 1 , 664.

18. Kekulé , 1 , 40.

19. Ibid., p. 41.

20. Ibid., 2 , 950.

21. Ibid., 1 , 664.

18. Kekulé , 1 , 40.

19. Ibid., p. 41.

20. Ibid., 2 , 950.

21. Ibid., 1 , 664.

22. Kekulé to Planta, 3 March 1854, August-Kekulé-Sammlung.

23. Kekulé , 2 , 943-944.

24. Kekulé, "On a New Series of Sulphuretted Acids," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 7 (1854), 37-40; "Notiz über eine neue Reihe schwefelhaltiger organischer Säuren," Annalen , 90 (1854), 309-316.

25. Odling, "On the Constitution of the Hydro-Carbons," Proceedings of the Royal Institution , 2 (1855), 63-66. Anschütz ( 1 , 109) comments that Kekulé could not have been aware of Odling's article because this journal was unknown in Germany, but Kekulé was still in London when Odling presented his paper (16 March 1855), and as Kekulé and Odling were friends, it is probable that Kekulé knew the details of this paper.

26. Kekulé , 2 , 941-942.

27. This is a thesis argued in Rocke, "Subatomic Speculations."

28. Kekulé, "Über die Constitution des Mesitylens," ZfC , 10 (1867), 214-218 (on p. 217); Kekulé , 2 , 530.

29. Kekulé , 2 , 102.

30. That the July 1855 number of the Annales de chimie et de physique did in fact appear in July is documented by its mention in the Comptes rendus , 41 , 158 (dated 30 July 1855).

31. Kekulé , 1 , 60-63. Kekulé's relations with his brother Charles are described in his letters to Planta of 28 October and 28 December 1854 and especially 9 February 1856, August-Kekulé-Sammlung. The words in quotation marks are August Kekulé's.

32. On Erlenmeyer, see Otto Krätz, "Emil Erlenmeyer, 1825-1909," Chemie in unserer Zeit , 6 (1972), 52-58, and idem, ed., Beilstein-Erlenmeyer: Briefe zur Geschichte der chemischen Dokumentation und des chemischen Zeitschriftenwesens (Munich: Fritsch, 1972).

33. Kekulé , 2 , 940.

34. Kekulé, "Über die Constitution des Knallquecksilbers," Annalen , 101 (1857), 200-213, and 105 (1858), 279-286; Adolf Baeyer, "Über die organischen Arsenverbindungen," Annalen , 105 (1858), 265-276. Gerhardt recognized the same distinction by disowning the "mechanical type" concept of Dumas, which implied arrangement: Traité de chimie organique , 4 (Paris: Didot, 1856), 586.

35. Limpricht and von Uslar, "Über die Sulfobenzoësäure," Annalen , 102 (1857), 239-259; Mendius, "Über gepaarte Säuren und insbesondere über Sulfosalicylsäure," Annalen , 103 (1857), 39-80.

36. Kekulé , 2 , 80-82, 97-102.

37. Ibid., p. 101.

36. Kekulé , 2 , 80-82, 97-102.

37. Ibid., p. 101.

38. Kekulé's criticism of Limpricht's formulas was that, with an atomic weight for oxygen of eight, his water type had to be H 2 O 2 , which meant that there was no longer a single integral oxygen atom that could form a material link between two hydrogens. As for Gerhardt, both in this paper ( Kekulé , 2 , 84n.) and two years later in his Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie (2 vols. [Erlangen: Enke, 1859-1866], 1 , 94), Kekulé singled out formulas of Gerhardt that could not be expressed in a valence-linked manner, calling them "inconsis-

tent" and "inadmissible" according to the theory of polyatomic radicals (such formulas as appear, for instance, in Gerhardt, C.r. , 36 [1853], 1053, and Traité , 4 , 629 and 749). Kekulé's disapproval of similar nonlinkable type formulas in Odling's 1854 paper can be inferred. Kekulé's offprint copy of this paper is preserved in the August-Kekulé-Sammlung, and there are penciled marginal annotations in Kekulé's hand ("sic!" and "!!!') every time such a structurally impossible formula appears (Odling, "Constitution,'' pp. 7-9).

39. Kekulé, "Über die s.g. gepaarten Verbindungen und die Theorie der mehratomigen Radicale," Annalen , 104 (1857), 129-150; Kekulé , 2 , 80-96.

40. What we now call valence was referred to by Kekulé variously as "basicity" (from Williamson, 1851), "atomicity" (from Wurtz and others, 1856), "affinity," "affinity units," "chemical units," and "units." Other designations include "value" ("Wertigkeit," Erlenmeyer, 1860), "monaffin," etc. (Wislicenus, 1863), "monad," etc. (Odling, 1864, following Laurent), "hydrogen equivalence" (Gerhardt, 1856), "quantivalence," "monovalent," etc. (Hofmann, 1865), and "valence" (Claus, 1866). The latter term gained currency only in the course of the 1870s. See C. A. Russell, The History of Valency (Leicester: Leicester Univ. Press, 1971), pp. 83-89, some of which is modified by the previous data. Russell's book is excellent on the development of valence ideas from Dalton through the first third of the twentieth century.

41. Kekulé , 2 , 83n.

42. Limpricht, "Einige Bemerkungen zu der von A. Kekulé veröffentlichten Abhandlung 'Uber die s.g. gepaarten Verbindungen und die Theorie der mehratomigen Radicale,'" Annalen , 105 (1858), 177-186.

43. Kekulé, "Über die Constitution und die Metamorphosen der chemischen Verbindungen und über die chemische Natur des Kohlenstoffs," Annalen , 106 (1858), 129-159; Kekulé , 2 , 97-119. An annotated English translation was published by O. T. Benfey, in his edited work Classics in the Theory of Chemical Combination (New York: Dover, 1963), pp. 109-131.

44. Kekulé , 2 , 102.

45. Ibid., pp. 114-116.

46. Ibid., pp. 109, 116-119, 138-141, 153, and 204; Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 1 (1859), 131, 156-157, 164, 174, and 224; 2 (1864), 244-245.

44. Kekulé , 2 , 102.

45. Ibid., pp. 114-116.

46. Ibid., pp. 109, 116-119, 138-141, 153, and 204; Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 1 (1859), 131, 156-157, 164, 174, and 224; 2 (1864), 244-245.

44. Kekulé , 2 , 102.

45. Ibid., pp. 114-116.

46. Ibid., pp. 109, 116-119, 138-141, 153, and 204; Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 1 (1859), 131, 156-157, 164, 174, and 224; 2 (1864), 244-245.

47. Kekulé , 2 , 110n. and 112.

48. Ibid., pp. 116-117.

49. Ibid., pp. 118-119. Wurtz' words were, "In conclusion, I must say that I do not attach more importance than necessary to the ideas I have tried to develop, and that I am very far from considering them as the absolute expression of truth. In the physical sciences theories must not aim that high. The best are those that embrace the largest number of facts, that account for them in the most satisfactory fashion, and that give rise to predictions of new facts. Chemical theories that tend to prevail today appear to me to fit this pattern: they are good to the extent that they are fruitful." Wurtz, "Radicaux organiques" (see n. 11), p. 313.

47. Kekulé , 2 , 110n. and 112.

48. Ibid., pp. 116-117.

47. Kekulé , 2 , 110n. and 112.

48. Ibid., pp. 116-117.

50. This information is from Erlenmeyer's letter to Roscoe, no date but ca. 1859, Roscoe Collection.

51. Krätz remarks ("Erlenmeyer," p. 52) that Erlenmeyer, too, was an avid cigar smoker. Kekulé's salary in Ghent, noted Anschütz ( 1 , 151n.), was 6000 francs. The Belgian franc was equal in value to the French franc, about a fourth of a thaler, so Kekulé's salary was two and a half times Kolbe's, more than sufficient for a bachelor with a modest lifestyle.

52. Kekulé to Erlenmeyer, 29 January 1859 Dingler Nachlass; a copy is held in the August-Kekulé-Sammlung, and most of the letter is printed in Kekulé 1 , 150-151.

53. Cited from Fittig's diary in F. Fichter, "R. Fittig," Berichte , 44 (1911), 1339-1401 (on p. 1361).

54. Kolbe, JpC , 131 (1881), 37.

55. Couper, "Sur une nouvelle théorie chimique," C.r. , 46 (1858), 1157-1160; "On a New Chemical Theory," Philosophical Magazine , [4] 16 (1858), 104-116. On seeing the paper, Kekulé fired off some "Remarques de M. A. Kekulé à l'occasion d'une note de M. Couper sur une nouvelle théorie chimique,'' C.r. , 47 (1858), 378, in which he criticized some of Couper's ideas and also pointed out that both of his papers were earlier than Couper's first publication (the second even if only by a month).

56. Rocke, "Subatomic Speculations," pp. 9-10.

57. Odling, "Remarks on the Doctrine of Equivalents," Philosophical Magazine , [4] 16 (1858), 37-45 (on pp. 43-44).

58. He said this in a letter to Wurtz of 1 July 1859 ( Kekulé , 1 , 158), and in an unpublished document written in 1883, found among Kekulé's papers by Anschüitz and printed in his biography, 1 , 540-569 (on p. 554).

59. Wurtz, Répertoire de chimie pure , 1 (1858), 20-24 (on pp. 24 and 24n.).

60. Kekulé to Wurtz, 15 February 1859, August-Kekulé-Sammlung, printed in Kekulé , 1 , 146-148. Anschütz reproduces a facsimile of the letter, which shows he made two small errors in transcription.

61. Wurtz to Kekulé, 7 March 1859, August-Kekulé-Sammlung; Kekulé , 1 , 148-149; Wurtz, Ann. chim. , [3] 55 (1859), 470n.

62. Kekulé to Erlenmeyer, 16 June 1859, Dingler Nachlass; printed in Kekulé , 1 , 152.

63. A. Ladenburg, Lebenserinnerungen (Breslau: Trewendt, 1912), p. 26.

64. Kekulé to Wurtz, 1 July 1859, in Kekulé , 1 , 157-159.

65. Kekulé, Lehrbuch , 1 , 94.

66. Wurtz to Kekulé, 21 July 1859, August-Kekulé-Sammlung, in Kekulé , 1 , 159.è

67. ibid. Wurtz, Répertoire de chimie pure , 2 (1860), 354-359; ibid., 3 (1861), 418-421; "Histoire des glycols" (1861), pp. 138-139; Leons (1864), pp. 100, 113-114, and 120-121; Cours (1864), pp. 50-51, 56, and 74-76; "Histoire des doctrines" (1868), p. lxx; Wurtz to Williamson, 25 December 1868, Harris Collection, Univ. College London Archives; Théorie atomique (1879), pp. 145-149.

66. Wurtz to Kekulé, 21 July 1859, August-Kekulé-Sammlung, in Kekulé , 1 , 159.è

68. Wurtz, "Mémoire sur les glycols ou alcools diatomique," Ann. chim. , [3] 55 (presented 3 January, published April 1859), 400-478 (on pp. 471 and 474-478). Wurtz did indeed use the French word structure here, which he may

have picked up from Butlerov. The word had been used occasionally before Butlerov, for example, by Frankland ( Proceedings of the Royal Institution , 2 [1854], 454), Gaudin, and Berzelius.

69. The Société des Amis de la Science was essentially a monetary fund formed after the death of Laurent, and increased in size after Gerhardt's death, to support the dependents of the two chemists. The Archives of the Académie des Science has some documents regarding this society in the Fonds Dumas. A letter from Wurtz to Dumas of 22 July 1864 takes the part of Jane Gerhardt, which suggests that Wurtz was Madame Gerhardt's chief link to the society.è

70. Wurtz, "Histoire des glycols" (1861); "Éloge de Laurent et de Gerhardt" (13 March 1862); "On Oxide of Ethylene, Considered as a Link Between Organic and Mineral Chemistry," JCS , 15 (1862), 387-406; Leons (1864); Cours (1864); Leçons élémentaires de chimie moderne (Paris: Masson, 1867-1868); Dictionnaire de chimie (1869-1878); Théorie atomique (1879).

71. The best biography in English is G. V. Bykov, "A. M. Butlerov," DSB , 2 , 620-625. Butlerov's February 1858 paper was never published, but it is described in Jacques, "Boutlerov, Couper et la Société Chimique de Paris," BSC , 1953, pp. 528-530; Butlerov's commentary on Couper is "Bemerkungen über A. S. Couper's neue chemische Theorie," Annalen , 110 (1859), 51-66. For further literature and historiography, see Rocke, "Kekulé, Butlerov, and the Historiography of the Theory of Chemical Structure," British Journal for the History of Science , 14 (1981), 27-57. A perceptive reply and commentary on this article is Bykov, "K istoriografii teorii khimicheskogo stroeniia,'' Voprosy istorii estestvoznaniia i tekhniki , 1982 :4, 121-130, which was completed shortly before his death.

72. Butlerov, "Einiges über die chemische Struktur der Körper," ZfC , 4 (1861), 549-560.

73. Brodie, "On the Conditions of Certain Elements at the Moment of Chemical Change," PTRS , 140 (1850), 759-804; Couper, "New Chemical Theory," pp. 112-113.

74. Kekulé, 2 , 944.

8— Carbonic Acid and Natural Types

1. The best brief source for Edward Frankland is presently W. H. Brock's biography in the DSB , 5 , 124-127; C. A. Russell is at work on the second volume of his detailed biography.

2. Frankland, "On a New Series of Organic Bodies Containing Metals and Phosphorus," JCS , 2 (1849), 297-299.

3. Frankland, "On a New Series of Organic Bodies Containing Metals," PTRS , 142 (1852), 417-444 (on p. 432).

4. Frankland to Kolbe, 9 March 1862, Frankland Archive 01.03.429.

5. Hofmann, "Note on the Action of Heat upon Valeric Acid," JCS , 3 (1850), 121-134; Brodie, "Observations on the Constitution of the Alcohol-Radicals, and on the Formation of Ethyl," ibid., pp. 405-411; Wurtz, "Sur une nouvelle classe de radicaux organiques," Ann. chim. , [3] 44 (1855), 275-313.

6. Frankland, "Organic Bodies Containing Metals," pp. 438-442; Gerhardt and L. Chiozza, "Recherches sur les amides," C.r. , 37 (1853), 86-90.

7. Frankland, "Researches on Organo-Metallic Bodies—Second Memoir. Zincethyl," PTRS , 145 (1855), 259-275; "On Some Organic Compounds Containing Metals," British Association for the Advancement of Science, Reports , 25 (2) (1855), 62; Sketches from the Life of Edward Frankland (London: Spottiswoode, 1901), p. 193; Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Marburg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1865), p. 33n.

8. Frankland, "Researches on Organo-Metallic Bodies—Third Memoir. On a New Series of Organic Acids Containing Nitrogen," PTRS , 147 (1856), 59-78.

9. Frankland, "On Some Organic Compounds Containing Metals," in n. 7.

10. Frankland, Experimental Researches in Pure, Applied, and Physical Chemistry (London: Van Voorst, 1877), pp. 146-148 and 154; Sketches , pp. 188-191 and 201-203.

11. Frankland, "Zincethyl," pp. 266, 271, and 274, in n. 7.

12. Frankland, "On the Dependence of the Chemical Properties of Compounds upon the Electrical Character of their Constituents," Proceedings of the Royal Institution , 1 (1854), 451-454 (on p. 454).

13. Frankland, Experimental Researches , pp. 147-148; Sketches , pp. 193-197; Kolbe, "Über die rationelle Zusammensetzung der fetten und aromatischen Säuren, Aldehyde, Acetone u.s.w., und ihre Beziehungen zur Kohlensäure," Annalen , 101 (1857), 257-265 (on pp. 259-260); Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium , p. 33; Kolbe to Frankland, 24 November 1863, Frankland Archive 01.04.73.

14. Kolbe, "Radicale, Radicaltheorie," Handwörterbuch , 6 , 802-807. A description of this article in the context of Wurtz' work on radicals is provided at the end of chap. 6.

15. Kolbe, "Rationelle Zusammensetzung."

16. No letters between Frankland and Kolbe appear to have survived from any of the years 1855-1861. Kolbe complained to Frankland of the latter's years of silence in his letters of 2 January and 5 February 1862, Frankland Archive 01.08.567 and 01.03.426.

17. Kolbe to Frankland, 5 February 1862 and 24 November 1863, Frank-land Archive 01.03.426 and 01.04.73.

18. Kolbe to Frankland, 24 November 1863, Frankland Archive 01.04.73.

19. R. Piria, "Über die Umwandlung organischer Säuren in die entsprechenden Aldehyde," Annalen , 100 (1856), 104-106.

20. This at least is the import of Frankland's letter draft to Kolbe, 9 March 1862, Frankland Archive 01.03.429 and 01.03.424. The actual letter has not survived. Kolbe did not soon respond to the matter raised in this letter. Apparently Frankland referred to it the following year, for in October 1863 (01.04.69), Kolbe answered that he did not remember receiving such a letter and asked him to repeat what he had written. Frankland must have done this, for Kolbe's next communication was the long self-exoneration of 24 November 1863. Thus, Kolbe may never have received the letter of 9 March 1862; it may never even have been mailed.

21. Kolbe to Vieweg, 4 January 1857, VA 122.

22. Frankland to Kolbe, 9 March 1862, Frankland Archive 01.03.429.

23. Kolbe, Dos chemische Laboratorium , pp. 29-36.

24. Kolbe to Hermann Ost, 20 December 1884, SSDM 3575.

25. Frankland, Experimental Researches , p. 148.

26. E. von Meyer, trans. G. M'Gowan, A History of Chemistry (London: Macmillan, 1891), p. 298n.

27. Kolbe, JpC , 131 (1881), 363 and 367.

28. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 March 1857, VA 125. Kolbe did not use the word "Revolution" or "Umwälzung"; as is fitting for the son of a Lutheran pastor, he wrote, "Es giebt eine kleine Reformation in der organischen Chemie."

29. James Wanklyn, "On Some New Ethyl-Compounds Containing the Alkali-Metals," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 9 (1858), 341-345.

30. Frankland to Wanklyn, 8 March 1858, SSDM 3574.

31. Kolbe to Frankland, 24 November 1863, Frankland Archive 01.04.73; Kolbe, "Über den natürlichen Zusammenhang der organischen mit den unorganischen Verbindungen," Annalen , 113 (1860), 293-332 (on pp. 298-299n).

32. Bunsen to Kolbe, 15 March 1858, SSDM 3499.

33. Kolbe to Frankland, 5 February 1862, Frankland Archive 01.03.426.

34. W. H. Brock, "James Wanklyn," DSB , 14 , pp. 168-170.

35. Frankland, "On the Artificial Formation of Organic Compounds," Proceedings of the Royal Institution , 2 (1858), 538-544.

36. Frankland, "On Organo-Metallic Bodies," JCS , 13 (1860), 177-235.

37. Frankland, "Researches on Organo-Metallic Bodies—Fourth Memoir," PTRS , 149 (1859), 401-415 (on p. 411).

38. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 June 1856 and 4 August 1858, VA 119 and 141.

39. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 October 1859, VA 153.

40. The fourth installment constitutes pp. 481-672 of vol. 1 of Kolbe's Ausführliches Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1854); the section "Theoretische Ansichten über die Zusammensetzung der Alkohole, der Acetone, Aldehyde, und der zugehörigen Säuren" fills pp. 567-575.

41. Kolbe to Vieweg, 31 August 1858, VA 132.

42. Regarding the dating of the writing of this installment, see Kolbe to Vieweg, 13 August, 31 August, 8 November, and 20 December 1857, VA 131-134. A publication date of either December 1857 or January 1858 is consistent with these-letters. In an unpublished priority claim, Kekulé cited Hinrich's Bücherverzeichnis to argue that it appeared in the first half of 1858 (R. Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. [Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929], 1 , 560n.). But Kolbe claimed that it appeared before the end of 1857 ( JpC , 131 [1881], 369), and Kayser's Bücherlexicon supports this dating.

43. Kolbe to Vieweg, 20 December 1857, VA 134.

44. Kolbe to Vieweg, 23 June 1858, VA 139.

45. Kolbe, Über die chemische Constitution organischer Verbindungen (Marburg: Elwert, 1858).

46. Double fascicle 8/9 was the fifth installment of vol. 1, pp. 673-848. Sheet 42 consisted of pp. 657-672; one of the copies at my disposal contains both versions of the sheet.

47. Regarding the dating of the writing of the fifth installment, see Kolbe to Vieweg, 10 October, 20 October, 8 November, and 24 December 1858 and 5 January 1859 (VA 142, 143, 144, 146, and 147). Kolbe claimed that this installment was published late in 1858 ( JpC , 131 [1881], 370), but both Hinrich's Bücherverzeichnis and Kayser's Bücherlexicon list the work as appearing in the first half of 1859, as Kekulé maintained (Anschütz, 1 , 560n.).

48. Wurtz, "Mémoire sur la constitution et sur la vrai formule de l'acide oxalique," C.r. , 44 (1857), 1306-1310; idem, "Recherches sur l'acide lactique," C.r. , 46 (1858), 1228-1232; idem, "Sur les éthers du glycol," C.r. , 47 (1858), 346-350; H. Debus, "On the Oxidation of Glycol, and on Some Salts of Glyoxylic Acid,'' Proceedings of the Royal Society , 9 (1859), 711-716.

49. F. Guthrie and Kolbe, "Über die Verbindungen des Valerals mit Säuren," Annalen , 109 (1859), 296-300.

50. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , pp. 672-681 and 733-738.

51. Ibid., pp. 672, 675-676, and 734.

52. Ibid., pp. 738-740.

50. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , pp. 672-681 and 733-738.

51. Ibid., pp. 672, 675-676, and 734.

52. Ibid., pp. 738-740.

50. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , pp. 672-681 and 733-738.

51. Ibid., pp. 672, 675-676, and 734.

52. Ibid., pp. 738-740.

53. "Theoretische Betrachtungen über die Sättigungscapacität der einfachen und zusammengesetzten Radicale," ibid., pp. 740-749.

54. Ibid., pp. 740-742.

55. Ibid., pp. 744-745. Square brackets are added here for greater clarity; these brackets are consistent with Kolbe's later usage.

56. Ibid., pp. 746-749.

53. "Theoretische Betrachtungen über die Sättigungscapacität der einfachen und zusammengesetzten Radicale," ibid., pp. 740-749.

54. Ibid., pp. 740-742.

55. Ibid., pp. 744-745. Square brackets are added here for greater clarity; these brackets are consistent with Kolbe's later usage.

56. Ibid., pp. 746-749.

53. "Theoretische Betrachtungen über die Sättigungscapacität der einfachen und zusammengesetzten Radicale," ibid., pp. 740-749.

54. Ibid., pp. 740-742.

55. Ibid., pp. 744-745. Square brackets are added here for greater clarity; these brackets are consistent with Kolbe's later usage.

56. Ibid., pp. 746-749.

53. "Theoretische Betrachtungen über die Sättigungscapacität der einfachen und zusammengesetzten Radicale," ibid., pp. 740-749.

54. Ibid., pp. 740-742.

55. Ibid., pp. 744-745. Square brackets are added here for greater clarity; these brackets are consistent with Kolbe's later usage.

56. Ibid., pp. 746-749.

57. These sentiments are expressed in the letters from Kolbe to Vieweg cited in n. 47 (October 1858 through January 1859).

58. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , p. 673; "Zusammenhang," p. 294n.

59. Kolbe to Vieweg, 15 and 24 October 1859, VA 152 and 153.

60. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 175.

61. Kolbe, "Zusammenhang," pp. 293-295 and 332; reprinted under same title, E. von Meyer, ed., as Ostwalds Klassiker Nr. 92 (Leipzig: Engelmann, 1897).

62. Kolbe, "Zusammenhang," pp. 313-316.

63. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1860, VA 155. This is the first time Kekulé's name appears in any of Kolbe's surviving correspondence.è

64. ibid. Wurtz, Répertoire de chimie pure , 2 (1860), 354-359; ibid., 3 (1861), 418-421; Leons de philosophie chimique (Paris: Hachette, 1864), pp. 113-114.

65. ibid. Kopp, Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Chemie , 13 (1860), 218-222; ibid., 10 (1857), 269-270.

63. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1860, VA 155. This is the first time Kekulé's name appears in any of Kolbe's surviving correspondence.è

64. ibid. Wurtz, Répertoire de chimie pure , 2 (1860), 354-359; ibid., 3 (1861), 418-421; Leons de philosophie chimique (Paris: Hachette, 1864), pp. 113-114.

65. ibid. Kopp, Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Chemie , 13 (1860), 218-222; ibid., 10 (1857), 269-270.

63. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March 1860, VA 155. This is the first time Kekulé's name appears in any of Kolbe's surviving correspondence.è

64. ibid. Wurtz, Répertoire de chimie pure , 2 (1860), 354-359; ibid., 3 (1861), 418-421; Leons de philosophie chimique (Paris: Hachette, 1864), pp. 113-114.

65. ibid. Kopp, Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Chemie , 13 (1860), 218-222; ibid., 10 (1857), 269-270.

66. Liebig to Kolbe, 3 April 1860, SSDM 3603.

67. Liebig to Wöler, 15 April 1857, 27 February 1865, and March 1870, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 42, 179, and 280; Wöhler to Kolbe, 5 December 1862 and 17 October 1878, SSDM 3538 and 3542; Kolbe to Wöhler, 15 October 1878, Wöhler Nachlass.

68. Liebig to Frankland, 28 January 1866, Liebigiana IIB; Liebig to Kolbe, 15 July 1861, SSDM 3606.

69. E. von Meyer, "Die Karlsruhe Chemiker-Versammlung im Jahre 1860," Journal für praktische Chemie , 191 (1911), 182-189; Anschütz, August

Kekulé , 1 , 183-209 and 671-688; A. Stock, Der internationale Chemiker-Kongress (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1933); C. deMilt, "Carl Weltzien and the Congress at Karlsruhe," Chymia , 1 (1948), 153-169; idem, "The Congress at Karlsruhe," Journal of Chemical Education , 28 (1951), 421-424; A. J. Ihde, "The Karlsruhe Congress: A Centennial Retrospect," Journal of Chemical Education , 38 (1961), 83-86; and Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984), pp. 287-311.

70. Pebal to Roscoe, 25 May 1860, Roscoe Collection.

71. Brodie to Kekulé, 27 May 1860, and Williamson to Kekulé, 24 April 1860, August-Kekulé-Sammlung, Darmstadt.

72. L. Meyer, "Leopold von Pebal," Berichte , 20 (1887), 997-1015 (on p. 1000).

73. Meyer to Roscoe, 6 July 1860, Roscoe Collection.

74. Kolbe to Weltzien, 17 April 1860, August-Kekulé-Sammlung, Darmstadt; printed in Anschütz, August Kekulé , 1 , 188.

75. Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 October 1860, VA 160.

76. Cannizzaro, ed. and trans. L. Meyer, Abriss eines Lehrganges der theoretischen Chemie (Leipzig: Ostwalds Klassiker Nr. 30, Engelmann, 1891), p. 59.

77. Cited in J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry , 4 (London: Macmillan, 1964), 489.

78. Frankland, Sketches , pp. 191, 201, and 203.

79. See Otto Krätz, ed., Beilstein-Erlenmeyer Briefe (Munich: Fritsch, 1972), passim.

80. Kekulé to Meyer, 23 October 1860, August-Kekulé-Sammlung, Darmstadt; printed in Anschütz, August Kekulé , 1 , 205.

81. Kolbe, "Moden der modernen Chemie," JpC , 112 (1871), 241-271 (on p. 246).

82. Kekulé, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 2 vols. (Erlangen: Encke, 1859-1867), 1 , 736-737; 2 , 247-249.

83. Butlerov, "Über die verschiedenen Erklärungsweisen einiger Fälle von Isomerien," ZfC 6 (1863), 500-534 (on p. 513); Kolbe, "Moden," p. 247; Frankland, Experimental Researches , pp. 153-154.

84. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 556-558.

85. Kolbe, "Über die realen Typen der organischen Chemie," Das Chemische Laboratorium , pp. 515-519.

9— The Great Break

1. Data for this table are taken from the numbers and information in Christoph Meinel, Die Chemie an der Universität Marburg seit Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts (Marburg: Elwert, 1978), pp. 471-472 and 522-525.

2. This does not refer to the number of papers authored by Praktikanten, but rather is simply the total number of papers per year produced by the institute as a whole, divided by the average number of Praktikanten. This manner of accounting sidesteps the tricky question of authorship and suggests at least a rough intensive measure of research productivity.

3. Kolbe to Vieweg, 24 and 29 December 1858 and 5 January 1859, VA 145, 146, and 147; Annalen , 109 (1859), 257-304.

4. Kolbe to Vieweg, 15 March 1860 (incorrectly dated 15 March 1856) and 16 October 1860, VA 116 and 160; Meinel, Chemie , p. 472.

5. The following information is based on a variety of direct and indirect sources, including Kolbe correspondence, publications, standard biographical reference works, and records in the Hessisches Staatsarchiv (especially 305a. A IV, b. 2, Nr. 65 and 68; 305a . II, Nr. 11; and acc. 1902/8).

6. G. N. Vis, "Adolph Claus," JpC , 170 (1900), 127-133.

7. Kolbe to Vieweg, 23 June 1858, VA 139; cf. also 9 and 29 May 1858, VA 137 and 138.

8. Kolbe to Vieweg, 15 and 24 October 1859, 3 and 9 April 1860, 16 and 22 October 1860, 8 and 15 July 1861, VA 152, 153, 156, 157, 160, 161, 170, and 172; Kolbe to Liebig, 16 April 1860, Liebigiana IIB. See chap. 5 for details on these events.

9. Kolbe to Vieweg, 29 May 1858, VA 138.

10. Wurtz, "Mémoire sur la constitution et sur la vrai formule de l'acide oxalique," C.r. , 44 (1857), 1306-1310. In this paper, Wurtz' formulas were written with conventional equivalents and brackets separating "typical" atoms. His groupings showed slightly more structural detail than is indicated here.

11. Wurtz, "Sur la propylglycol," C.r. , 45 (1857), 306-309. Nicholas Fisher, "Wislicenus and Lactic Acid," in O. B. Ramsay, ed., van't Hoff-Le Bel Centennial (Washington, D.C.: American Chemical Society, 1975), pp. 33-54, provides details on the development of our understanding of this curious and chemically problematical substance.

12. Wurtz, "Recherches sur l'acide lactique" and "Sur un nouvel acide lactique," C.r. , 45 (1857), pp. 1228-1232 and 1232-1234.

13. H. Debus, "On the Oxidation of Glycol, and on Some Salts of Glyoxylic Acid," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 9 (1859), 711-716; R. Hoffmann, "Über Monochloressigsäure," Annalen , 102 (1857), 1-20; A. Kekulé, "Bildung von Glycolsäure aus Essigsäure," Annalen , 105 (1858), 286-292; A. Strecker, "Über die künstliche Bildung der Milchsäure und einen neuen, dem Glycocoll homologen Körper," Annalen , 75 (1850), 27-45.

14. Kolbe, Lehrbuch , 1 , 672-688 and 733-740.

15. Kolbe, "Über die chemische Constitution der Milchsäure," Annalen , 109 (1859), 257-268 (on p. 259).

16. A. Crum Brown, "On the Theory of Isomeric Compounds," Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh , 23 (1864), 707-719 (on p. 711). This was probably the first positive assertion of the existence of carbon-carbon double bonds. Erlenmeyer, Kekulé, and Loschmidt had all made hints in that direction, but none had clearly asserted it.

17. C. Ulrich, "Umwandlung der Milchsäure in Propionsäure," Annalen , 109 (1859), 268-272.

18. Kolbe, "Constitution der Milchsäure."

19. Wurtz, "Mémoire sur les glycols ou alcools diatomiques," Ann. chim. , [3] 55 (1859), 400-478.

20. Ibid., pp. 401, 438, and 474; quote from p. 463; use of term "structure

moléculaire" on p. 478.

19. Wurtz, "Mémoire sur les glycols ou alcools diatomiques," Ann. chim. , [3] 55 (1859), 400-478.

20. Ibid., pp. 401, 438, and 474; quote from p. 463; use of term "structure

moléculaire" on p. 478.

21. Wurtz, "Sur l'oxyde d'éthylène," C.r. , 48 (1859), 101-105 (on p. 104).

22. Wurtz, "Glycols," p. 478.

23. From Wurtz' review of Couper's paper on structure theory, in Répertoire de chimie pure , 1 (1858), 49-52.

24. Wurtz, "Glycols," pp. 474-475.

25. Wurtz, "Recherches sur la constitution de l'acide lactique," BSC , 1 (1859), 36-46; "Sur la basicité des acides," Ann. chim. , [3] 56 (1859), 342-349; "Nouvelles recherches sur l'acide lactique," C.r. , 48 (1859), 1092-1094.

26. Kekulé, "Bildung von Glycolsäure."

27. Wurtz, "Recherches sur la constitution," pp. 45-46.

28. Kekulé to L. Meyer, 23 October 1860, printed in R. Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 1 , 205.

29. Kekulé, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 2 vols. (Erlangen: Enke, 1859-1867), 1 , 129-131, 174-175 (1859), and 524 (1861).

30. Ibid., pp. 524 and 729-741 (1861); Kekulé, "Note sur les acides itaconique et pyrotartrique," Bulletin de l'Académie Royale de Belge , [2] 11 (1861), 662-677; W. H. Perkin, "On the Molecular Constitution of Glycollic and Lactic Acids," Chemical News , 3 (1861), 81-83; A. Crum Brown, "On the Theory of Chemical Combination," M.D. dissertation (Univ. of Edinburgh, 1861; printed 1879), p. 23.

29. Kekulé, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 2 vols. (Erlangen: Enke, 1859-1867), 1 , 129-131, 174-175 (1859), and 524 (1861).

31. E. Lautemann, "Über direkte Umwandlung der Milchsäure in Propionsäure," Annalen , 113 (1860), 217-220; Kolbe, "Über die Rückbildung des Alanins aus Milchsäure," Annalen , 113 (1860), 220-223; Kolbe, "Über die Constitution und Basicität der Milchsäure," Annalen , 113 (1860), pp. 223-238.

32. Kolbe, "Über die chemische Constitution der Isäthionsäure und des Taurins," Annalen , 112 (1859), 241-243 (on p. 241).

33. Kolbe, "Constitution und Basicität der Milchsäure," pp. 227-236 (on pp. 225-226).

34. Wurtz, "Recherches sur l'acide lactique," Ann. chim. , [3] 59 (1860), 161-191 (on pp. 182-187).

35. Wurtz and C. Friedel, "Mémoire sur l'acide lactique," Ann. chim. , [3] 63 (1861), 101-124.

36. Kolbe and Lautemann, "Über die Constitution und Basicität der Salicylsäure," Annalen , 115 (1860), 157-206 (on p. 161).

37. Five years later he repudiated the general implication of the derogatory statement, while reaffirming the specifics: Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Marburg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1865), p. 152n.

38. H. Debus, "Bemerkungen zu Kolbe's und Lautemann's Ansichten über die Natur des Glycols und Glyoxals," Annalen , 118 (1861), 253-256.

39. E. Drechsel, "Beobachtungen über die Glycolsäure," Annalen , 127 (1863), 150-158; Kolbe, "Bemerkungen zu vorstehenden Abhandlung," Annalen , 127 (1863), pp. 159-161; Kolbe to Frankland, [early] October 1863, Frankland Archive 01.04.69; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 30 October, 23 November, and 6 and 17 December 1863, Dingler Nachlass.

40. Kolbe, "Ist die Oxalsäure eine zweibasische Säure," paper draft dated 23 December 1866, SSDM 3810.

41. F. Guthrie and Kolbe, "Über die Verbindungen des Valerals mit Säuren," Annalen , 109 (1859), 296-300.

42. Kolbe, Das Laboratorium , p. 101n.

43. Kolbe, JpC , 131 (1881), 322-323; idem, "Ist die Oxalsäure eine zweibasische Säure."

44. ibid. Kolbe, JpC , 130 , (1880), 156 ("Ich gait damals . . . als Sonderling"); ibid., 131 (1881), 310; ibid., 136 (1883), 371-372.

43. Kolbe, JpC , 131 (1881), 322-323; idem, "Ist die Oxalsäure eine zweibasische Säure."

44. ibid. Kolbe, JpC , 130 , (1880), 156 ("Ich gait damals . . . als Sonderling"); ibid., 131 (1881), 310; ibid., 136 (1883), 371-372.

45. Kolbe, "Über den natürlichen Zusammenhang der organischen mit den unorganischen Verbindungen," Annalen , 113 (1860), 293-332 (on pp. 313-316).

46. R. Schmitt, "Über die Umwandlung der Weinsäure und Apfelsäure in Bernsteinsäure," Annalen , 114 (1860), 106-111.

47. Liebig, "Über die Bildung von Weinsäure aus Milchzucker in Gummi," Annalen , 113 (1860), 1-19.

48. Liebig to Kolbe, 3 April 1860, SSDM 3603.

49. Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 March 1856, 29 December 1858, and 5 January 1859, VA 115, 145, and 147; Liebig to Vieweg, 28 March 1855, in M. and W. Schneider, eds., Justus von Liebig: Briefe an Vieweg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1986), p. 288.

50. Kolbe to Liebig, 16 April 1860, Liebigiana IIB; Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 April 1860, VA 157.

51. Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 April (quoted) and 15 April 1860, VA 157-158.

52. Liebig to Kolbe, 2 December 1860 and 15 July 1861, SSDM 3604 and 3606.

53. Liebig to Vieweg, 17 May 1860, in M. and W. Schneider, Briefe an Vieweg , p. 335; Liebig to H. von Fehling, 19 May 1860, Liebigiana IIB (I thank Dr. Elisabeth Vaupel for drawing my attention to this letter); Liebig to Volhard, 2 July 1862, cited in D. Vorländer, "Jakob Volhard," Berichte 45 (1912), 1855-1902 (on p. 1866).

54. Liebig, Annalen , 121 (1862), 163-164n.; Liebig to Kolbe, 30 October 1861, SSDM 3607; Kopp to Kolbe, 4 December 1861, SSDM 3608; Kolbe to Liebig, 30 December 1861 and 10 December 1862, Liebigiana IIB; Kolbe to Vieweg, 11 July 1860 and 30 December 1861, VA 171 and 177.

55. Liebig to Fehling, 19 May 1860, Liebigiana IIB.

56. Ibid.; Liebig, Annalen , 121 (1862), 163-164n.; Liebig to Erlenmeyer, 27 March 1861, in Emil Heuser, ed., Justus von Liebig und Emil Erlenmeyer in ihren Briefen von 1861-1872 (Mannheim: Bionomica, 1988), p. 11; Liebig to Kolbe, 16 March 1870, SSDM 3612.

55. Liebig to Fehling, 19 May 1860, Liebigiana IIB.

57. Kolbe, "Natürlicher Zusammenhang" (1860), p. 307; also in his Lehrbuch , 1 , 569, written in 1857 and in print by the beginning of 1858.

58. Friedel, "Transformation des aldéhydes et des acétones en alcools," C.r. , 55 (1862), 53-58.

59. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 13 November 1862, Dingler Nachlass.

60. Kolbe, "Über die chemische Constitution des aus dem Aceton durch nascirenden Wasserstoff erzeugten Alkohols," ZfC , 5 (1862), 687-690; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 16 November 1862, Dingler Nachlass.

61. Friedel, "Sur l'alcool dérivé de l'acétone par l'action de l'hydrogène

naissant," BSC , 2 (1863), 247-248; Kolbe, "Nachtrag," ZfC , 7 (1864), 38-40. Kolbe's rebuttal was six months late, since he continued to ignore the French literature. Erlenmeyer told him of Friedel's second paper on a visit to Marburg in October 1863: Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 25 and 30 October 1863, Dingier Nachlass.

62. Butlerov, "Studien über die einfachsten Verbindungen der organischen Chemie," ZfC 6 (1863), 484-497 (on pp. 490-495); idem, "Über den tertiären Pseudobutylalkohol (den trimethylirten Methylalkohol)," ZfC , 7 (1864), 385-402 (on pp. 394-395); idem, "Berichtigung zur Abhandlung, 'Über den tertiären Pseudobutylalkohol,'" ZfC , 7 (1864), p. 702; idem, "Über die tertiären Alkohole," ZfC , 8 (1865), 614-618. Butlerov identified his new tertiary alcohol in a letter to Wurtz, ca. March 1864, in G. V. Bykov and J. Jacques, "Deux pionniers de la chimie moderne, Adolphe Wurtz et Alexandre M. Boutlerov, d'après une correspondance inédite,'' Revue d'histoire des sciences , 13 (1960), 115-134 (on p. 125).

63. V. H. de Luynes, "Recherches sur l'érythrite et ses dérivés," Ann. chim. , [4] 2 (1864), 385-429 (on p. 422); Lieben and Rossi, "Sur l'alcool butylique primaire et normal," C.r. , 68 (1869), 1561-1564.

64. Wurtz, "Sur l'alcool butylique," C.r. , 35 (1852), 310-312.

65. Kolbe, "Prognose neuer Isomerien," ZfC , 7 (1864), 30-40 (on pp. 36-37).

66. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 6 December 1863 and 20 October 1864, Dingler Nachlass; Erlenmeyer, "Studien über das Glycerin in seiner Eigenschaft als mehratomiger Alkohol," ZfC , 7 (1864), 642-653 (on pp. 651-653); idem, "Über die relative Constitution des Gährungs-, Butyl- und Amylalkohols und des Amylenhydrats," ZfC , 10 (1867), 117-118 (also published in slightly revised form in Annalen , Supplementband 5 [1867], 337-339); V. V. Markovnikov, "Über die Isobuttersäure," ZfC , 8 (1865), 107-110; idem, "Über die Isobuttersäure und den Pseudopropyl-Aethyl-Aether," Annalen , 138 (1866), 361-375.

67. Frankland and B. F. Duppa, "Synthetical Researches on Ethers. No. 2. Action of Sodium and Isopropylic Iodide upon Ethylic Acetate," JCS , 20 , (1867), 102-116.

68. Wurtz, "Sur un isomère de l'alcool amylique," C.r. , 55 (1862), 370-375; idem, "Sur les hydrates des hydrogènes carbonées," C.r. , 56 (1863), 715-718; idem, "Note sur l'hydrate d'amylène," C.r. , 56 (1863), pp. 793-796; idem, "Sur quelques dérivés de l'hydrate d'amylène," C.r. , 57 (1863), 479-482; idem, "Sur les produits d'oxydation de l'hydrate d'amylène et sur l'isomérie dans les alcools," C.r. , 58 (1864), 971-974; idem, "Mémoire sur l'isomérie dans les alcools et dans les glycols," Ann. chim. , [4] 3 (1864), 129-186.

69. Erlenmeyer and Wanklyn, "Über Hexylverbindungen," ZfC , 6 (1863), 564-575; Erlenmeyer, "Relative Constitution," pp. 117-118.

70. Erlenmeyer and Wanklyn, "Über Hexylverbindungen," ZfC , 6 (1863), p. 574; Kolbe, "Über die sekundären Alkohole," Annalen , 132 (1864), 102-117.

71. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 6 and 11 December 1863, 12 February and 31

July 1864, Dingler Nachlass; Kolbe to Liebig, 7 February 1864, Liebigiana IIB; Kolbe to Frankland, 18 January and 24 February 1864, Frankland Archive 01.02.1493 and 01.02.1511; Kolbe, "Sekundäre Alkohole."

72. Wurtz, "Sur les produits d'oxydation," p. 972; "Mémoire sur l'isomèrie," p. 144. The chemistry of these reactions is complex.

73. Kolbe to Frankland, [early] October 1863 and 27 May 1866, Frankland Archive 01.04.69 and 01.02.1558; Frankland, "On the Synthesis of Leucic Acid," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 12 (1863), 396-398; Frankland and Duppa, "Notes of Researches on the Acids of the Lactic Series—No. 1.," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 13 (1864), 140-142; idem, ''Researches on Acids of the Lactic Series—No. 1. Synthesis of Acids of the Lactic Series," PTRS , 156 (1866), 309-359 (on p. 312).

74. Hans Hübner, "Über Cyanacetyl," Annalen , 124 (1862), 315-324; M. Simpson, "On Cyanide of Ethylene and Succinic Acid," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 10 (1860), 574-576; idem, "Synthesis of Tribasic Acids," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 12 (1863), 236-239; idem, "On the Synthesis of Succinic and Pyrotartaric Acids," PTRS , 151 (1861), 61-67.

75. Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July and [early] October 1863, 18 January and 5 and 12 February 1864, Frankland Archive 01.03.431, 01.04.69, 01.02.1493, 01.02.1497, and 01.02.1501; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 12 February 1864, Dingler Nachlass; Kolbe to Liebig, 7 February 1864, Liebigiana IIB; and Kolbe to Volhard, 7 February 1864, SSDM 3653.

76. Kolbe, "Umwandlung der Monocarbonsäuren in die zugehörenden kohlenstoffreicheren Dicarbonsäuren," Annalen , 131 (1864), 348-349; "Conversion of Monocarbon-Acids into the Corresponding More Highly Carbonated Dicarbon-Acids," JCS , 17 (1864), 109.

77. Beilstein to Kekulé, 21 February 1864, August-Kekulé-Sammlung; a similar but complementary account is related in Beilstein to Baeyer, 4 June 1864, Baeyer Collection.

78. Müller to Kekulé, 28 February 1864, Kekulé-Sammlung.

79. Kolbe to Frankland, 24 February 1864, Frankland Archive 01.02.1511.

80. Frankland to Kolbe, 22 February 1864, SSDM 3563; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 6 March 1864, Dingler Nachlass (reporting on a later letter from Frankland to Kolbe received that day); Müller to Kekulé, 22 April and 9 July 1864, Kekulé-Sammlung; Müller, "On a New Formation of Malonic and Succinic Acids," JCS , 17 (1864), 109-111; idem, "Über eine neue Bildungsweise der Malonsäure und der Bernsteinsäure," ZfC , 7 (1864), 146-148.

81. Beilstein to Baeyer, 4 June 1864, Baeyer Collection.

82. Müller, "Vorläufige Notiz über einen rothen Körper, der sich bei der Einwirkung von Cyankalium auf Chloressigäther als Nebenproduct bildet," ZfC , 7 (1864), 382-383; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 2 July 1864, Dingler Nachlass.

83. Müller to Kekulé, 28 February 1864, Kekulé-Sammlung.

84. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 2 July 1864, Dingler Nachlass.

85. Beilstein to Butlerov, 30 August 1865, in Bykov and Bekassova, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der Chemie der 60-er Jahre des XIX. Jahrhunderts: II. F. Beilsteins Briefe an A.M. Butlerov," Physis , 8 (1966), 267-285 (on p. 275).

86. Cited by Krätz, in Beilstein-Erlenmeyer Briefe (Munich: Fritsch, 1972), p. 79.

87. Liebig to Hofmann, 24 January 1868, in Emil Heuser and Regine Zott, eds., Justus von Liebig und August Wilhelm Hofmann in ihren Briefen (Mannheim: Bionomica, 1988), p. 45.

88. These numbers are calculated from data given in Meinel, Chemie , p. 472.

89. Kolbe to Vieweg, 31 December 1860, VA 164. He reported the presence of only one foreigner that semester, a Dane. This was Emil Ruge, who (as Kolbe reported in Das Laboratorium , p. 363n.) died in October 1864 in Copenhagen. The previous six semesters he had not had a single non-German foreigner.

90. Meinel, Chemie , p. 472; Elisabeth Vaupel, "Carl Graebe (1841-1927)—Leben, Werk und Wirken," Doctoral dissertation, University of Munich, 1987.

91. Vorländer, "Volhard" (see n. 53); Volhard, "Über Sarkosin," Annalen , 123 (1862), 261-265.

92. J.W., "Alexander Crum Brown," JCS , 123 (1923), 3422-3431.

93. E. Fischer, "Edmund Drechsel," Berichte , 30 (1897), 2168-2173.

94. S. N. Vinogradov, "Chemistry at Kazan University in the Nineteenth Century: A Case History of Intellectual Lineage," Isis , 56 (1965), 168-173; B. Menshutkin, "N. A. Menshutkin," Berichte , 40 (1907), 5087-5098. I gathered the Russian names from the university's Matrikel (HSA, 305a . II, Nr. 11), and then transformed them from German into standard Anglo-American transliterations.

95. Henry James, Charles W. Eliot: President of Harvard University , 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930), 1 , 135-137 and 145-147. I thank Dr. Jun Fudano for this reference. As far as I could determine, Eliot's name appears nowhere in the university's records.

96. Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 November 1863, 22 June 1864 and 6 November 1864, VA 197, 206, 211; Kolbe to Frankland, no date (but ca. 27 October 1864) and 12 November 1864, Frankland Archive 01.04.84 and 01.04.89; HSA, 305a . II, Nr. 11.

97. Untitled anonymous review of Kolbe's Das Laboratorium , in Westminster Review , 29 (1866), 548-549.

98. Kolbe to Vieweg, 30 June and 9 November 1863, VA 192 and 197; Kolbe, Das Laboratorium , pp. 8-9.

99. Information in this and the next three paragraphs is derived from Meinel, Chemie , pp. 16-18, 30-31, 51-63, 98-112, and 435-444, and from Kolbe, Das Laboratorium , pp. 1-17.

100. Kolbe lived, as he later commented ( Das neue chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig [Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1868], p. 27n.) "across the street" from the institute. This may have been in Bunsen's old lodgings, on the first floor of the corner house on Elisabethstrasse, but I have not been able to document Kolbe's residence in Marburg.

101. Kolbe to Vieweg, 19 October and 9 November 1863 and 21 February 1864, VA 196, 197, and 199; Meinel, Chemie , p. 111.

10— The Theory of Chemical Structure and the Structure of Chemical Theory

1. A useful review of the literature on this subject by John Brooke can be found in C. A. Russell, ed., Recent Developments in the History of Chemistry (London: Royal Society of Chemistry, 1985), pp. 107-109; the classic analysis is Brooke, "Wöhler's Urea and its Vital Force? A Verdict from the Chemists," Ambix , 15 (1968), 84-114. See also C. A. Russell, "The Changing Role of Synthesis in Organic Chemistry," Ambix , 34 (1987), 169-180.

2. Wöhler to Berzelius, 22 February 1828, in Wallach, BWB , 1 , 205-208; Berzelius to Wöhler, 7 March 1828, ibid., pp. 208-209; Wöhler to Liebig, 13 October 1863, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 145-146. Isomerism was indeed a hot topic in the years after 1828, but the phenomenon was by no means completely novel; at least seven instances of organic isomerism (and several more in the inorganic realm) had been studied during the years 1811-1826 (A. J. Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century [Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984], pp. 167-174). Berzelius coined the word isomer in 1830 in response to Wöhler's and several other recent discoveries.

3. Hermann Kopp, Geschichte der Chemie , 1 (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1843), 442; the assertion is repeated in the same work, 4 (1847), 244.

4. Brooke, "Verdict," pp. 109-113.

5. For example, in Kolbe, Lehrbuch (1854), pp. 3-4. Kolbe, who joined Wöhler just ten years after the synthesis, believed in a strong version of the claim (Kolbe to Vieweg, 26 January 1864, VA 198).

6. For the former attitude, see Thomas Thomson, The History of Chemistry , 2 vols. (London: Colburn and Bentley, 1830-1831), 2 , 317; Wöhler and Liebig, "Untersuchungen über die Natur der Harnsäure," Annalen , 26 (1838), 241-340 (on p. 340) (in a letter of 24 July 1837, Liebig urged that Wöhler should add to one of their joint papers "some clever comments" asserting that it will prove possible to create sugar from "charcoal and rainwater" (Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 112); and J. E. Schlossberger, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 3d ed. (Stuttgart: Müller, 1854), pp. 27-28. For examples of doubts, see ibid.; and V. Regnault, ed. A. Strecker, Kurzes Lehrbuch der Chemie (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1851), p. 576.

7. A. Strecker, "Über die künstliche Bildung der Milchsäure und einen neuen, dem Glycocoll homologen Körper," Annalen , 75 (1850), 27-45 (on p. 28); Kolbe, Über die chemische Constitution organischer Verbindungen (Marburg: Elwert, 1858), p. 6.

8. Kolbe, "Über die chemische Constitution der Isäthionsäure und des Taurins," Annalen , 112 (1859), 241-243; idem, "Über die chemische Constitution und künstliche Bildung des Taurins," Annalen , 122 (1862), 33-47.

9. Kolbe, "Über die Rückbildung des Alanins aus Milchsäiure," Annalen , 113 (1860), 220-223.

10. J. Volhard, "Über Sarkosin," Annalen , 123 (1862), 261-265.

11. Kolbe and Schmitt, "Directe Umwandlung der Kohlensäure in Ameisensäure," Annalen , 119 (1861), 251-253.

12. Kolbe and Schmitt, "Rother Farbstoff aus dem Kreosot," Annalen , 119 (1861), 169-172. They had first encountered this reaction in February 1859

(Kolbe's laboratory notebook, unpaginated, SSDM 3812).

13. The anecdote is told by Wilhelm Ostwald, regarding his only conversation with Kolbe, in January 1883: Lebenslinien: Eine Selbstbiographie , 3 vols. (Berlin, 1926-1927), 1 ,190-191. Kolbe "was at that time in his own estimation the decisive personality in chemical affairs not only for Germany, but for the entire world. Accordingly he acted dignified and reserved."

14. Kolbe indicated to Varrentrapp (28 February 1870, VA 266) that a synthesis of indigo had long been his great desire.

15. N. W. Fisher, "Organic Classification Before Kekulé," Ambix , 20 (1973), 106-131, 209-233; M. J. Nye, "Berthelot's Anti-Atomism: A 'Matter of Taste'?" Annals of Science , 31 (1981), 585-590; idem, "Explanation and Convention in Nineteenth-Century Chemistry," in R. Visser, et al., eds., New Trends in the History of Science (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1989), pp. 171-186. Nye's book, From Chemical Philosophy to Theoretical Chemistry: Dynamics of Matter and Dynamics of Discipline, 1800-1950 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1993), treats many of the same issues as this section.

16. Larry Laudan has written a history of the "method of hypothesis" during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: Science and Hypothesis: Historical Essays on Scientific Methodology (Boston: Reidel, 1981); a discussion of this subject specific to chemistry is A. J. Rocke, "Methodology and Its Rhetoric in Nineteenth-Century Chemistry: Induction versus Hypothesis," in Elizabeth Garber, ed., Beyond History of Science: Essays in Honor of Robert E. Schofield (Bethlehem, P.A.: Lehigh Univ. Press, 1990), pp. 137-155.è

17. J. B. Dumas, Leons sur la philosophie chimique , 2d ed. (Paris, 1878), pp. 66-67. (lecture delivered on 23 April 1836). An explicit reference to the predictive function of theories is also contained in his Traité de chimie appliquée aux arts , 8 vols. (Paris, 1828-1846), 5 (1835), 72.

18. L. Pearce Williams, "André-Marie Ampère," Scientific American , January 1989, pp. 90-97:

19. John F. W. Herschel, A Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy (London: Longman, Green, 1830), pp. 29-34, 150, 186-188, and 197-212.

20. Rocke, "Methodology," pp. 149-151.

21. Kenneth Caneva, "From Galvanism to Electrodynamics: The Transformation of German Physics and Its Social Context," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 9 (1978), 63-159, esp. 95-122.

22. Kolbe, "Beiträge zur Kentniss der gepaarten Verbindungen," Annalen , 54 (1845), 145-188 (on pp. 160, 183, and 188).

23. This is a principal thesis of my Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century: From Dalton to Cannizzaro (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1984).

24. For a detailed study exemplifying these trends, see Kathryn M. Olesko, Physics as a Calling: Discipline and Practice in the Königsberg Seminar for Physics (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1991).

25. Today elemental analyses are done by specialized commercial laboratories, not by individual chemists. I also ignore here instrumental methods of analysis developed during the twentieth century, which are indeed based

on high technology, mathematical theory, physical properties and precision measurements. That is a story that does not enter into our narrative.

26. These examples and quotes are taken from John Servos, Physical Chemistry from Ostwald to Pauling: The Making of a Science in America (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1990), pp. 48-51 and 321-324; quotes are from the years 1926-1927.

27. Details of this story can be found in Rocke, Chemical Atomism .

28. Wurtz, in Répertoire de chimie pure , 3 (1861), 419.

29. Hofmann, Introduction to Modern Chemistry (London: Walton and Maberley, 1865), p. v.

30. On Erlenmeyer, see especially Otto Krätz, "Das Portrait: Emil Erlenmeyer, 1825-1909," Chemie in unserer Zeit , 6 (1972), 52-58; idem, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer: Briefe zur Geschichte der chemischen Dokumentation und des chemischen Zeitschriftenwesens (Munich: Fritsch, 1972); and Rita Meyer, "Emil Erlenmeyer (1825-1909) als Chemietheoretiker und sein Beitrag zur Entwicklung der Strukturchemie," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Munich, 1984.

31. Kekulé to Erlenmeyer, 29 January 1859, in Richard Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 1 , 150-151; Kekulé to Erlenmeyer, 6 August 1859, August-Kekulé-Sammlung.

32. Kekulé to Liebig, undated, in Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 130.

33. Erlenmeyer, ZfC , 3 (1860), 1-3. The next year Erlenmeyer noted that the study of chemistry had become "positively fashionable" (ibid., 4 [1861], 217).

34. The originals of these letters do not seem to have survived, but the content is clear from the replies: Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 19 February 1860, and Wurtz to Erlenmeyer, 22 February 1860, Dingler Nachlass.

35. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 19 November and 6 and 11 December 1863, Dingler Nachlass.

36. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 17 December 1863, Dingler Nachlass.

37. Erlenmeyer, Die Aufgabe des chemischen Unterrichts (Munich: Akademie-Verlag, 1871), p. 27.

38. Erlenmeyer, "Vorläufige Notiz über eine etwas abgeänderte Betrachtungsweise der Alkohole und ihrer Derivate," ZfC , 4 (1861), 202-204; ibid., p. 197. In another passage from about this time, Erlenmeyer adds another warning against the effort to judge "the true constitution of a compound" (ibid., pp. 167-168).

39. Erlenmeyer, "Die Theorie," ZfC , 5 (1862), 18-32 (on p. 27-31).

40. A. J. Rocke, "Subatomic Speculations and the Origin of Structure Theory," Ambix , 30 (1983), 1-18.

41. Erlenmeyer, "Bemerkungen zu der vorstehenden Abhandlung [by Heintz]," ZfC , 5 (1862), 218-223.

42. Erlenmeyer, "Vorläufige Notiz über das Verhältniss der Kolbe'schen Betrachtungsweise zu der sog. Typentheorie," ZfC , 6 (1863), 728-735.

43. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 12 February and 22 November 1864, Dingler Nachlass.

44. Krätz, "Erlenmeyer," p. 55; idem, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer , pp. 16-18.

45. Erlenmeyer to Kolbe, 28 June 1871, SSDM 3551.

46. Erlenmeyer, Aufgabe , pp. 26-33.

47. Ibid., p. 32n.

48. Ibid., p. 31.

49. Ibid.

46. Erlenmeyer, Aufgabe , pp. 26-33.

47. Ibid., p. 32n.

48. Ibid., p. 31.

49. Ibid.

46. Erlenmeyer, Aufgabe , pp. 26-33.

47. Ibid., p. 32n.

48. Ibid., p. 31.

49. Ibid.

46. Erlenmeyer, Aufgabe , pp. 26-33.

47. Ibid., p. 32n.

48. Ibid., p. 31.

49. Ibid.

50. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 1 October 1871, VA 268; the article was "Moden der modernen Chemie," JpC , 112 (1871), 241-271.

51. Kolbe to Vieweg, 4 October 1871, VA 269.

52. Kolbe to Volhard, 22 June 1873 and 20 November 1874, SSDM 3662 and 3673.

53. Alexander Vucinich, Science in Russian Culture, 1861-1917 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1970); Nathan M. Brooks, "The Formation of a Community of Chemists in Russia, 1700-1870," Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia Univ., 1990.

54. G. V. Bykov, "A. M. Butlerov," DSB ; A. J. Rocke, "Kekulé, Butlerov, and the Historiography of the Theory of Chemical Structure," British Journal for the History of Science , 14 (1981), 27-57; Brooks, "Formation," pp. 257-281.

55. Jean Jacques, "Boutlerov, Couper et la Société Chimique de Paris (Notes pour servir à l'histoire des théories de la structure chimique)," BSC , 1953 , 528-530.

56. Butlerov, "Einiges über die chemische Structur der Körper," ZfC , 4 (1861), 549-560.

57. Erlenmeyer to Butlerov, 4 May 1862, in G. V. Bykov and L. M. Bekassova, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der Chemie der 60-er Jahre des XIX. Jahrhunderts: I: Briefwechsel zwischen E. Erlenmeyer und A. M. Butlerov," Physis , 8 (1966), 185-198 (on pp. 187-188). Bykov and Bekassova suggest (p. 186) that the two probably first met at Speyer, but this is not consistent with the passage just cited. It is more probable that they first became acquainted when Butlerov visited Heidelberg (twice) in 1857-1858.

58. G. V. Bykov and Z;. I. Sheptunova, "Nemetskii 'Zhurnal khimii' (1858-1871) i russkie khimiki (k istorii khimicheskoi periodiki)," Trudy instituta istorii estestvoznaniia i tekhniki , 30 (1960), 97-110; O. Krätz, "Iwan Turgenjew und die russischen Chemiker in Heidelberg," Chemie in unserer Zeit , 21 (1987), 89-99; idem, "Erlenmeyer," pp. 54-55.

59. For example, Butlerov, "Ueber die Verwandtschaft der mehraffinen Atome," ZfC , 5 (1862), 297-304; idem, "Ueber die verschiedenen Erklärungsweisen einiger Fälle yon Isomerie," ZfC , 6 (1863), 500-534; idem, "Ueber die systematische Anwendung des Princips der Atomigkeit zur Prognose von Isomerie und Metameriefällen," ZfC , 7 (1864), 513-532.

60. Butlerov, "Erklärungsweisen," pp. 501-506 and 509-514; "Systematische Anwendung," p. 513.

61. Ibid., p. 504-505 and 520.

60. Butlerov, "Erklärungsweisen," pp. 501-506 and 509-514; "Systematische Anwendung," p. 513.

61. Ibid., p. 504-505 and 520.

62. Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July 1867, Frankland Archive 01.04.1374.

63. Kekulé, Annalen , 130 (1864), 12; idem, C.r ., 58 (1864), 510.

64. Rocke, "Historiography of Chemical Structure;" C. A. Russell, History of Valency (Leicester: Leicester Univ. Press, 1971).

65. Kekulé to Erlenmeyer, 6 August 1859, and Kekulé to Meyer, 23 Octo-

ber 1860, both in the August-Kekulé-Sammlung, the latter also printed in Anschütz, Kekulé , 1, 204; ibid., p. 290 (citing Kekulé's 1866 benzene theory paper).

66. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 March and 16 October 1860, 9 November 1863, and 15 May 1866, VA 155, 160, 197, and 244.

67. Kekulé, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Salicylsäure und der Benzoësäure," Annalen , 117 (1861), 145-164 (on p. 164).

68. Kekulé, "Zwei Berichtigungen zu Kolbe's Abhandlung: 'Ueber die chemische Constitution der Mellithsäure, des Paramids u.s.w.,'" Annalen , 125 (1863), 375-376; Kolbe, "Constatirung eines Irrthums," Annalen , 126 , 125-126, with editorial note by Kopp.

69. Kolbe, "Vermischte Notizen," Annalen , 113 (1860), 238-244 (on p. 244). The details in this paragraph are derived from Kolbe's explanatory note in his Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Marburg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1865), pp. 109-111.

70. Kekulé, "Elektrolyse zweibasischer Säuren," ZfC , 7 (1864), 293.

71. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 26 May and 2 July 1864, Dingler Nachlass.

72. Kolbe, Laboratorium , pp. 110-111.

73. Albert Ladenburg, Lebenserinnerungen (Breslau: Trewendt & Granier, 1912), pp. 38-39.

74. This thesis is defended in Rocke, "Historiography of Chemical Structure."

75. Kekulé, Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , 2 vols. (Erlangen: Enke, 1859-1866), 2, 244-249 (fascicle written and published in 1864).

76. Wurtz to Butlerov, 19 February 1864, in G. V. Bykov and J. Jacques, "Deux pionniers de la chimie moderne, Adolphe Wurtz et Alexandre M. Boutlerov, d'après une correspondance inédite," Revue d'histoire des sciences , 13 (1960), 115-134 (on pp. 121-122).

77. ibid. Butlerov to Wurtz, no date, but ca. March 1864, in ibid., pp. 123-124.

78. Butlerov, Vvedeniie k polnomu izucheniiu organicheskoi khimii (Kazan, 1864-1866); Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie zur Einführung in das specielle Studium derselben (Leipzig, 1867-1868); Beilstein to Baeyer, 31 January 1864, Baeyer Collection. Butlerov had completed about 100 pages of manuscript by this date and had enlisted Beilstein's help (who was then in Göttingen) to find a German publisher.

79. Butlerov, Lehrbuch , pp. 75-78.

80. Beilstein to Butlerov, 14 December 1862, in Bykov and Bekassova, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der Chemie der 60-er Jahre des XIX. Jahrhunderts: II. F. Beilsteins Briefe an A. M. Butlerov," Physis , 8 (1966), 267-285 (on p. 268).

81. Erlenmeyer to Butlerov, 9 July 1864, in Bykov and Bekassova, "Briefwechsel," p. 192.

11— Leipzig

1. Hubert Kiesewetter, Industrialisierung und Landwirtschaft: Sachsens Stellung im regionalen Industrialisierungsprozess Deutschlands im 19. Jahrhun-

dert (Vienna: Böhlau, 1988), pp. 745-748; idem, Industrielle Revolution in Deutschland 1815-1914 (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1989), pp. 16-19 and 305-314. Kiesewetter rightly stresses that a proper understanding of industrialization in Germany can only be achieved by examining regional differences and especially interregional competition—a point that is paralleled by many aspects of the present work as well.

2. The first, that is, of any economic significance. The Nürnberg-Fürth line in Bavaria was essentially a demonstration project.

3. Helmut Kretzschmar, "Johann Paul von Falkenstein," Neue deutsche Biographie , 5 (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1961), 15-16.

4. The discussion and numerical data in this and the next two paragraphs derive principally from Franz Eulenburg, Die Entwicklung der Universität Leipzig in den letzten hundert Jahren (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1909), pp. 11-19, 35-39, 46-48, 190, and 197.

5. Franz Eulenburg, Die Frequenz der deutschen Universitäten von ihrer Gründung bis zur Gegenwart (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1904), pp. 250ff.

6. Rektor und Senat der Universität Leipzig, ed., Festschrift zur Feier des 500 jährigen Bestehens der Universität Leipzig (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1909), 4 :2, pp. 11-14, 19, and 72; Eulenburg, Leipzig , pp. 146-147.

7. Universität Leipzig, Festschrift , pp. 70-72; Erdmann to Falkenstein, 7 January 1865, in UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 33-44, on ff. 35r-35v. See also C. Jungnickel, "Teaching and Research in the Physical Sciences and Mathematics in Saxony, 1820-1850," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 10 (1979), 3-47.

8. All these details derive from Kolbe's long letter to Varrentrapp of 26 February 1871, VA 267.

9. Universität Leipzig, Festschrift , 4 :2, 85-89, and various other volumes, passim.

10. Joseph Ben-David, The Scientist's Role in Society , 2d ed. (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1984), chap. 7; Avraham Zloczower, Career Opportunities and the Growth of Scientific Discovery in Nineteenth-Century Germany (New York: Arno, 1981).

11. Eulenburg, Universität Leipzig , pp. 141-150; Kretzschmar, "Falkenstein."

12. Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett, 1976); Arleen M. Tuchman, "From the Lecture to the Laboratory: The Institutionalization of Scientific Medicine at the University of Heidelberg," in William Coleman and Frederic L. Holmes, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth-Century Medicine (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1988), pp. 65-99, esp. p. 97, n. 58; Tuchman, "Science, Medicine, and the State: The Institutionalization of Scientific Medicine at the University of Heidelberg," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Wisconsin-Madison, 1985.

13. Theodor Curtius, Geschichte des chemischen Universitäts-Laboratoriums Heidelberg (Heidelberg, 1908), pp. 4-5.

14. In a suggestive and ambitious article, Steven Turner has made an admirable start on the complex goal of analyzing the Prussian case: "Justus

Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry: Reflections on Early Institute-Building in Germany," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 13 (1982), 129-162. On the cost of the Heidelberg lab, see Curtius, p. 14; the cost has been converted from guldens to thalers at the rate of 1.75 guldens per thaler.

15. Erdmann to Falkenstein, 7 January 1865, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 37r-38r; Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany," Isis , 76 (1985), 500-524.

16. For which see Turner, "Institute-Building," pp. 146-147 (above, n. 14).

17. The following discussion of the call of Hofmann to Bonn and Berlin is based on Jonathan Bentley, "Hofmann's Return to Germany from the Royal College of Chemistry," Ambix , 19 (1972), 197-203; Gert Schubring, "The Rise and Decline of the Bonn Natural Sciences Seminar," Osiris , [2] 5 (1989), 57-93; W. H. Brock, ed., Justus von Liebig und August Wilhelm Hofmann in ihren Briefen (1841-1873) (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1984); A. W. Hofmann, The Chemical Laboratories in Course of Erection in the Universities of Bonn and Berlin (London: Clowes, 1866); and Jacob Volhard, August Wilhelm von Hofmann: Ein Lebensbild (Berlin: Friedländer, 1902). However, there are errors and omissions in several of these discussions, and I have tried to determine the most accurate course of events by critical collation and by comparison with a variety of unpublished letters that are not cited by these authors.

18. Bentley, "Return to Germany," pp. 198 and 201-202; Volhard, Hofmann , p. 79; Wöhler to Liebig, 27 March and 25 July 1863, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 132 and 141.

19. Hofmann to Buff, 4 December 1863, in Volhard, Hofmann , p. 81; Kekulé to Beilstein, 2 January 1864, August-Kekulé-Sammlung (reporting on a letter dated 21 December 1863 from Hugo Müller, who had spoken with Hofmann two days earlier).

20. Frankland wrote Kolbe on 22 February 1864, "Hofmann has not yet quite made up his mind, but I think there is little doubt that he will go to Berlin, in which case you must of course go to Bonn" (SSDM 3563); Kolbe reported to Vieweg on 22 June that Hofmann had officially accepted the Berlin offer (VA 206).

21. This reported by Kolbe in letters to Vieweg of 22 June 1864 and undated (but datable to 16 July 1865), VA 206 and 232. The latter letter cites a conversation Kolbe had with Kultusminister Olshausen as the source, so it must be regarded as more than mere rumor. Nonetheless, it appears Hofmann kept this detail confidential, for the Bonn succession was the subject of much impatient gossip in chemists' correspondence during 1864, 1865, and 1866.

22. Hofmann, Laboratories , p. 52; Volhard, Hofmann , p. 195; Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), p. xix n.

23. Kolbe to Vieweg, 19 April 1865, VA 223.

24. Kolbe to Vieweg, 31 August and 1 October 1865, and 9 July 1866, VA 234, 237, and 246; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 26 March 1868, Dingler Nachlass. Regarding the Bonn lab, "Es wird ein chemischer Palast, und hat alle meine Erwartungen übertroffen. Er [Hofmann] weiss nicht, ob er Berlin oder Bonn wählen soll." (VA 234) The lab is "etwas zu luxuriös und weitläufig eingerich-

tet." (Kolbe to Vieweg, 15 September 1865, VA 235.) To Hofmann, he declared that he would have nothing to change were he to come to Bonn: letter of 14 January 1867, Chemiker-Briefe.

25. Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany."

26. Kolbe to Vieweg, 25 April 1863, 21 and 26 February, 2 March, and 22 June 1864, VA 191, 199, 200, 201, and 206; Kolbe to Frankland, 24 February and no date (but datable to ca. 27 October 1864), Frankland Archive 01.02.1511 and 01.04.84. The translated phrases in quotation marks are from VA 201 and 206.

27. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 July 1864, VA 207; Kekulé to Baeyer, 16 March 1865, August-Kekulé-Sammlung (latter also printed in Richard Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. [Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929], 1 , 366-367); Kolbe to Hofmann, 14 January 1867, Chemiker-Briefe.

28. Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 November 1863, VA 197; Kolbe to Frankland, 5 February 1864, Frankland Archive 01.02.1497.

29. This story was related to Baeyer by Kekulé, who had it from Müller, who had it from Hofmann, who described the conversation (in Berlin in early 1865) but refused to identify his interlocutor: Kekulé to Baeyer, 16 March 1865, August-Kekulé-Sammlung; also in Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 366-367.

30. Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July 1867, Frankland Archive 01.04.1374; Kolbe to Hofmann, 27 October 1866, Chemiker-Briefe. In the latter letter, Kolbe indicated to Hofmann, for whatever use he wanted to make of the information, that he could be lured from Leipzig by an offer of a new large laboratory.

31. Kolbe to Hofmann, 30 June 1867, Chemiker-Briefe.

32. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 369-373.

33. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 11 June 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 22-24.

34. ibid. Wagner to Falkenstein, 10 June 1864, ibid., f. 21. This argument was only implied, not developed explicitly.

33. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 11 June 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 22-24.

34. ibid. Wagner to Falkenstein, 10 June 1864, ibid., f. 21. This argument was only implied, not developed explicitly.

35. On Hirzel and Knop, see especially Poggendorff and the Neue deutsche Biographie . On the Möckern experiment station, see Mark Finlay, "The German Agricultural Experiment Stations," Agricultural History , 62 (1988), 41-50; idem, "Wissenschaft und Praxis in der deutschen Landwirtschaft: Justus von Liebig, Hermann von Liebig, und die landwirtschaftlichen Versuchsstationen," Zeitschrift für Agrargeschichte und Agrarsoziologie , in press; and Ursula Schling-Brodersen, "Entwicklung und Institutionalisierung der Agrikulturchemie im 19. Jahrhundert: Liebig und die landwirtschaftlichen Versuchsstationen," Ph.D. dissertation, Technische Universität Braunschweig, 1988.

36. Falkenstein to Medical Faculty, 9 December 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 26-28.

37. ibid. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 24 January 1865, ibid., ff. 45-61; Wagner to Falkenstein, no date, ibid., f. 31; Erdmann to Falkenstein, 7 January 1865, ibid., ff. 33-44; Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, no date, ibid., ff. 29-30.

36. Falkenstein to Medical Faculty, 9 December 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 26-28.

38. Erdmann to Falkenstein, ibid., f. 37r-37v: "'Bekommen Sie denn nicht Alles was Sie beantragen?'"

39. Ibid., ff. 41v-42r.

38. Erdmann to Falkenstein, ibid., f. 37r-37v: "'Bekommen Sie denn nicht Alles was Sie beantragen?'"

39. Ibid., ff. 41v-42r.

40. Falkenstein to Medical Faculty, 28 April 1865, ibid., ff. 62-68.

41. ''. . . und mag nicht unterlassen, hierbei unter Anderen auf den Professor Kolbe in Marburg, der von mehreren sachkundigen Männern Ihm [dem Ministerium] empfohlen worden ist, aufmerksam zu machen." Ibid., ff. 67v-68r; these are the last words of Falkenstein's directive. Timothy Lenoir has given another reading to Falkenstein's memo in his "Science for the Clinic: Science Policy and the Formation of Carl Ludwig's Institute in Leipzig," in Coleman and Holmes, eds., Investigative Enterprise , pp. 139-178 (on p. 166-169). Contrary to Lenoir, however, Falkenstein barely mentions agricultural chemistry, makes no references to limitations of resources (quite the contrary), and only once in the scores of pages of this series of memos refers vaguely to "dieses für das gesammte wissenschaftliche und praktische Leben, zumal in einem Staate wie Sachsen hochwichtigen Unterrichtszweiges" (f. 65r). Nor could Falkenstein have intended to have suggested Kolbe's name as one who would directly contribute to the Saxon chemical industry, for (among other reasons) Kolbe was known at this time as an intensely theoretically inclined chemist, and there was no indication that his orientation might change in the future. In short, the model of state socioeconomic interest as guiding the Kolbe call, which was Lenoir's theme, does not survive close inspection. I doubt if any of Falkenstein's calls will be found to fit this model, except in the very indirect and long-term sense which I argue in the first section of this chapter. State interest was operating here and strongly so, but it was state interest in achieving academic excellence, not immediate economic payoff.

42. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 31 May 1865, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, f. 69; Philosophical Faculty to Falkenstein, 13 June 1865, UAL, PA 645, and UAL, Phil. Fac., 82, pp. 330-332; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 June 1865, VA 226, regarding Erdmann's letter, just received.

43. Ludwig also told Kolbe that confidential inquiries regarding Kolbe had already been made in Marburg, and favorably answered, and that Ludwig was doing his best to advance Kolbe's candidacy. Since neither Kolbe's nor Kekulé's names ever came up in the internal deliberations of the Medical Faculty, Falkenstein must have been making independent inquiries. The Dekan of the Philosophical Faculty must also have been involved since Ludwig added that his favorite candidate was Kekulé. (I have found no documentation in the Leipzig Universitätsarchiv on these questions.) All this was related in Kolbe's letter to Vieweg of 8 February 1865, VA 217, regarding Ludwig's letter received the day before.

44. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 February 1865, VA 217; Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 February and 1 June 1865, VA 219 and 226.

45. Kolbe to Vieweg, 5 June 1865 and no date (but datable to 16 July 1865), VA 227 and 232.

46. HSA, 305a . AIV 4b., Nr. 94.

47. Kolbe to Vieweg, 25 June, 8 and 16 July, [1] and 31 August, 15 September, 1 October, and 7 November 1865, VA 229, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 237, and 236; Kolbe to Liebig, 26 July 1865, Liebigiana IIB; Liebig to Kolbe, 31 July 1865, SSDM 3609; Kolbe to Volhard, 11 August 1865, SSDM 3654; Kolbe to Frankland, 21 September 1865, Frankland Archive 01.02.1480; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 11 August 1865, Dingler Nachlass. The sticking point in

the negotiations was the new laboratory. Kolbe averred to Vieweg (VA 229) that even if he failed to get the new lab, he would accept the call as a means of escaping Marburg, but would then feel free to accept the subsequent expected call to Bonn. On the other hand, if a new lab came with the Leipzig call, he would feel obliged to refuse the Bonn offer. As it turned out, he got the lab in Leipzig and yet very nearly also accepted the call to Bonn, only refusing because the Bonn lab was to be shared with Landolt.

48. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 October, 7 November and 23 December 1865, VA 237, 236, and 238; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 11 August 1865 and 25 February 1866, Dingler Nachlass; Kolbe to Hofmann, 3 June 1866, Chemiker-Briefe.

49. Kolbe to Vieweg, no date (1 August 1865), 23 and 30 December 1865, 5 May, 9 July, and 28 October 1866, VA 233, 238, 239, 243, 246, and 248.

50. This is equal to 70 by 72 meters.

51. Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July 1867, Frankland Archive 01.04.1374; Kolbe to Liebig, 3 March 1867, Liebigiana IIB; Wilhelm Strube, "Hermann Kolbe (1818-1884)," in Gerhard Harig, ed., Bedeutende Gelehrte in Leipzig , 2 vols. (Leipzig: Karl-Marx-Universität, 1965), 2 , 25-35; Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), pp. xvxx. Other sources for the history of chemistry at the University of Leipzig are Wilhelm Treibs, "Zur Geschichte der Entwicklung der Chemie an der Universität Leipzig," in Ernst Engelberg et al., eds., Karl-Marx-Universität Leipzig 1409-1959: Beiträge zur Universitätsgeschichte , 2 vols. (Leipzig: Verlag Enzyklopädie, 1959), 1 , 464-480; and Burckhardt Helferich, Das Studium der Chemie an der Universität Leipzig (Leipzig: Lorentz, 1932).

52. The following description of Kolbe's institute building is based on his lengthy depictions in Das neue chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1868); on Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), pp. xv-xxxiii and plates; on Kolbe to Volhard, 16 May 1873, SSDM 3663; and on Festschrift der Universität Leipzig , 4 :2, 70-84.

53. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium , p. xviii. There are no surviving 'statistics or class lists in the archives of the University of Leipzig, so the sort of analysis carried out in chap. 9 for the case of Marburg is not possible here. On Kolbe's enrollments in summer semester 1866 and summer semester 1867, see Kolbe to Vieweg, 5 May 1866, VA 243, and Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July 1867, Frankland Archive 01.04.1374.

54. Kolbe to Vieweg, 19 July and 8 November 1869, 1 May and 10 and 23 October 1872, VA 258, 263, 280, 292, and 296; Kolbe to Frankland, 1 May and 8 November 1872, Frankland Archive 01.03.593 and 01.03.704; Kolbe to Liebig, 15 December 1869, 1 January and 29 November 1872, Liebigiana IIB. The story sometimes appears in the Kolbe literature that Liebig had warned Kolbe that he was planning far too large an institute. Liebig simply asserted in this letter (25 December 1872), which I have not found in original but is excerpted in Ost, HK, p. 128, that one cannot effectively teach so many Praktikanten at once.

55. Kolbe to Liebig, 29 November 1872, Liebigiana IIB.

56. Kolbe to Liebig, 23 February 1873, ibid; Kolbe to Frankland, 1 January 1873, 20 March and 19 December 1877, Frankland Archive 01.03.604, 01.02.1411, and 01.04.1506; Kolbe to Volhard, 28 September 1873, SSDM 3664.

57. Kolbe to Wöhler, 4 November 1881, Wöhler Nachlass; Ost, HK, p. 133.

58. Eulenburg, Universität Leipzig , pp. 112-113.

59. On the lab budget, see Festschrift , 4 :2, 84, and Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xlii; on Kolbe's income, see his letter to Volhard of 16 May 1873, SSDM 3663. In addition to his salary of 2000 thalers (which did in effect represent a raise since after 1868 he no longer paid rent for his residence), he was making "somewhat more than 5000 thalers per year" in honoraria and an additional 500 or 600 from examination and promotion fees. Kolbe's frankness to Volhard was because Volhard was gathering information regarding a possible call for Kolbe to Munich as Liebig's successor. Kolbe's honorarium total is consistent with the supposition that he kept his charges the same as at Marburg, namely, 11 and 22 thalers for the part- and full-day Praktika, respectively, and 6 and 8 thalers for four- and six-hour lecture courses, respectively.

60. Wislicenus to Kolbe, 7 June 1874, SSDM 3549; Volhard to Kolbe, 30 December 1877, SSDM 3515.

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii.

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii.

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii.

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii.

65. Frankland to Kolbe, 1 January 1873, SSDM 3567.

66. Classic and recent writings on these issues include L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry During the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958); John Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1959); D. H. Wilcox, "Kekulé and the Dye Industry," in O. T. Benfey, ed., Kekulé Centennial (Washington, D.C.: American Chemical Society, 1966), pp. 24-71; Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden ; G. Meyer-Thurow, "The Industrialization of Invention: A Case Study from the German Chemical Industry," Isis , 73 (1982), 363-381; and A. S. Travis, The Rainbow Makers: The Origins of the Synthetic Dyestuffs Industry in Western Europe (Bethlehem, P.A.: Lehigh Univ. Press, 1993). I thank Dr. Travis for sharing with me the manuscript of chap. 3 of this work.

67. UAL, Phil. Fac., B 128.

68. Verzeichniss der . . . auf der Universität Leipzig zu haltenden Vorlesungen (Leipzig: Edelmann, various years).

69. Carl Graebe, then Privatdozent, wrote Carl Liebermann that 36 of Kolbe's 130 Praktikanten were full-day workers. He added that his own lecture course on organic chemistry was drawing 40 students: Graebe to Liebermann, 7 November 1869, SSDM 1933/1, cited by Elisabeth Vaupel, "Carl Graebe (1841-1927)—Leben, Werk und Wirken," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Munich, 1987, p. 189. Graebe had worked in Kolbe's Marburg lab in 1862. In another letter, he remarked on his friendly relations with Kolbe, but "I will not

come with him into a closer relationship, as this is too little in his nature" (Graebe to his parents, 24 November 1869, SSDM 1933-78/14, cited in Vaupel, "Carl Graebe," p. 189).

70. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xl-xli. Exceptions to this generalization were during the three peak semesters of 1872-1874 when 40 students were entrusted completely to assistants, and during some isolated semesters in the late 1870s and early 1880s when Kolbe was too ill to work in the lab regularly.

71. Ibid., pp. vii and xl.

72. Ernst von Meyer, Lebenserinnerungen (n.p., n.d., privately printed ca. 1918), passim. As assistant, Meyer lived in the same building as the Kolbe family; he and Johanna had been playing chamber music together since shortly after their first meeting in 1866. Meyer's relationship with "Vater Kolbe" was extraordinarily cordial and remained undisturbed by Kolbe's increasingly intemperate conduct toward his professional peers. Meyer was inducted into modern structural chemistry by Carl Graebe, who served for one semester (winter 1869/70) as Privatdozent in Leipzig.

73. See discussion of these events, with citations to the literature, in chap. 10.

74. Beilstein to Butlerov, 24 November 1866, in G. V. Bykov and L. M. Bekassova, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der Chemie der 60er Jahre des XIX. Jahrhunderts. II. F. Beilsteins Briefe an A. M. Butlerov," Physis , 8 (1966), 267-285 (on p. 280).

75. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 256-261.

76. Beilstein to Butlerov, 24 November 1866, in Bykov and Bekassova, "Beiträge," p. 281 (see n. 74).

77. On this tradition, see Otto Krätz, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer: Briefe zur Geschichte der chemischen Dokumentation und des chemischen Zeitschriftenwesens (Munich: Fritsch, 1972), p. 18n. and passim.

78. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 15 March 1864, Dingler Nachlass. The content of Erlenmeyer's letter to Kolbe, which does not appear to have survived, may be inferred from Kolbe's words.

79. Krätz, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer, " p. 17n. (above, n. 77).

80. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 20 October and 22 November 1864, Dingler Nachlass; Kolbe to Vieweg, 14 November 1864 and 8 February 1865, VA 212 and 217. Erlenmeyer wanted an annual guaranteed honorarium of 1000 florins, equal to about 570 thalers (letter of 20 October).

81. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 15 March and 11 December 1864, Dingler Nachlass.

82. For these events, see Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 404-409, and Krätz, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer , passim.

83. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 10, 21, and 27 October 1879, VA 260, 262, and 261; quote is from the last of these. Considering that in 1864 Eduard Vieweg had turned Erlenmeyer down chiefly because of his request for an honorarium of 570 thalers, it is not surprising that five years later Heinrich Vieweg balked at the prospect of paying 600 thalers per year.

84. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 21 and 27 October 1869, VA 262 and 261.

85. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 8 November 1869 and 17 January 1870, VA 263 and 265.

12— Aromatic Chemistry

1. A. W. Hofmann, "Chemische Untersuchung der organischen Basen im Steinkohlen-Theerö1," Annalen , 47 (1843), 37-87.

2. Hofmann, "On Insolinic Acid," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 8 (1855), 1-3.

3. See Richard Anschütz' discussion, in his August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 1 , 296-305. It is known that Kekulé had read, and disapproved of, the work of both men.

4. Kolbe to Frankland, 3 and 17 March 1852, Frankland Archive 01.08.604 and 01.08.610; Kolbe, "Über Synthese der Salicylsäure," Annalen , 113 (1859), 125-127.

5. B. W. Gerland, "Über Anthranilsäure, Benzaminsäure, und Carbanilidsäure," Annalen , 86 (1853), 143-156, the work having been done "auf den Rath und unter der Leitung von" Kolbe; note by Kolbe, ibid., pp. 148-149.

6. Gerland, "Über Benzaminsäure," Annalen , 91 (1854), 185-198 (on p. 194). We may presume this was Gerland's idea because Schmitt, no doubt reflecting his teacher's view, still expressed faith in the earlier hypothesis in his paper "Vorläufige Notiz über die Einwirkung der salpetrigen Säure auf Sulfanilidsäure," Annalen , 112 (1859), 118-121.

7. Schmitt, "Vorläufige Notiz"; Kolbe and Lautemann, "Über die Constitution und Basicität der Salicylsäure," Annalen , 115 (1860), 157-206. Lautemann was at work on the project at least as early as 1859, for Kolbe mentions this in his ''Synthese der Salicylsäure," p. 127.

8. Kolbe, "Synthese der Salicylsäure."

9. Ibid.

10. ibid. This is clear from the language in ibid., and also from a statement in Schmitt's paper "Über die Umwandlung der Weinsäure und Apfelsäure in Bernsteinsäure," Annalen , 114 (1860), 106-111 (on p. 111), paper dated 10 March 1860.

8. Kolbe, "Synthese der Salicylsäure."

9. Ibid.

8. Kolbe, "Synthese der Salicylsäure."

9. Ibid.

11. Kolbe and Lautemann, "Über die Constitution and Basicität der Salicylsäure," Annalen 115 (1860), 157-206 (on pp. 158 and 161-163). The matter in parentheses is discussed in chap. 9.

12. Ibid., pp. 168-171; Kolbe to Liebig, 16 April 1860, Liebigiana IIB. Modern chemists consider benzyl alcohol to be C 6 H 5 CH 2 OH and cresol to be HOC 6 H 4 CH 3 ; "benzyl" in modem vocabulary is C 6 H 5 CH 2 -, not C 6 H 5 as for Kolbe.

11. Kolbe and Lautemann, "Über die Constitution and Basicität der Salicylsäure," Annalen 115 (1860), 157-206 (on pp. 158 and 161-163). The matter in parentheses is discussed in chap. 9.

13. Warren De La Rue and Hugo Müller, "On Some Products of the Action of Dilute Nitric Acid on Some Hydrocarbons of the Benzol Series," JCS , 14 (1861), 54-57; Müller to Kekulé, 15 February 1861, August-Kekulé-Sammlung.

14. August Kekulé, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Salicylsäure und der Benzoësäure," Annalen , 117 (1861), 145-164 (on pp. 161-164).

15. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 77, 82, 124, and 177-182; 2 , 141, 145-146, and 162-186. For a historical discussion and analysis of these events, see A. J. Rocke, "Hypothesis and Experiment in the Early Development of Kekulé's Benzene Theory," Annals of Science , 42 (1985), 355-381, esp. pp. 364-368.

16. Kolbe notebook, December 1860, unpaginated, SSDM 3812; Kolbe to Liebig, 21 February and 7 May 1861, Liebigiana IIB; Kolbe to Vieweg, 30 March 1861, VA 167; Kolbe, "Über die Einführung von Wasserstoff in organische Verbindungen und die Umwandlung der Salicylsäure in Galussäure," Annalen , 118 (1861), 122-124.

17. Liebig to Kolbe, 1 March 1861, SSDM 3605.

18. Kolbe and Lautemann, "Salicylsäure," pp. 187-190.

19. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Marburg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1865), pp. 174-175n.

20. S. Cannizzaro, "Über die Zersetzung der Salylsäure durch Aetzbaryt," Annalen , Suppl.-Bd. 1 (1861), 274; R. Fittig, "Über die Oxydationsproducte des Toluols durch verdünnte Salpetersäure," Annalen , 120 (1861), 214-226 (on pp. 222-223); J. Wilbrand and F. Beilstein, "Über eine neue Reihe isomerer Verbindungen der Benzoëgruppe—Nitrodracylsäure und deren Derivate," Annalen , 128 (1863), 257-273 (on p. 273); E. Reichenbach and Beilstein, ''Untersuchungen über isomerie in der Benzoëreihe," Annalen , 132 (1864), 137-155 (on p. 152); idem, "Dritte Abhandlung. Über die Natur der sogenannten Salylsäure," Annalen , 132 (1864), 309-321 (on p. 311).

21. Kolbe, "Bemerkungen zu vorstehenden Abhandlungen," Annalen , 127 (1863), 159-161; Max Herrmann, "Über die Einwirkung des nascirenden Wasserstoffs auf Benzoësäure," Annalen , 132 (1864), 75-82; idem, "Über die Veränderungen, welche die Hippursäure in saurer Lösung durch nascirenden Wasserstoff erleidet," Annalen , 133 (1865), 335-338.

22. Kolbe, Laboratorium , pp. 169n. and 174-175n.

23. C. Saytseff, "Über Paraoxybenzoësäure" Annalen , 127 (1863), 129-137. Zaitsev had been a student of A. M. Butlerov, who had urged him to study with Kolbe. Although I know of no direct personal relationship between the two men, Butlerov clearly respected Kolbe's work and regarded it as structural in orientation. He may have preferred to send students to Kolbe because he was constantly feuding with Kekulé in these years.

24. G. Fischer, "Über Paranitrobenzoësäure" Annalen , 127 (1863), 137-149. Fischer, who was from Frankfurt/Main, was in Kolbe's lab in winter semester 1862/63, when he was already Ph.D., and later worked with Rudolf Schmitt in Dresden: JpC , 127 (1879), 318n. I know nothing else about him.

25. Wilbrand and Beilstein, "Nitrodracylsäure," p. 269; H. Hlasiwetz and L. Barth, "Über einen neuen, dem Orcin homologen Körper," Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften , Wien, 49 :2 (1864), 203-207; N. Sokolov, "Über die Salze der b -Nitrobenzoësäure," JpC , 93 (1864), 425-492; Beilstein and F. Schlun, "Vierte Abhandlung: Über die isomeren Chlorbenzoësäuren," Annalen , 133 (1865), 239-252.

26. Fischer, "Paranitrobenzoësäure," p. 149; Kolbe, Laboratorium , p. 175n.

27. For citations and a detailed discussion, see Rocke, "Kekulé's Benzene Theory" (see n. 15).

28. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 25 February 1865, Dingler Nachlass. That Kolbe did not mean this phrase to be complimentary is indicated by his remark to Frankland the following year, playing again on an equestrian figure: Kekulé's "imagination bolted with his understanding long ago" (Kolbe to Frankland, 23 July 1866, Frankland Archive 01.02.1505).

29. Rocke, "Kekulé's Benzene Theory," pp. 373-377.

30. Ladenburg, "Über das Mesitylen," Berichte , 7 (1874), 1133-1137; idem, Theorie der aromatischen Verbindungen (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1876), pp. 1 and 28; Kolbe, "Über eine neue Darstellungsmethode und einige bemerkenswerthe Eigenschaften der Salicylsäure," JpC , 118 (1874), 89-112 (on p. 90). See Rocke, "Kekulé's Benzene Theory," and Rocke, "Kekulé's Benzene Theory and the Appraisal of Scientific Theories,'' in A. Donovan, L. Laudan, and R. Laudan, eds., Scrutinizing Science: Empirical Studies of Scientific Change (Boston: Kluwer, 1988), pp. 145-161.

31. Kolbe, "Über Ätherschwefelsäuren und ätherschweflige Säuren," Annalen , 143 (1867), 64-72. In this article, Kolbe coined and introduced the word "Alkyl," a contraction of "Alkoholradikal."

32. Kolbe, Über die chemische Constitution der organischen Kohlenwasserstoffe (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1869), p. 5.

33. Ibid., pp. 9-12; Kolbe, Kurzes Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1883), pp. 365-368. Kolbe had coined the word "methine" to apply to (CH)'" earlier that year; it is still used today by organic chemists with that denotation.

32. Kolbe, Über die chemische Constitution der organischen Kohlenwasserstoffe (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1869), p. 5.

34. Rocke, "Appraisal of Scientific Theories" (see n. 30). In this article I characterized Kolbe's theory, I now believe erroneously, as a noncyclohexamethine theory.

35. Adolf Claus, Theoretische Betrachtungen und deren Anwendung zur Systematik der organischen Chemie (Freiburg: Pappen, 1866), p. 208.

36. Claus, "Über die chemische Constitution der Diglycolsäure und der Glycolamidsäuren," JpC , 111 (1871), 123-127.

37. It could be that Claus recognized the identity of his and Kolbe's benzene formula, but regarded a priority claim as unfruitful for a question so murky. Considering that Claus later argued that his conception of benzene was not in fact a "diagonal" interpretation but rather the same as the much more empirically justified "centric" formula, it may also be that he did not view his and Kolbe's formulas as identical.

38. Kolbe, JpC , 111 (1871), pp. 124n. and 134.

39. Kolbe, Kurzes Lehrbuch , pp. 373-376.

40. Kolbe, Constitution , pp. 11-22; Kurzes Lehrbuch , pp. 367-376.

41. Kolbe, Constitution , p. 15.

42. Kolbe to Hofmann, 14 December 1868, Chemiker-Briefe; Kolbe to Liebig, 2 February 1869, Liebigiana IIB.

43. C. Glaser, "Über die Constitution einiger Zimmtsäurederivate," ZfC , 12 (1869), 111-113; Kolbe, "Bemerkungen zu Glaser's Abhandlung, ZfC , 12 (1869), 160.

44. H. E. Armstrong, "The Riddle of Benzene: August Kekulé," Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry , 48 (1929), 914-918 (on p. 914); H. E. Armstrong to Richard Armstrong, 6 February 1870, quoted in J. Vargas Eyre, Henry Edward Armstrong (London: Butterworths, 1958), pp. 51-52 ("my views are diametrically opposite to Kolbe's").

45. Lothar Meyer, Die modernen Theorien der Chemie , 4th ed. (Breslau: Maruschke & Berendt, 1880), p. 263; R. Meyer, Erlenmeyers Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie , Abt. II: Die Aromatische Verbindungen (Leipzig: Winter, 1883-1894), pp. 87ff.; Kekulé, "Zur Geschichte der Benzoltheorie," unpubl. MS (1883), first printed in Richard Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 1, 548. Kekulé also pointed out, as I have above, that Kolbe's benzene formula is structurally equivalent to Claus' diagonal formula, "which is now recognized to be untenable" (ibid., p. 544).

46. Kolbe, "Vorläufige Mittheilung," JpC , 116 (1873), 41-42; idem, "Synthese der Paraoxybenzoësäure," JpC , 116 (1873), p. 336; idem, "Über eine neue Darstellungsmethode und einige bemerkenswerthe Eigenschaften der Salicylsäure,'' JpC , 118 (1874), 89-112.

47. Kolbe, "Über die chemische Natur der Salylsäure," JpC , 120 (1875), 151-157. That the crucial test was devised and performed in June 1873 is indicated in Kolbe's letter to Volhard, 22 June 1873, SSDM 3662 (where the quoted phrase is found).

48. Kolbe, "Chemischer Rückblick auf das Jahr 1874," JpC , 118 (1874), 449-456 (on p. 451-453); Ost, "Über das Verhalten der Chlorsalylsäure, Salicylsäure und Paraoxybenzoësäure gegen schmelzende Alkalien," JpC , 119 (1875), 385-401.

49. Kolbe to Bertha Ost, no date, DM 6803; Kolbe to B. Ost, 4 July [ 1880], DM 6804.

50. Kolbe to Volhard, 28 September 1873, SSDM 3664. How this view of salylic acid can be reconciled with his crucial test of Beilstein's hypothesis performed three months earlier, and which he regarded then as "unambiguous proof" of the compound's nonexistence, is unclear to me.

51. Kolbe to Volhard, 5 October 1873, SSDM 3665; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 8 October 1873, VA 315.

52. Kolbe, "Vorläufige Mittheilung" (30 November 1873).

53. In a letter to Volhard of 25 December 1881 (SSDM 3685), Kolbe was still very optimistic that he could identify the pure compound. A letter from Kolbe's assistant G. Schmidt dated 13 March 1884 and sent to his vacation resort on the Italian Riviera (SSDM 3807) reports a number of unsuccessful experiments on this subject. Schmidt concluded that either salylic converts readily to benzoic acid at room temperature or Beilstein was right all along and salylic acid is simply impure benzoic acid.

54. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 1 January 1874, 11 March and 17 July 1875, VA 316, 326, and 332; Kolbe to Frankland; 1 January 1874, Frankland Archive 01.03.604; Ernst von Meyer, Lebenserinnerungen (n.p., n.d., ca. 1918), pp.

55. Wilhelm Vershofen, Wirtschaftsgeschichte der chemisch-pharmazeutischen Industrie: Eine wirtschaftshistorische Studie , 3 vols. (Aulendorf: Cantor, 1949-1958), 3 , 52.

56. Kolbe's expected production cost is mentioned in Kolbe to Frankland, 1 January 1874 (Frankland Archive 01.03.604); retail price is mentioned in JpC , 119 (1875), 219. By 1878 the price had dropped to around 2½ thalers per pound (Schlenk, Fabrik , p. 25). For the sake of comparison, commercial grade salicylic acid today (1990) sells at retail for about $7 per pound.

57. A London entrepreneur attempted to evade fees by patenting the novel process in England and licensing production to Merck in Darmstadt, the product then being imported and sold in England. Kolbe and Heyden sought an injunction, which was granted; Armstrong's testimony for the plaintiffs then won the appeal. Merck had been selling salicylic acid in England at 7s. 6d. (equivalent to around two thalers) per pound. See Law Times Reports , 42 (8 May 1880), 300-303.

58. All of this is related in Kolbe's letter to Frankland of 15 November 1878 and 3 May 1879 (Frankland Archive 01.04.381 and 01.07.357); see also Heyden's appreciative letter to Frankland, 26 November 1878 (Frankland Archive 01.04.0386). The Prussian litigation was with E. Schering's firm in Berlin; both sides publicized their dispute in pamphlets published in 1876 and 1877. See Vershofen, Wirtschaftsgeschichte , 3 , 25-26; Schlenk, Fabrik , p. 25; and Kolbe to Varrentrapp, no date (but ca. 11 April 1875), VA 327.

59. R. Schmitt, "Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Kolbe'schen Salicylsäure-Synthese," JpC , 139 (1885), 397-411.

60. Kolbe, "Eigenschaften der Salicylsäure"; "Weitere Mittheilungen über Wirkungen der Salicylsäure," JpC , 119 (1875), 9-23; idem, "Ist anhaltender Genuss kleiner Mengen Salicylsäure der Gesundheit nachtheilig?" JpC , 125 (1878), 347-350; Kolbe to Vieweg, 12 and 15 October 1878, VA 421 and 422 (quoted passage from VA 421). A gram of salicylic acid is equivalent to about three modern aspirin tablets. Kolbe's habit may well have lengthened his life, if one makes the likely assumption that salicylic acid shares aspirin's anticoagulant properties. Seven years after beginning this daily habit, Kolbe died of a heart attack caused by severe atherosclerosis.

61. Kolbe, "Bemerkenswerthe Eigenschaften," pp. 108-111; "Weitere Mittheilungen," p. 18; Meyer and Kolbe, "Versuche über die gährungshem-mende Wirkungen der Salicylsäure und andere aromatischen Säuren," JpC , 120 (1875), 133-151; idem, "Über die antiseptischen Wirkungen der Salicylsäure und Benzoësäure in Bierwürze und Harn," JpC , 120 (1875), pp. 178-203; Kolbe, ''Chemische Winke für praktische Verwendungen der Salicylsäure," JpC , 121 (1876), 106-120; idem, "Zerstörende Wirkung der Holzsubstanz auf Salicylsäure," JpC , 129 (1880), 443-447 and 130 , 112; idem, "Antiseptische Eigenschaften der Kohlensäure," JpC , 134 (1882), 249-255. Otto

Krätz reproduces extensive excerpts on this subject from Kolbe's laboratory notebooks from the years 1874-1880 in his Historische chemische und physikalische Versuche (Cologne: Aulis Verlag Deubner, 1979), pp. 198-201.

62. Ost, HK, p. 130.

63. Carl Thiersch, "Klinische Ergebnisse der Lister'schen Wundbehandlung und über den Ersatz der Carbolsäure durch Salicylsäure," Volkmann's Sammlung , nos. 84 and 85, 1875.

64. Kolbe, "Bemerkenswerthe Eigenschaften," pp. 111-112; "Weitere Mittheilungen," p. 19; "Weitere Mittheilungen über Wirkungen der Salicylsäure," JpC , 119 (1875), pp. 213-215; Kolbe to Pettenkofer, 26 March, 20 November, and 26 December 1874, Pettenkoferiana II 2, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 3 August 1874, VA 322.

65. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 10 August and 9 October 1875, VA 333 and 334.

66. W. Walter Cheyne, Antiseptic Surgery: Its Principles, Practice, History and Results (London: Smith, Elder, 1882), pp. 136-139 and 404; Just Lucas-Charbonnière, Antiseptic Surgery , 2d ed. (Portland: Loring Short & Harmon, 1881), pp. 227-228.

67. Jan R. McTavish, "Aspirin in Germany: The Pharmaceutical Industry and the Pharmaceutical Profession," Pharmacy in History , 29 (1987), 103-115.

13— Life and Work in Leipzig

1. A more literal translation might be "bright-born merry children of Jove": UAL, PA 515, f. 3r and 3v, no date, but ca. 29 August 1868; if this is a literary allusion I have not traced it. The document is Erdmann's favorable certification of Graebe's Habilitationsschrift for the University of Leipzig. Erdmann disapproved of Graebe's structural formulas, but thought that such a good chemist as he had proven himself to be would with time be healed of this unfortunate speculative tendency. Kolbe's certificate of approval (ibid., f. 2v) expressed similar thoughts. I thank Dr. E. Vaupel for drawing my attention to these documents.

2. He appeared to concede the issue in E. Frankland and B. F. Duppa, "Synthetische Untersuchungen über Aether," ZfC , 11 (1868), 60-64 (on p. 63); however, as late as 1877 he was still hedging his bets: Experimental Researches in Pure, Applied, and Physical Chemistry (London: van Voorst, 1877), p. 65. The same ambivalence is found in his letter to Kolbe of 3 December 1871, SSDM 3566, where he writes, "I am quite certain you will never make an Isomalonic acid, unless the 4 bonds of carbon have different values in which case you may get a dozen."

3. Kolbe to Frankland, no date (but ca. 27 October 1864), Frankland Archive 01.04.84.

4. This assumption underlay a great deal of Kolbe's work in predicting new isomers and interpreting existing ones. It was made explicit in his Kurzes Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1883), pp. 6-7.

5. Kolbe, "Chemische Constitution des Benzols und Phenols und einiger Derivate derselben," JpC , 122 (1876), 347-355 (on p. 347).

6. Frankland, "On the Synthesis of Diethoxalic Acid," Proceedings of the

Royal Society , 12 (1863), 396; Frankland and Duppa, "Synthesis of Butyric and Caproic Ethers from Acetic Ether," Proceedings of the Royal Society , 14 (1865), 198-204; "Synthetical Researches on Ethers. No. 2. Action of Sodium and Isopropylic Iodide upon Ethylic Acetate," JCS , 20 (1867), 102-116.

7. Frankland and Duppa, "Synthetical Researches on Ethers. No. 1. Synthesis of Ethers from Acetic Ether," PTRS , 156 (1866), 37-72; see also idem, "Researches on Acids of the Lactic Series," PTRS , 156 (1866), 309-359.

8. Kolbe to Frankland, 27 May 1866, Frankland Archive 01.02.1558.

9. Frankland and Duppa, "Synthetische Untersuchungen," pp. 60-61.

10. Kolbe admitted this in JpC , 131 (1881), 377.

11. Kolbe to Frankland, 27 May 1866, Frankland Archive 01.02.1558; Kolbe to Frankland, 23 July 1866, Frankland Archive 01.02.1505 (quote is from this letter). Kolbe constantly used equestrian metaphors connected with Kekulé: other examples are benzene as Kekulé's "show-horse," he "rides a fiery steed" in proposing the theory, he always failed to "rein his imagination," or that he "hat sich einmal mit seinem Benzolring vergaloppirt" (Kolbe to Volhard, 16 December 1874, SSDM 3676; cf. also Kolbe's Pegasus metaphor connected with van't Hoff). This may well have had psychological significance, but I am unwilling to speculate on this topic. Another subject for retrospective psychoanalysis is his repeated implication that graphical formulas are somehow materialistic and irreligious.

12. Kolbe, "Interpretation der Ergebnisse von Frankland's und Duppa's synthetische Untersuchungen über Aether," ZfC , 10 (1867), 636-640.

13. Frankland to Crum Brown, 4 June 1866, quoted in J. W., "Alexander Crum Brown," JCS , 123 (1923), 3422-3431 (on p. 3425); Crum Brown to Frankland, 5 June 1866, Frankland Archive 01.04.1266.

14. Frankland and Duppa, "Synthetische Untersuchungen."

15. Carl Graebe, "Notizen aus meinem Leben," SSDM 1976-29n, 4, cited in Elisabeth Vaupel, "Carl Graebe (1841-1927): Leben, Werk und Wirken," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Munich, 1987, p. 29.

16. J. Volhard, "Über Sarkosin," Annalen , 123 (1862), 261-265.

17. For example, T. Wilm and G. Wischin, "Versuche mit Phosgen und Phosgenäther," Annalen , 147 (1868), 150-157, with note by Kolbe on p. 157; H. Byk, "Die isomeren Bernsteinsäuren," JpC , 109 (1870), 19-30, with Kolbe's "Bemerkungen zu vorstehender Abhandlung" on pp. 30-33; and R. Bahrmann, "Zur Kenntniss des Amarins und Furfurins," JpC , 135 (1883), 295-320, with note by Kolbe on p. 320. The first instance can be explained by the probable supposition that Wilm was a former student of Butlerov, but Byk and Bahrmann were pure Kolbe products. Byk commented that he did the work "auf Veranlassung des Prof. Kolbes.'' Kolbe's objection to Bahrmann was that he made liberal use of structural formulas; he commented that he had followed the research with interest, but disapproved of the formulas. Finally, Kolbe's trusted assistant for many years, Ernst Carstanjen, published a number of papers using Kekulé's benzene theory and benzene rings. Some additional instances of Kolbe's students publicly disagreeing with him (while still students) are cited in n. 36.

18. A. F. Plate, G. V. Bykov, and M. S. Eventova, Vladimir Vasil'evich

Markovnikov: ocherk zhizni i deiatel'nosti, 1837-1904 (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1962), p. 30, quoting from a letter to Butlerov with no date cited. See also H. M. Leicester, "Controversies on Chemical Structure from 1860 to 1870," in O. T. Benfey, ed., Kekulé Centennial (Washington, D.C.: American Chemical Society, 1966), pp. 13-23 (on p. 21), and Leicester, "Vladimir Vasil'evich Markovnikov," Journal of Chemical Education , 18 (1841), 53-57.

19. Markovnikov, "Vorläufige Notiz über die Identität der Acetonsäure mit Oxyisobuttersäure," ZfC , 10 (1867), 434; idem, "Über die Acetonsäure," Annalen , 146 (1868), 339-352.

20. Plate et al., Markovnikov , p. 31; Markovnikov, in Plate and Bykov, eds., Vladimir Vasil'evich Markovnikov: Izbrannye trudy (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1955), pp. 830-831.

21. Kolbe's own account of his conversion to O = 16 is in "Moden der modernen Chemie," JpC , 112 (1871), 241-271 (on pp. 246-254).

22. For Graebe's habilitation and teaching at Leipzig, see Vaupel, "Carl Graebe" (see n. 15), pp. 181-190.

23. For example, Meyer to Ostwald, 18 November 1883, Ostwald Nachlass, Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, Berlin; Meyer, Geschichte der Chemie von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart (Leipzig: Veit, 1889); idem, Lebenserinnerungen (n.p., n.d., ca. 1918), pp. 39-40.

24. The chronological division in this table is not always by uniform time increments but rather is determined by events in Kolbe's life; because of the nonuniformity, an intensive measure (papers per year) is also given. The year 1865 is listed twice, as Kolbe transferred to Leipzig in the middle of that year; papers dating from that year were divided according to where the work was performed. A "paper" is any publication, including notes, brief comments, and polemical articles, and the date of the paper is the publication date of the journal issue in which it appeared. "Student papers" represent papers describing research performed in Kolbe's laboratory, whether the author was a student in the strict sense or not, or whether he still resided in Marburg or Leipzig or not. Thus, this category includes independent papers by assistants, Privatdozenten, and postdoctoral workers, and even student papers that had been directed by assistants or Privatdozenten. Because there is no systematic method to ensure completeness in this category, there are probably some papers that I failed to locate.

25. Wilhelm Prandtl, "Das chemische Laboratorium der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in München," Chymia , 2 (1949), 81-97 (on p. 93); Jeffrey Johnson, "Hierarchy and Creativity in Chemistry, 1871-1914," Osiris , [2] 5 (1989), 214-240 (on p. 225).

26. Richard Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929), 2 , 953-960.

27. Namely, the Russians A. Bazarov (1868), H. Byk (1868), S. Byk (1879), C. Fahlberg (1873), and A. M. Zaitsev (1866), and the Britons H. Armstrong (1870), C. Bingley (1854), E. Cook (1865), F. Guthrie (1855), W. James (1882), H. Smith (1877), and F. Wrightson (1853).

28. A convenient source for Fahlberg, Moore, and Norton is Wyndham D.

Miles, ed., American Chemists and Chemical Engineers (Washington, D.C.: American Chemical Society, 1976), s.v. It is interesting—to this writer, at least—to note that Norton was a native Clevelander who attended Western Reserve College for one year (1852-1853) and taught high school in Cleveland before spending a semester in Leipzig in 1870.

29. One of Schmidt's doctoral students was Richard Fischer; Fischer taught Henry Schuette, who was Aaron Ihde's doctoral advisor. As I am an Ihde student, I can claim Kolbe as my Doktor-Ur-Ur-Urgrossvater—were I so inclined.

30. Joseph S. Fruton, Contrasts in Scientific Style: Research Groups in the Chemical and Biochemical Sciences (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1990), pp. 32 and 141. The smallest number of German Ordinarien among scholarly progeny any of the six chemists that Fruton studied (Liebig, Baeyer, Emil Fischer, Felix Hoppe-Seyler, Willy Küihne, and Franz Hofmeister) was sixteen for Kühne.

31. This statement cannot be quantified, as records that would allow one to sort Kolbe's students by field of study have not survived.

32. The numbers were derived in the following fashion. Peter Borscheid has estimated [ Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Klett, 1976), pp. 84-87 and 234] that there were around 380 university-educated chemists working in German chemical industries in 1851, 900 in 1865, and 2100 in 1884. Taking 1200 as a round-number average for the period 1865-1884, one can presume that the requisite increment for such a work force might be something like 130 new chemists per year (65 representing the average 5.4% growth rate indicated by Borscheid, plus an equal number for replacement due to death, retirement, and so on). Since Leipzig had about sixteen percent of total German university enrollment, Kolbe may have trained an average of about 21 industrial chemists per year. It is true that Kolbe was not the only chemist at Leipzig, but considering Saxony's strength in chemical industry, such a number is not unreasonable. The total over nineteen years is thus something like 400 chemists, or about twenty-five percent of his Praktikanten. The figure for Marburg was derived in a similar fashion. See also Lothar Burchardt, "Die Ausbildung des Chemikers im Kaiserreich," Zeitschrift für Unternehmungsgeschichte , 23 (1978), 31-53.

33. In his autobiography ( Lebenserinnerungen , p. 115), Meyer describes his growing independence and increasing share of direction of Doktoranden. "I could name many chemists here," Meyer concludes, "but I will confine myself to mentioning my especially famous students E. Beckmann, Th. Curtius and Hermann Ost." Other dissertations directed by Meyer include those of Paul Degener (1879), J. William James (1882), M. Wallach (1882), O. Henzold (1883), and G. McGowan (1884); those directed by Ost include A. Klinkhardt (1881) and E. Mennel (1882). One of Joseph Fruton's conclusions after studying six research groups ( Contrasts in Scientific Styles ) was that junior colleagues made far greater contributions to the life of their institutes than has hitherto been appreciated. This pattern holds as well in Leipzig.

34. J. B. Morrell, "The Chemist Breeders: The Research Schools of Liebig and Thomas Thomson," Ambix , 19 (1972), 1-46.

35. Gerald Geison, "Scientific Change, Emerging Specialties, and Research Schools," History of Science , 19 (1981), 20-40.

36. Here are some examples: Guthrie and Kolbe, "Über die Verbindungen des Valerals mit Säuren," Annalen , 109 (1859), 296-300, demonstrating, contrary to Kolbe's prediction, that Wurtz' glycol does not dehydrate to acetaldehyde; Kolbe, "Muthmaassliche Existenz zweier Kohlenoxysulfide," JpC , 112 (1871), 381-382, a conjecture that was disproven by his student F. Salomon, "Über Kohlenoxysulfid," JpC , 113 (1872), 476-480; Constantin Fahlberg, "Über Oxyessigsäure (Glycolsäure)," JpC , 115 (1873), 329-346, demonstrating, contrary to Kolbe, the identity of the two named acids; and Kolbe, "Über die chemische Natur der Salylsäure,'' JpC , 120 (1875), 151-157, disproving the existence of salylic acid (he eventually repudiated this last result in private, but he never found the compound and never repudiated it publicly). Armstrong worked three years on a project under Kolbe's direction, even though his views were "diametrically opposite to Kolbe's": H. E. Armstrong to Richard Armstrong, 6 February 1870, quoted in J. Vargas Eyre, Henry Edward Armstrong (London: Butterworths, 1958), pp. 51-52. Three additional instances are cited in n. 17 above.

37. Kolbe, "Über einige Abkömmlinge des Cyanamids," JpC , 109 (1870), 288-306 (on pp. 292-294); "Über die Structurformeln und die Lehre von der Bindung der Atome," JpC , 111 (1871), 127-136 (on p. 128). In an intriguing new biography of Lord Kelvin ( Energy and Empire: A Biographical Study of Lord Kelvin [Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989]), Crosbie Smith and M. Norton Wise have drawn substantive parallels between Kelvin's science and the Victorian British imperial age. One might be tempted by Kolbe's illiberal political-military metaphors to make the same sort of connection to the militaristic German empire just then being formed at the expense of France. However, the metaphor that actually succeeded in the Bismarckian and Wilhelmian chemical community at large was a democratic one, namely, structuralist notions, which rather contrasts with the dominant political culture.

38. Kolbe to Frankland, 17 November 1867, Frankland Archive 01.02.1515 ("Ich habe [Kekulés] Zuvorkommenheit auch angenommen und bin es wohl zufrieden, den alten Streit ruhen zu lassen"); Baeyer to V. Meyer, 3 October 1874, SSDM 7020.

39. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 1 October 1871, VA 268.

40. Kolbe, "Moden der modernen Chemie," JpC , 112 (1871), 241-271 (on pp. 257-258).

41. Frankland to Kolbe, 3 December 1871, SSDM 3566.

42. Kolbe to Volhard, 26 June 1871 and 9 June 1876, SSDM 3656 and 3681; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 29 August 1874, VA 321.

43. He also expressed this view privately to Volhard (16 December 1874, SSDM 3676). "Kekulé belongs to these people the least of all. He blundered once with his benzene ring, but I believe I can say with certainty that he looks with sovereign contempt down upon those chemists who consider his (in the abstract certainly ingenious, but untenable) idea as infallible dogma. Kekulé, of all these people the most sensible, will be the first in due course to disavow his child."

44. Kolbe, "Chemischer Rückblick auf das Jahr 1873," JpC , 116 (1874), 417-425 (on pp. 419-420); idem, "Chemischer Rückblick auf das Jahr 1874," JpC , 118 (1875), 449-456 (on pp. 449-450 and 456).

45. Kolbe, "Die chemische Synthese, ein chemischer Traum," JpC , 126 (1878), 432-455 (on pp. 440n. and 444-445); idem, "Kritisch-chemische Gänge [gegen die transscendentalen Chemiker]: I," JpC , 135 (1883), 408-417; idem, "Kritisch-chemische Gänge . . . IV," JpC , 136 (1883), 356-382 (on p. 372n.); idem, "Die realen Typen der organischen Verbindungen," JpC , 136 (1883), 440-447 (on p. 441n.).

46. J. H. van't Hoff, tr. F. Herrmann, Die Lagerung der Atome im Raume (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1877).

47. Kolbe to Heinrich Vieweg, 31 January and 5 February 1881, VA 467 and 468. Until this time, Vieweg had not realized that his business manager had been regularly sending proofs to Kolbe, having long ago been directed to do so by his deceased father Eduard. According to an annotation on the econd of these letters, Heinrich put an immediate end to the practice.

48. Kolbe to Lücke, 9 March 1877, VA 364.

49. Kolbe, "Zeichen der Zeit: II," JpC , 123 (1877), 473-477.

50. Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 June 1877, VA 375.

51. Wislicenus to Kolbe, 24 November 1877, SSDM 3550.

52. Van't Hoff, "Über den Zusammenhang zwischen optischer Aktivität und Constitution," Berichte , 10 (1877), 1620-1623 (on p. 1620).

53. Those who so speculated include Lothar Meyer (1872), Schorlemmer (1881), and Volhard (1882).

54. Kolbe to Wöhler, 15 and 18 October 1878, Wöhler Nachlass; Wöhler to Kolbe, 17 October 1878, SSDM 3542; Bunsen to Kolbe, 3 November 1873, SSDM 3505.

55. E. yon Meyer, Lebenserinnerung , p. 120. "These attempts at moderating him usually failed when he claimed the right to call things by their correct name . . . he was a fanatic for the truth." Meyer readily conceded that Kolbe often went too far and became too personal, hurting his own cause. Moreover, the journal itself was badly damaged by these attacks.

56. Dr. R. [Kolbe], "Vertrauliches Schreiben an Professor Kolbe," JpC , 124 (1877), 467-472.

57. Kekulé to Kolbe, 5 February 1878, reprinted in JpC , 125 (1878), 157-158. Kolbe replied privately to Kekulé (11 February 1878, August-Kekulé-Sammlung), assuring Kekulé that his article would be published, and commenting only that he thought it not gentlemanly (anständig) to appeal to an opponent's sense of fair play (Rechtlichkeit). He repeated the comment in the printed version.

58. Kolbe, "Kritik der Rectoratsrede von Aug. Kekulé: 'über die wissenschaftlichen Ziele und Leistungen der Chemie,'" JpC , 125 (1878), 139-156; idem, "Nachtrag zu dem vertraulichen Schreiben des Dr. R.," JpC , 125 (1878), 157-163. Kekulé's address was published separately and was subsequently reprinted in Anschütz, 2 , 903-917.

59. A bogus charge, of course. Kolbe had written Volhard on 1 January 1878 (SSDM 3682) to try to find out whether or not Kekulé had had a classical

Gymnasium education, saying it was very important that he find out soon , for the sake of a wager.

60. Kolbe, "Kritik," pp. 140, 145, 149-152, and 156.

61. Graebe to Schmitt, 12 April 1878, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Darmstaedter-Sammlung, G 2 1868 (6), cited in Elisabeth Vaupel, "Carl Graebe" (see n. 15), p. 36.

62. Kolbe, "Die chemische Synthese."

63. Kolbe to Wöhler, 15 October 1878, Wöhler Nachlass; Kolbe to Frank-land, 27 November 1878, 5 January 1879, and 30 July 1883, Frankland Archive 01.02.1423, 01.02.1432, and 01.02.1533; Kolbe to Volhard, 27 October 1878, SSDM 3683. Frankland was indeed amused, "but, altogether, I dont [ sic ] think the Rede a bad one for a mixed audience. It is of about the calibre of a Friday evening lecture at the Royal Institution" (Frankland to Kolbe, 3 January 1879, SSDM 3569).

64. Volhard to Kolbe, 9 November 1878, SSDM 3516. Volhard told Kolbe of his high regard in his letter of 7 May 1870, SSDM 3620.

65. Kolbe to Volhard, 20 November 1878, SSDM 3684.

66. For example, he thought that the Berzelian "schwefelsaures Bleioxyd" was much superior to the Frenchified "Bleisulfat" ( JpC , 112 , 242); on another occasion, he excoriated Volhard for using the neologism "ester" (Kolbe to Volhard, 2 July 1874, SSDM 3669). In this regard, Thomas Lounsbury has trenchantly observed, ". . . no one who has once taken the language under his care can ever again be really happy. That way misery lies": The Standard of Usage in English (New York: Harper, 1908), p. 11.

67. Kolbe to Frankland, 5 January 1879 and 11 February 1881, Frankland Archive 01.02.1432 and 01.02.1447.

68. Kolbe to Roscoe, 9 February and 29 October 1881, and Schorlemmer to Roscoe, 5 November 1881, Roscoe Collection.

69. Kolbe, "Meine Betheiligung an der Entwickelung der theoretischen Chemie," JpC , 131 (1881), 305-323, 353-379, and 497-517; and 132 (1881), 374-425; issued as a separate under the title Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der theoretischen Chemic (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1881).

70. This comment actually appeared in his "Kritisch-chemische Gänge . . . IV," p. 372n. Kekulé's student and .biographer Richard Anschütz also noted Kekulé's physical decline, starting around 1870: August Kekulé , 1 , 369 and 415-416.

71. Kolbe, "Betheiligung," p. 405.

72. Kolbe, Kurzes Lehrbuch der organischen Chemic (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1883), pp. vi-vii.

73. Kolbe to Frankland, 23 March [1881] and I April 1881, Frankland Archive 01.02.1442 and 01.02.1436.

74. Frankland to Kolbe, 19 May 1881, SSDM 3572; Frankland's selfdefense is in his Experimental Researches , pp. 146-154.

75. Frankland to Kolbe, 23 September 1883, SSDM 3573.

76. Kolbe to Frankland, 30 July and 28 October 1883, Frankland Archive 01.02.1533 and 01.02.1526.

77. Kekulé's manuscript response was first published by Anschütz ( Kekulé , 1 , 540-569); a facsimile edition of the manuscript was published in 1965: Cassirte Kapitel aus der Abhandlung: Ueber die Carboxytartronsäure und die Constitution des Benzols (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie), from which the quotation is taken (letter of 25 August 1883, unpaginated).

78. Volhard to Frau Baeyer, 2 December 1882, Baeyer Collection.

79. Kolbe to Volhard, 21 July 1884, SSDM 3687.

80. Kolbe to Vieweg, 30 January 1878 and 24 January 1881, VA 408 and 466.

81. Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 October 1883, VA 511.

82. Kolbe to Ost, 8 April 1884, SSDM 6808.

83. Volhard to Kolbe, 4 December 1874, SSDM 3514.

84. For example, Kolbe, "Über die Structurformeln und die Lehre von der Bindung der Atome," JpC , 111 (1871), 133; "Moden der modernen Chemie," p. 255; and "Rückblick auf 1874," pp. 453-455.

85. Kolbe, Über die chemische Constitution der organischen Kohlenwasserstoffe (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1869), pp. 8-10.

14— Pride and Prejudice

1. The literature on nationalism and internationalism in nineteenth-century science is sparse. Useful discussions include Brigitte Schroeder-Gudehus, "Science, Technology and Foreign Policy," in Ina Spiegel-Rösing and Derek Price, eds., Science, Technology and Society: A Cross-Disciplinary Perspective (London: Sage, 1977), pp. 473-506; idem, "Nationalism and Internationalism," in R. C. Olby, G. N. Cantor, J. R. R. Christie, and M. J. S. Hodge, eds., Companion to the History of Modern Science (London: Routledge, 1990), pp. 909-919; and Elisabeth Crawford, Nationalism and Internationalism in Science, 1880-1939 (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992), esp. chap. 2. Christoph Meinel has a discussion that focuses on chemistry in particular: "Nationalismus und Internationalismus in der Chemie des 19. Jahrhunderts," in Peter Dilg, ed., Perspektiven der Pharmaziegeschichte (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1983), pp. 225-243.

2. H. E. Armstrong, "The Doctrine of Atomic Valency," Nature , 125 (1930), 807-810 (on pp. 808-809).

3. Edward Frankland began to give Kolbe English in return for German lessons soon after their arrival in London, and Kolbe could "soon speak with facility" (Frankland to Hermann Ost, 20 December 1884, SSDM 3576). However, by 1864 Kolbe reported to Frankland that he had forgotten so much that he needed to be allowed to speak German in presenting a lecture to the Chemical Society (Kolbe to Frankland, 4 December 1864, Frankland Archive 01.04.59). The lecture was never given.

4. Boussingault to Dumas, 1 April 1842, Archives of the Académie des Sciences, Paris; cited and translated in Holmes, Claude Bernard and Animal Chemistry (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), p. 42.

5. Kolbe to Vieweg, 21 July and 31 December 1862, 19 October 1863, 31

December 1864, and 18 March, 5 and 16 May 1866, VA 184, 187, 196, 213, 242, 243, and 245. The passage quoted is from Kolbe to Frankland, 27 May 1866, Frankland Archive 01.02.1558.

6. Kolbe to Frankland, 23 July 1866, Frankland Archive 01.02.1505; Kolbe expressed similar sentiments in his letters to Vieweg, 9 and 22 July 1866, VA 246 and 247.

7. Wurtz, "Histoire des doctrines chimiques depuis Lavoisier," in Wurtz, ed., Dictionnaire de chimie pure et appliquée , 3 vols. in 5 (Paris: Hachette, 1868-1878), 1 , i-xciv (on p. i) (republished monographically in 1869).

8. Kolbe, "Über den Zustand der Chemie in Frankreich," JpC , 110 (1870), 173-183.

9. Kolbe to Liebig, 12 November 1870 and 2 December 1870, Liebigiana IIB .

10. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 26 February 1871, VA 267.

11. Kolbe to Frankland, 26 December 1870, Frankland Archive 01.04.645. Frankland had regretted to see that "there is far too much Gottes Gnaden in [Wilhelm's] nature," and predicted that "in form & constitution the German Despotism will be worse than the French." Still,' he thought that in the results of the war, "the rest of the world will be greatly benefitted . . . unless indeed (which is not likely) the German people, excited by victory, turn to be a warlike, instead of a peaceful people" (Frankland to Kolbe, 23 December 1870, SSDM 3564).

12. Kolbe, "Haltung der Pariser Akademie der Wissenschaften," JpC , 113 (1872), 225-226; idem, "Chemischer Rückblick auf das Jahr 1872," JpC , 114 (1873), 461-470. See also Kolbe's letters to Frankland of 18 March 1872 (Frankland Archive 01.02.948) and to Liebig of 4 April 1872 (see next note).

13. Kolbe to Liebig, 4 April 1872, Liebigiana IIB. For discussions of the contretemps over Pasteur, see Gerald Geison, "Louis Pasteur," DSB , 10 , 350-416 (on p. 354), and John Wotiz and Susanna Rudofsky, "Louis Pasteur, August Kekulé, and the Franco-Prussian War," Journal of Chemical Education , 66 (1988), 34-36.

14. Liebig to Emma Muspratt, 27 September 1870, Roscoe Collection; Liebig to Wöhler, 25 September 1870, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 299; Liebig to Kolbe, 2 October 1870, SSDM 3614.

15. Liebig to Wöhler, August 1870, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 295.

16. "Hundevolk, diese Franzosen," Kekulé to Hans Hübner, 15 July 1870, August-Kekulé-Sammlung, cited in John Wotiz and Susanna Rudofsky, "The Unknown Kekulé," in James G. Traynham, ed., Essays on the History of Organic Chemistry (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State, Univ. Press, 1987), pp. 21-34 (on p. 31). Wotiz and Rudofsky use the phrase "sons of bitches" to translate the German "Hundevolk." Here they have committed the common error of preferring a more literal to a connotatively more accurate translation. In fact, ''Hundevolk" is undocumented in the German language. "Hunde-" is simply a negatively intensifying prefix and has none of the connotations of profanity that the English expression "son of a bitch" has.

17. Kolbe, "Chemischer Rückblick," pp. 465-466.

18. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 22 January 1873, VA 304.

19. Kolbe to Volhard, 9 June 1876, SSDM 3681.

20. Kolbe to Vieweg, 6 November 1882, VA 482.è

21. Wurtz, "Éloge de Laurent et de Gerhardt," Moniteur scientifique , 4 (1862), 482-513 (also an offprint separate); "Histoire générale des glycols," in Société Chimique de Paris, Leons de chimie professées en 1860 (Paris: Hachette, 1861), pp. 101-139; ''On Oxide of Ethylene, Considered as a Link between Organic and Mineral Chemistry," JCS , 15 (1862), 387-406; Leçons de chimie professées en 1863 (Paris: Hachette, 1864; identical to Leçons de philosophie chimique , same publisher and date); Cours de philosophie chimique (Paris: privately printed, 1864); Leçons élémentaire de chimie moderne (Paris: Masson, 1867-1868); Dictionnaire de chimie pure et appliquée , 3 vols. in 5 (Paris: Hachette, 1868-1878).

22. See L. Graham, W. Lepenies, and P. Weingart, eds., The Functions and Uses of Disciplinary Histories (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1983). For the discipline of chemistry, see also Jost Weyer, Chemiegeschichtsschreibung von Wiegleb (1790) bis Partington (1970) (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1974); and C. A. Russell, "'Rude and Disgraceful Beginnings': A View of History of Chemistry from the Nineteenth Century," British Journal for the History of Science , 21 (1988), 273-294 (on pp. 288-294), who has some additional apposite examples.

23. Kopp, Entwickelung der Chemie in der neueren Zeit (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1873). The work was published in three parts, beginning in 1871. A discussion of this work in a Kolbean context is my "'Between Two Stools': Kopp, Kolbe, and the History of Chemistry," Bulletin for the History of Chemistry , 7 (1990), 19-24.

24. For example, Jacob Volhard, Justus von Liebig , 2 vols. (Leipzig: Barth, 1909), 2 , 418-422.

25. Liebig to Wöhler, 30 September 1870, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 300.

26. Liebig to Wöhler, 7 December 1870, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 304.

27. Liebig to Wöhler, 24 May 1845, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 257.

28. Liebig, "Eröffnungsworte . . . nach dem Friedensschluss," 28 March 1871, in Reden und Abhandlungen (Leipzig and Heidelberg: Winter, 1874), pp. 331-333; excerpted by Volhard, Liebig , 2 , 420-422.

29. W. H. Brock, "Liebig, Wöhler, Hofmann—An English Perspective," in W. Lewicki, ed., Wöhler und Liebig: Briefe von 1829-1873 (Göttingen: Cromm, 1982), pp. xvi-xviii; this is a photographic one-volume republication, with new front matter, of Hofmann's edition of the Liebig-Wöhler correspondence.

30. S. Kapoor, "Jean-Baptiste Dumas," DSB , 4 , 242-248 (on p. 243).

31. Richard Willstötter, From My Life (New York: Benjamin, 1965).

32. Albert Ladenburg, Lebenserinnerungen (Breslau: Trewendt & Granier, 1912), pp. 51-52. Neither Willstätter nor Ladenburg were practicing Jews, and both were fully assimilated Germans. Ladenburg was in fact an atheist; for reasons that he does not explain, he finally underwent baptism in 1891.

33. A sampling of the large literature that pertains to these issues is as follows: Jacob Katz, From Prejudice to Destruction: Anti-Semitism, 1700-1933 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980), pp. 145-220; George Mosse,

Germans and Jews (New York: Fertig, 1970); Peter Gay, Freud, Jews, and Other Germans (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1978), pp. 93-168; W. E. Mosse, Jews in the German Economy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987); W. E. Mosse, ed., Juden im Wilhelminischen Deutschland 1890-1914 (Tübingen: Mohr, 1976); R. Rürup, "Emancipation and Crisis: The 'Jewish Question' in Germany, 1850-1890," Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook , 20 (London: Secker and Warburg, 1975), 13-25; Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder, and the Building of the German Empire (New York: Knopf, 1977); and David L. Preston, "Science, Society, and the German Jews: 1870-1933," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Illinois, 1971.

34. This paragraph summarizes material in Preston's valuable dissertation; see esp. pp. 21-24, 99-118, and 216-222.

35. It is often difficult to identify Jews, as most obituarists of scientists do not mention religion. The Neue deutsche Biographie does, but it is as yet only half complete. The best source for late nineteenth-century German chemists' biographies and obituaries, particularly for less well known figures, is the Berichte . Also helpful are such compilations as Salomon Wininger, ed., Grosse jüdische Nationalbiographie , 5 vols. (Leipzig: Braun, n.d. [ca. 1925]), and Charlotte Politzer, "Chemie," in Sigmund Kaznelson, ed., Juden im deutschen Kulturbereich (Berlin: Jüdischer Verlag, 1959), pp. 429-450, which was completed shortly after 1933, but because of the rise of Nazism, was not published until much later. Unfortunately, such philosemitic compilations do not distinguish between practicing, nonpracticing, and baptized Jews—or even, perhaps, children of baptized Jewish parents.

36. A. W. Hofmann, "Gustav Magnus," in Zur Erinnerung an vorangegangene Freunde , 3 vols. (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1888), 1 , 43-194. All three chemists can be found in the German philosemitic literature.

37. David E. Rowe, "'Jewish Mathematics' at Göttingen in the Era of Felix Klein," Isis , 77 (1986), 422-449 (on p. 429).

38. Hans Rosenberg, Grosse Depression und Bismarckzeit (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1967), pp. 88-117.

39. Alexander Busch, Die Geschichte des Privatdozenten (Stuttgart: Enke, 1959), pp. 148-162; Fritz K. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1969), pp. 135-139.

40. Preston, "German Jews," pp. 110-112. No statistics were ever compiled on the distinctions between professing and baptized Jews in nineteenth-century German academia.

41. Ringer, pp. 5-13; a more recent study is Konrad H. Jarausch, Students, Society, and Politics in Imperial Germany: The Rise of Academic Illiberalism (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1982).

42. As related by Frankland to Roscoe, 9 January 1879, Roscoe Collection. Kolbe was aware of the pun, but got it somewhat wrong, as he proudly related to Wöhler (31 March [1880], Wöhler Nachlass) that someone had applied the name "Journal für chemische Polizei."

43. Volhard, "Die Begründung der Chemie durch Lavoisier," JpC , 110 (1870), 1-47; Kolbe, "Über den Zustand der Chemie in Frankreich," JpC , 110

(1870), pp. 173-183; N. Zinin, A. Butlerov, D. Mendeleev, and A. Engelhardt, St. Petersburger Zeitung , Nr. 271 (4 October 1870), cited in Volhard, "Berichtigung," JpC , 110 (1870), 381-384 (on p. 381).

44. Volhard, "Berichtigung"; Liebig to Kolbe, 9 November 1870, SSDM 3615; Berichte , 3 (24 October 1870), 873.

45. Kolbe to Baeyer, 29 May 1871, Baeyer Collection.

46. Baeyer to Kolbe, 8 June 1871, SSDM 3628.

47. Kolbe to Baeyer, 5 June 1871, Baeyer Collection; Baeyer to Kolbe, 8 June 1871, SSDM 3628.

48. Kolbe wrote Liebig on 4 January 1870, giving him the news that he had accepted the editorship of the JpC (Liebigiana IIB); it is quite clear from the correspondence that he had not asked for prior approval. In his letter to Baeyer of 5 June 1871, Kolbe also responded to Baeyer's implication of hypocrisy by asserting that Liebig had sent him his article on "Fermentation" with the request that Kolbe publish it as one of the first of his tenure as editor. However, the letter of 4 January 1870 has Kolbe asking Liebig for permission to re publish the article in his journal, an offprint of which Liebig had simply sent him as a courtesy. Finally, in this letter Kolbe told Liebig that he intended to remain faithful to the Annalen by continuing to publish most of his works there. On the contrary, Kolbe never published another paper in the Annalen . Baeyer responded to Kolbe's arguments (Baeyer to Kolbe, 25 June 1871, SSDM 3629) by suggesting that Liebig must certainly have been distressed by Kolbe's action in taking over a competitor journal, but that he had been too polite to say so directly. Baeyer probably did not know the details mentioned here, but he was likely correct in his presumption. Kopp, the managing editor of the Annalen , was certainly distressed. On 7 and 20 January 1870, Kopp wrote Liebig, worrying about the dangerous competition represented by Kolbe's new journal (cited in Max Speter, "'Vater Kopp,'" Osiris , 5 [1938], 392-460, on p. 447).

49. Kolbe to Baeyer, 5 June 1871 (quoted) and 9 June 1871, Baeyer Collection.

50. Hofmann to Kolbe, 12 June 1871, SSDM 3557.

51. Kolbe to Hofmann, 29 May, 5 June, 26 June, and 8 December 1871, Chemiker-Briefe.

52. Kolbe to Baeyer, 27 June 1871; Baeyer to Kolbe, July 1871; Kolbe to Baeyer, 1 August 1871; all printed in Berichte , 4 (1871), 993-995. Kolbe to Liebig, 26 January 1872, Liebigiana IIB.

53. Kolbe to Volhard, 26 June 1871, SSDM 3656.

54. Kolbe, "Chemischer Rückblick auf das Jahr 1871," JpC , 112 (1871), 464-468; ". . . 1872," JpC , 114 (1872), 461-470; ". . . 1873," JpC , 116 (1873), 417-425; ". . . 1874," JpC , 118 (1874), 449-456.

55. ibid. Berichte , 4 (1871), 993-995; ibid., 5 (1872), 1114-1116.

56. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 4 October 1871, 22 January 1873, 24 February 1873, 16 June 1873, and 18 June 1873 (VA 269, 304, 305, 309, and 310); Kolbe to Liebig, 1 January 1872, 26 January 1872, and 23 February 1873 (Liebigiana IIB); Kolbe to Volhard, 23 December 1873, 8 January 1874 and 10 April 1874 (SSDM 3666, 3667, 3668); Kolbe to Kopp, 12 March 1882 (SSDM 3633).

57. Kolbe to Liebig, 26 January 1872 (in n. 56); Liebig to Kolbe, 3 January 1872 and 20 July 1872 (SSDM 3618 and 3617); Bunsen to Kolbe, 10 July 1872 and 3 November 1873 (SSDM 3504 and 3505); L. Meyer to Kolbe, 14 April 1873 (SSDM 3532); Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 16 June 1873 (VA 309); Kolbe to Volhard, 23 December 1873 (SSDM 3666); Kekulé to Erlenmeyer, 26 December 1874, Dingler Nachlass.

58. Beilstein to Erlenmeyer, 5 October 1873, in Otto Krätz, ed., Beilstein-Erlenmeyer: Briefe zur Geschichte der chemischen Dokumentation und des chemischen Zeitschriftenwesens (Munich: Fritsch, 1972), pp. 41-45.

59. Meyer to Baeyer, 11 February 1872, Baeyer Collection.

60. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 4 October 1871, 22 January 1873, and 18 June 1873 (VA 269, 304 and 310); Kolbe to Kopp, 12 March 1882 (SSDM 3633).

61. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 18 June 1873 and 22 January 1873, VA 310 and 304.

62. This according to letters from Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 8 June and 18 June 1873 (VA 308 and 310); the letter from Kolbe to Hofmann does not seem to have survived.

63. During his stay in Berlin, Kolbe called on Hofmann twice. The first time he was informed that Hofmann was not in, the second time that Hofmann had left town (ibid., VA 308). There exist three letters from Hofmann to Kolbe and one from Kolbe to Hofmann written after 1873, but none are substantive (SSDM 3558, 3560, and 3561, and Kolbe to Hofmann, 2 March 1877, Chemiker-Briefe).

64. These events are described more fully, for example, in Katz, Anti-Semitism , pp. 245-252.

65. See Jarausch, Students , pp. 208-212 and 264-271; Hermann yon Petersdorff, Die Vereine Deutscher Studenten: Zwölf Jahre akademischer Käimpfe , 2d ed. (Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1895), pp. 7-22.

66. Jarausch, Students , pp. 208-212 and 264-271; Petersdorff, Vereine , pp. 23-63.

67. Petersdorff, Vereine , p. 41.

68. Volhard, Hofmann , p. 137. On Hofmann's fight against the antisemites, see also Monika Müller, "Aus dem Leben und Wirken des Chemikers und Hochschullehrers August Wilhelm von Hofmann (1818-1892)," Ph.D. dissertation, Humboldt-Universität Berlin, 1981, pp. 46-52.

69. Volhard, Hofmann , pp. 192-195.

70. Postscript by Lothar Meyer to letter of Beilstein to Erlenmeyer, 28 August 1880, in Krätz, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer , p. 75. The reader is reminded that Kolbe's laboratory and dwelling were on the Waisenhausstrasse in Leipzig.

71. Kolbe to Volhard, 26 June 1871 and 2 July 1874, SSDM 3656 and 3669. To be precise, Volhard was not a student of Kolbe's but rather worked in Kolbe's Marburg lab for a year after he received his doctorate and before he became Liebig's assistant.

72. D. Vorländer, "Jacob Volhard," Berichte , 45 (1912), 1855-1902 (on pp. 1856-1858). Volhard's internationalism is indicated by his agitation in 1873, along with Kekulé and Erlenmeyer, to reserve honorary memberships in the DCG for foreigners only: Richard Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. (Berlin:

Verlag Chemie, 1929), 1 , 419. Volhard also made much of Liebig's internationalism in his biography ( Justus Liebig , 2 , 418-422). Jacob's father, Karl Ferdinand Volhard, had been a schoolmate of Liebig and was also an intimate friend of the liberal politician Heinrich von Gagern, prime minister of Hesse-Darmstadt and president of the Frankfurt Parliament (this according to Liebig's letter to Wöhler of 29 August 1848, in Hofmann, LWB , 1 , 320). There may even have been Jewish blood in Volhard's family, for Liebig mentions in a letter to Hofmann (5 December 1850, in Brock, LHB , p. 103) that K. F. Volhard was removed from state service without pension "wegen seiner Abstammung." He then became a private attorney.

73. Kolbe to Volhard, 20 November 1878, SSDM 3684.

74. Kolbe, "Begründung meiner Urtheile über Ad. Baeyer's wissenschaftliche Qualification," JpC , 134 (1882), 308-323.

75. Volhard to Frau Baeyer, 2 December 1882, Baeyer Collection.

76. Volhard, Hofmann ; H. Caro's history of the German dye industry, in which Hofmann features prominently, appeared in Berichte , 25 (1892), 955-1105; F. A. Abel, H. E. Armstrong, W. H. Perkin, and L. Playfair, "Hofmann Memorial Lectures," JCS , 69 (1896), 575-732; and B. Lepsius, Festschrift zur Feier des 50jährigen Bestehens der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft und des 100. Geburtstages ihres Begründers August Wilhelm von Hofmann (Berlin: Friedländer, 1918).

77. Volhard, Hofmann , p. 137.

78. Volhard's talk is mentioned in Vorländer, "Volhard," p. 1865; Hofmann's obituary of Kolbe is in Berichte , 17 (1884), 2809-2812.

79. Hofmann, Erinnerung . There are a total of fifteen biographies here; several, including those for Liebig, Wurtz, Dumas, and Magnus, are book-length. Hofmann also wrote a total of fifty-one obituaries in the Berichte .

80. Wurtz, Geschichte der chemischen Theorien seit Lavoisier bis auf unsere Zeit , trans. A. Oppenheim (Berlin: R. Oppenheim, 1870). In editorial notes (pp. iii-viii), Oppenheim defended his former teacher and censured his fellow Germans for their excessive chauvinism.

81. Gay, Freud, Jews, and Other Germans , pp. 14-16.

82. Elisabeth Vaupel has shown that even so liberal a man as Carl Graebe, whose relationships with Liebermann and other Jews were very close, occasionally betrayed negative prejudices: "Carl Graebe (1841-1927)—Leben, Werk und Wirken im Spiegel seines brieflichen Nachlasses," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Munich, 1987, pp. 281-284.

83. Here are some exceptions to this statement. Vaupel ("Carl Graebe," p. 281) mentions a letter from Otto Witt to Graebe (13 July 1904, SSDM 1976-29 0), wherein Witt inquired about a certain candidate's suspicious racial background, stating that he avoided hiring Jews as assistants. Vaupel has also published a passage from a letter by Liebig (to C. Crämer, 13 May 1860, Liebig-Museum, Giessen) that has distinct antisemitic references: "Justus von Liebig und die Glasversilberung," Praxis der Naturwissenschaften—Chemie , 40 (1991), 22-29 (on p. 29). David Cahan cites Friedrich Kohlrausch (1840-1910) directing an inquiry about the Jewishness of a candidate to a friend in 1885: "Kohlrausch and Electrolytic Conductivity," Osiris , [2] 5

84. This was particularly emphasized by Hofmann, in Erinnerung , 1 ,342-344. Not far beneath the surface is the rhetorical point that if Oppenheim could inspire such love in the ultranationalist antisemite Treitschke, he deserves no treasonous opprobrium for having translated Wurtz' Histoire .

85. Victor Meyer described to his brother an extremely flattering and generous letter he had received from Kolbe in autumn 1874 ("astonishing, from such a raging tyrant," he commented): Richard Meyer, Victor Meyer: Leben und Wirken eines deutschen Chemikers und Naturforschers (Leipzig: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft, 1917), p. 88. To be sure, Kolbe may not have known Meyer was Jewish. Kolbe also recommended Ladenburg to Vieweg Verlag for editing duties: Ladenburg is "zwar Jude, aber wegen Tüchtigkeit und Gewandtheit in der Darstellung zu empfehlen" (Kolbe to Lücke, 8 June 1876, VA 342); he also praised Ladenburg's history of chemistry in JpC , 110 (1870), 175.

86. Hofmann, The Question of a Division of the Philosophical Faculty , 2d ed. (Boston: Ginn, 1883), pp. 74-75.

87. William Coleman, "Prussian Pedagogy: Purkyne at Breslau, 1823-1839," in Coleman and F. L. Holmes, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth-Century Medicine (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1988), pp. 15-64 (on pp. 28-37 and 47-48).

88. Rowe, "'Jewish Mathematics.'" Kathryn Olesko, "On Institutes, Investigations, and Scientific Training," in Coleman and Holmes, eds., Investigative Enterprise , pp. 295-332 (on p. 298), also argues this point.

89. Christoph Meinel, Karl Friedrich Zöllner und die Wissenschaftskultur der Gründerzeit (Berlin: Sigma, 1991), p. 5 and passim. Zöllner's famous diatribe is his Ueber die Natur der Cometen , 3d ed. (Leipzig: Staackmann, 1883; first published 1872). The classic treatment of antimodernist culture, though not directed toward science, is Fritz Stern's Politics of Cultural Despair (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1961).

90. Kolbe to Hofmann, 30 June 1872, Chemiker-Briefe; Kolbe to Heinrich Vieweg, 22 January 1873, VA 304; Kolbe, "Erklärung," JpC , 113 (1872), 480-481.

91. Beyerchen, Scientists Under Hitler (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1977).

92. Volhard, Hofmann , pp. 192-195.

93. Quoted in Koppel S. Pinson, Modern Germany: Its History and Civilization , 2d ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1966), p. 278.

94. Kolbe to Vieweg, 7 November and 30 December 1865, VA 236 and 239; Wöhler to Kolbe, 5 November 1867, SSDM 3539; Kolbe to Liebig, 10 December 1872, Liebigiana IIB; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 1 and 16 December 1872, VA 301 and 302.

95. Kolbe to Volhard, 16 and 19 May, 19 June, and 3 August 1873, 8 January, 2 July, and 20 November 1874, and 25 April 1875, SSDM 3658, 3659, 3661, 3663, 3667, 3669, 3673, and 3677; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 16 and 18 June 1873, VA 309 and 310. Although I have not located Volhard's side of this correspondence, it appears that he was under the impression that Kolbe would have been called had his conditions been more reasonable. Further details on the Munich succession are not known to me. Prandtl's statement ("Laboratorium," pp. 88-89) that Baeyer was third on the faculty's list would suggest that Kolbe was the first choice of the faculty, but that his call was derailed at the ministerial level.

96. According to his letter to Erlenmeyer of 3 February 1875, Kekulé was given a salary increase from 2200 to 3000 thalers per year (printed in Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 465).

97. Lieben to Erlenmeyer, 11 October 1873, SSDM 1968-190/7. As we have noted, Kolbe actually became Geheimrat a few months before Liebig's death. The reference to the Bible plays on the quotation from the Wisdom of Solomon that Kolbe had placed above the wall-sized chart of the chemical elements in his auditorium.

98. Kolbe to Volhard, 16 May 1873, SSDM 3663.

99. Kolbe to Bertha Ost, 22 January 1872, SSDM 6797. It is interesting that he stated his total teaching income here as 4000 thalers, which would mean only 2000 from student honoraria and fees. To be sure, he had substantially more students three semesters later at the time of his letter to Volhard, but one wonders whether he may have overstated his income to Volhard, or understated it to Bertha, or both.

100. Kolbe to H. Vieweg, 9 July 1877, VA 379.

101. Kolbe, Das neue chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1868); idem, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872). Many German chemists published such works during the nineteenth century. Perhaps the earliest model, as in so many other respects, was Liebig's Das chemische Laboratorium der Ludwigs-Universität Giessen (Heidelberg: Winter, 1842). Probably Kolbe's immediate model, however, was that of the son of Liebig's architect, namely Hofmann, who published two editions of papers from his London lab (1849-1853) and followed them in 1866 with a detailed description of the Berlin and Bonn labs in construction, both of which were being built for his occupancy.

102. Kolbe, E. von Meyer, ed., Ausführliches Lehr- und Handbuch der organischen Chemie , 2d ed., 2 vols. (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1880-1884), esp. 2 , 387-391 and 639.

103. Kolbe, Kurzes Lehrbuch der anorganischen [organischen] Chemie , 2 vols. (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1877-1883).

104. Kolbe to Liebig, 2 February, 17 March, and 15 December 1869, Liebigiana IIB; Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 28 February 1870, VA 266. Kolbe reported that the Uruguayan factory was producing 10,000 kilograms of beef extract per month.

105. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 2 February 1872 and 24 July 1873, VA 274 and 305; Kolbe to Bertha Ost, 22 January 1872, SSDM 6797; and Kolbe to Zarncke, 3 November [1870] and 18 June 1872, Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig,

Handschriftenabteilung. Several parties or balls hosted by the Kolbes are described in these letters, many in the range of 40 to 60 guests; such activity is consistent with spending 200 thalers a year on entertaining, as he told his sister. Armstrong also described a "bachelors dinner party" at the Kolbes' where "great dissipation" was indulged in, while the "old man" became "immensely lively and entertaining": Henry Armstrong to Richard Armstrong, 14 July 1869, cited in J. Vargas Eyre, Henry Edward Armstrong, 1848-1937 (London: Butterworths, 1958), p. 49.

106. Carl Kolbe (1855-1909) finished his education with Rudolf Fittig in Strasbourg, earning his Ph.D. in 1882. After two years working at Kalle & Co. in Biebrich, he succeeded the retiring Heyden at the Radebeul salicylic acid works—at a salary of 9000 thalers! (Kolbe to Bertha Ost, 24 November 1884, SSDM 6813; this was Kolbe's last letter, for he died the following day.) He married Emilie Pistor in 1883 or 1884. An obituary is in Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie , 22 (1909), 2272, and further (unhappy) details are in Meyer's Lebenserinnerungen (n.p., n.d., ca. 1918), pp. 133-134.

107. These data are taken from Meyer, Lebenserinnerungen , and Poggendorff. Maria's eldest son, Ferdinand Hermann Krauss (1889-1938), became ausserordentlicher Professor of chemistry at the Braunschweig Technische Hochschule.

108. In 1882 Kolbe weighed 196 Pfund (i.e., 98 kilograms or 216 pounds): Kolbe to H. Vieweg, 20 March 1882, VA 477. He knew he suffered from "Herzverfettung": Kolbe to Lücke, 11 July 1879, VA 445. He ate red meat at nearly every meal and few vegetables, with the consent and approval of his personal physician, Thiersch: Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 29 July 1874, VA 321; Kolbe to H. Vieweg, 13 June 1880, VA 456. Thiersch was Liebig's son-in-law, and it is relevant to note that Liebig's nutritional ideas placed great emphasis on protein.

109. Kolbe to H. Vieweg, 11 April 1877, VA 369. The course of Charlotte Kolbe's final illness is described in the Kolbe-Vieweg correspondence, as well as in Kolbe to Hofmann, 2 March 1877, Chemiker-Briefe.

110. Meyer to Ostwald, 25 November 1884, Ostwald Nachlass, Zentrales Archiv der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR. An autopsy revealed advanced arteriosclerosis: "Hermann Kolbe," Chemiker-Zeitung , 8 (30 November 1884), 1725-1726.

Issues and Reflections

1. H. E. Armstrong, "The Doctrine of Atomic Valency," Nature , 125 (1930), 807-810 (on p. 808).

2. Alexander Vucinich, Science in Russian Culture, 1861-1917 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1970), and Nathan M. Brooks, "The Formation of a Community of Chemists in Russia, 1700-1870," Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1990.

3. W. H. Brock, H. E. Armstrong and the Teaching of Science, 1880-1930 (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1973); J. Vargas Eyre, Henry Edward Armstrong, 1848-1937 (London: Butterworths, 1958), esp. pp. 62-64 and 263-296. The broader context is given in D. S. L. Cardwell, The Organization of Science in

England , rev. ed. (London: Heinemann, 1972), passim, esp. p. 167, and in R. Bud and G. K. Roberts, Science Versus Practice: Chemistry in Victorian Britain (Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1984).

4. ". . . because I know of no one who is more capable of doing this than you, and no one whose views agree more closely with mine than yours." Wöhler to Kolbe, 5 December 1862, SSDM 3538.

5. Lothar Meyer to Adolf Baeyer, 11 February 1872, Baeyer Collection.

6. Kolbe to Volhard, 19 June 1873, SSDM 3659; J. Volhard, Justus von Liebig , 2 vols. (Leipzig: Barth, 1909), 2 , 427.

7. Kolbe to Wöhler, 22 August 1875, Wöhler Nachlass.

8. That Kolbe was the first-born of a large number of siblings instantiates Frank Sulloway's suggestion that birth order correlates strongly to resistance to scientific novelty: Daniel Goleman, "The Link Between Birth Order and Innovation," New York Times , 8 May 1990, B5 and B9.

9. One exception to this generalization was Wilhelm Heintz, Wislicenus' doctoral advisor, who was born in 1817; remarkably, Heintz was one of the very few structural chemists with whom Kolbe remained friends.

10. Kolbe, footnote to Heintz, "Noch ein Wort über die Constitution der Diglycolsäure," JpC , 111 (1871), 122-123n.; "Ueber die realen Typen der organischen Chemie," Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Marburg (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1865), pp. 515-519.

11. Kolbe, JpC , 132 (1881), 405.

12. Kolbe, "Kritisch-chemische Gänge IV," JpC , 136 (1883), 356-582 (on pp. 362-363).

13. For example, in Kolbe, "Reale Typen," pp. 518-519.

14. Kolbe, Kurzes Lehrbuch der organischen Chemie (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1883), pp. vi-vii.

15. Lothar Meyer to Kolbe, 13 October 1871, SSDM 3531. On Neumann's conventionalism, see Kenneth Caneva, "From Galvanism to Electrodynamics: The Transformation of German Physics and Its Social Context," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 9 (1978), 63-159, who also has much to say about the growth of hypothetico-deductive theorization in nineteenth-century Germany; also Kathryn Olesko, Physics as a Calling: Discipline and Practice in the Königsberg Seminar for Physics (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1991).

16. Frankland to Kolbe, 19 April 1871, SSDM 3567. This passage constitutes a concise statement of the conventionalist's creed.

17. See Rocke, "Kekulé's Benzene Theory and the Appraisal of Scientific Theories," in A. Donovan, L. Laudan, and R. Laudan, eds., Scrutinizing Science: Empirical Studies of Scientific Change (Boston: Kluwer, 1988), pp. 145-161.

18. Of course, "structure theory" was not monolithic, and there was continual and often bitter controversy within the structuralist camp over details—double bonds, free affinities, variability of valence, the nature of aromaticity, and so on. For these events, see C. A. Russell's fine treatment in The History of Valency (Leicester: Leicester Univ. Press, 1971). Here I am most interested in the conflict between Kolbe and the structure theorists as a group, who comprised most of the active collegial community after around 1865.

19. The strong program is defined and characterized in David Bloor, Knowledge and Social Imagery (London: Routledge, 1976), pp. 1-19. The quotes by Latour are found in K. D. Knorr-Cetina and Michael Mulkay, eds., Science Observed: Perspectives on the Social Studies of Science (London: Sage, 1983), p. 141; and Steve Woolgar, ed., Knowledge and Reflexivity (London: Sage, 1988), p. 166. See also Latour and Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Social Construction of Scientific Facts (London: Sage, 1979); and Latour, The Pasteurization of France (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1988). Collins' sentence is in his "Stages in the Empirical Program of Relativism," Social Studies of Science , 11 (1981), 3-10 (on p. 3). Barnes and Shapin's statement is in their introduction to their edited volume Natural Order: Historical Studies of Scientific Culture (London: Sage, 1979), p. 9.

20. The first of these phrases is used in Paul A. Roth's elaborate critique, Meaning and Method in the Social Sciences (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1987), pp. 152-225, and the second is in Larry Laudan, "The Pseudo-Science of Science?" Philosophy of the Social Sciences , 11 (1981), 173-198; see also Laudan, Science and Relativism (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1990).

21. The first of these quotes is from Bloor, Knowledge and Social Imagery , p. 45; the second is in John A. Schuster, "Constructing Contextual Webs," Isis , 80 (1989), 493-496 (on p. 494).

22. For example, Bloor, Knowledge and Social Imagery , pp. 13-14; Wool-gar, ed., Reflexivity ; review by Bloor of the latter book, in Isis , 81 (1990), 155-156; Steve Woolgar, Science: The Very Idea (London: Tavistock, 1988), pp. 43-44; and Laudan, "Pseudo-Science of Science?".

23. But see, for example, Terry Shinn, "Orthodoxy and Innovation in Science: The Atomist Controversy in French Chemistry," Minerva , 18 (1980), 539-555; Mary Jo Nye, "Berthelot's Anti-Atomism: A 'Matter of Taste'?," Annals of Science , 38 (1981), 585-590; idem, Science in the Provinces: Scientific Communities and Provincial Leadership in France, 1860-1930 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1986); Harry W. Paul, The Sorceror's Apprentice: The French Scientist's Image of German Science, 1840-1919 (Gainesville: Univ. of Florida Press, 1972); and Robert Fox, "Scientific Enterprise and the Patronage of Research in France, 1800-70," in G. L'E. Turner, ed., The Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (Leiden: Noordhof, 1976), pp. 9-51.

24. Joseph Ben-David, The Scientist's Role in Society , 2d ed. (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1984); Avraham Zloczower, Career Opportunities and the Growth of Scientific Discovery in Nineteenth-Century Germany (New York: Arno, 1981); Steven Turner, Edward Kerwin, and David Woolwine, "Careers and Creativity in Nineteenth-Century Physiology: Zloczower Redux," Isis , 75 (1984), 523-529; Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Klett, 1976); Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany," Isis , 76 (1985), 500-524; and idem, The Kaiser's Chemists: Science and Modernization in Imperial Germany (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1990).

25. A French model of center-periphery competition has recently been explored in Nye, Science in the Provinces .

26. On this question, see Fox, "Scientific Enterprise."

27. Note, for example, the historical and historiographical similarities between Martin Rudwick's The Great Devonian Controversy (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1985), James A. Secord's Controversy in Victorian Geology: The Cambrian-Silurian Dispute (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1986), and David Oldroyd's The Highlands Controversy: Constructing Geological Knowledge through Fieldwork in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1990). A concise and perceptive discussion is Charles Rosenberg, ''Woods or Trees? Ideas and Actors in the History of Science," Isis , 79 (1988), 565-570.