1. Hubert Kiesewetter, Industrialisierung und Landwirtschaft: Sachsens Stellung im regionalen Industrialisierungsprozess Deutschlands im 19. Jahrhun-

dert (Vienna: Böhlau, 1988), pp. 745-748; idem, Industrielle Revolution in Deutschland 1815-1914 (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1989), pp. 16-19 and 305-314. Kiesewetter rightly stresses that a proper understanding of industrialization in Germany can only be achieved by examining regional differences and especially interregional competition—a point that is paralleled by many aspects of the present work as well. [BACK]

2. The first, that is, of any economic significance. The Nürnberg-Fürth line in Bavaria was essentially a demonstration project. [BACK]

3. Helmut Kretzschmar, "Johann Paul von Falkenstein," Neue deutsche Biographie , 5 (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1961), 15-16. [BACK]

4. The discussion and numerical data in this and the next two paragraphs derive principally from Franz Eulenburg, Die Entwicklung der Universität Leipzig in den letzten hundert Jahren (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1909), pp. 11-19, 35-39, 46-48, 190, and 197. [BACK]

5. Franz Eulenburg, Die Frequenz der deutschen Universitäten von ihrer Gründung bis zur Gegenwart (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1904), pp. 250ff. [BACK]

6. Rektor und Senat der Universität Leipzig, ed., Festschrift zur Feier des 500 jährigen Bestehens der Universität Leipzig (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1909), 4 :2, pp. 11-14, 19, and 72; Eulenburg, Leipzig , pp. 146-147. [BACK]

7. Universität Leipzig, Festschrift , pp. 70-72; Erdmann to Falkenstein, 7 January 1865, in UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 33-44, on ff. 35r-35v. See also C. Jungnickel, "Teaching and Research in the Physical Sciences and Mathematics in Saxony, 1820-1850," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 10 (1979), 3-47. [BACK]

8. All these details derive from Kolbe's long letter to Varrentrapp of 26 February 1871, VA 267. [BACK]

9. Universität Leipzig, Festschrift , 4 :2, 85-89, and various other volumes, passim. [BACK]

10. Joseph Ben-David, The Scientist's Role in Society , 2d ed. (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1984), chap. 7; Avraham Zloczower, Career Opportunities and the Growth of Scientific Discovery in Nineteenth-Century Germany (New York: Arno, 1981). [BACK]

11. Eulenburg, Universität Leipzig , pp. 141-150; Kretzschmar, "Falkenstein." [BACK]

12. Peter Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848-1914) (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett, 1976); Arleen M. Tuchman, "From the Lecture to the Laboratory: The Institutionalization of Scientific Medicine at the University of Heidelberg," in William Coleman and Frederic L. Holmes, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth-Century Medicine (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1988), pp. 65-99, esp. p. 97, n. 58; Tuchman, "Science, Medicine, and the State: The Institutionalization of Scientific Medicine at the University of Heidelberg," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Wisconsin-Madison, 1985. [BACK]

13. Theodor Curtius, Geschichte des chemischen Universitäts-Laboratoriums Heidelberg (Heidelberg, 1908), pp. 4-5. [BACK]

14. In a suggestive and ambitious article, Steven Turner has made an admirable start on the complex goal of analyzing the Prussian case: "Justus

Liebig versus Prussian Chemistry: Reflections on Early Institute-Building in Germany," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , 13 (1982), 129-162. On the cost of the Heidelberg lab, see Curtius, p. 14; the cost has been converted from guldens to thalers at the rate of 1.75 guldens per thaler. [BACK]

15. Erdmann to Falkenstein, 7 January 1865, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 37r-38r; Jeffrey Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany," Isis , 76 (1985), 500-524. [BACK]

16. For which see Turner, "Institute-Building," pp. 146-147 (above, n. 14). [BACK]

17. The following discussion of the call of Hofmann to Bonn and Berlin is based on Jonathan Bentley, "Hofmann's Return to Germany from the Royal College of Chemistry," Ambix , 19 (1972), 197-203; Gert Schubring, "The Rise and Decline of the Bonn Natural Sciences Seminar," Osiris , [2] 5 (1989), 57-93; W. H. Brock, ed., Justus von Liebig und August Wilhelm Hofmann in ihren Briefen (1841-1873) (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1984); A. W. Hofmann, The Chemical Laboratories in Course of Erection in the Universities of Bonn and Berlin (London: Clowes, 1866); and Jacob Volhard, August Wilhelm von Hofmann: Ein Lebensbild (Berlin: Friedländer, 1902). However, there are errors and omissions in several of these discussions, and I have tried to determine the most accurate course of events by critical collation and by comparison with a variety of unpublished letters that are not cited by these authors. [BACK]

18. Bentley, "Return to Germany," pp. 198 and 201-202; Volhard, Hofmann , p. 79; Wöhler to Liebig, 27 March and 25 July 1863, in Hofmann, LWB , 2 , 132 and 141. [BACK]

19. Hofmann to Buff, 4 December 1863, in Volhard, Hofmann , p. 81; Kekulé to Beilstein, 2 January 1864, August-Kekulé-Sammlung (reporting on a letter dated 21 December 1863 from Hugo Müller, who had spoken with Hofmann two days earlier). [BACK]

20. Frankland wrote Kolbe on 22 February 1864, "Hofmann has not yet quite made up his mind, but I think there is little doubt that he will go to Berlin, in which case you must of course go to Bonn" (SSDM 3563); Kolbe reported to Vieweg on 22 June that Hofmann had officially accepted the Berlin offer (VA 206). [BACK]

21. This reported by Kolbe in letters to Vieweg of 22 June 1864 and undated (but datable to 16 July 1865), VA 206 and 232. The latter letter cites a conversation Kolbe had with Kultusminister Olshausen as the source, so it must be regarded as more than mere rumor. Nonetheless, it appears Hofmann kept this detail confidential, for the Bonn succession was the subject of much impatient gossip in chemists' correspondence during 1864, 1865, and 1866. [BACK]

22. Hofmann, Laboratories , p. 52; Volhard, Hofmann , p. 195; Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), p. xix n. [BACK]

23. Kolbe to Vieweg, 19 April 1865, VA 223. [BACK]

24. Kolbe to Vieweg, 31 August and 1 October 1865, and 9 July 1866, VA 234, 237, and 246; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 26 March 1868, Dingler Nachlass. Regarding the Bonn lab, "Es wird ein chemischer Palast, und hat alle meine Erwartungen übertroffen. Er [Hofmann] weiss nicht, ob er Berlin oder Bonn wählen soll." (VA 234) The lab is "etwas zu luxuriös und weitläufig eingerich-

tet." (Kolbe to Vieweg, 15 September 1865, VA 235.) To Hofmann, he declared that he would have nothing to change were he to come to Bonn: letter of 14 January 1867, Chemiker-Briefe. [BACK]

25. Johnson, "Academic Chemistry in Imperial Germany." [BACK]

26. Kolbe to Vieweg, 25 April 1863, 21 and 26 February, 2 March, and 22 June 1864, VA 191, 199, 200, 201, and 206; Kolbe to Frankland, 24 February and no date (but datable to ca. 27 October 1864), Frankland Archive 01.02.1511 and 01.04.84. The translated phrases in quotation marks are from VA 201 and 206. [BACK]

27. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 July 1864, VA 207; Kekulé to Baeyer, 16 March 1865, August-Kekulé-Sammlung (latter also printed in Richard Anschütz, August Kekulé , 2 vols. [Berlin: Verlag Chemie, 1929], 1 , 366-367); Kolbe to Hofmann, 14 January 1867, Chemiker-Briefe. [BACK]

28. Kolbe to Vieweg, 9 November 1863, VA 197; Kolbe to Frankland, 5 February 1864, Frankland Archive 01.02.1497. [BACK]

29. This story was related to Baeyer by Kekulé, who had it from Müller, who had it from Hofmann, who described the conversation (in Berlin in early 1865) but refused to identify his interlocutor: Kekulé to Baeyer, 16 March 1865, August-Kekulé-Sammlung; also in Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 366-367. [BACK]

30. Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July 1867, Frankland Archive 01.04.1374; Kolbe to Hofmann, 27 October 1866, Chemiker-Briefe. In the latter letter, Kolbe indicated to Hofmann, for whatever use he wanted to make of the information, that he could be lured from Leipzig by an offer of a new large laboratory. [BACK]

31. Kolbe to Hofmann, 30 June 1867, Chemiker-Briefe. [BACK]

32. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 369-373. [BACK]

33. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 11 June 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 22-24.

34. ibid. Wagner to Falkenstein, 10 June 1864, ibid., f. 21. This argument was only implied, not developed explicitly. [BACK]

33. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 11 June 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 22-24.

34. ibid. Wagner to Falkenstein, 10 June 1864, ibid., f. 21. This argument was only implied, not developed explicitly. [BACK]

35. On Hirzel and Knop, see especially Poggendorff and the Neue deutsche Biographie . On the Möckern experiment station, see Mark Finlay, "The German Agricultural Experiment Stations," Agricultural History , 62 (1988), 41-50; idem, "Wissenschaft und Praxis in der deutschen Landwirtschaft: Justus von Liebig, Hermann von Liebig, und die landwirtschaftlichen Versuchsstationen," Zeitschrift für Agrargeschichte und Agrarsoziologie , in press; and Ursula Schling-Brodersen, "Entwicklung und Institutionalisierung der Agrikulturchemie im 19. Jahrhundert: Liebig und die landwirtschaftlichen Versuchsstationen," Ph.D. dissertation, Technische Universität Braunschweig, 1988. [BACK]

36. Falkenstein to Medical Faculty, 9 December 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 26-28.

37. ibid. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 24 January 1865, ibid., ff. 45-61; Wagner to Falkenstein, no date, ibid., f. 31; Erdmann to Falkenstein, 7 January 1865, ibid., ff. 33-44; Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, no date, ibid., ff. 29-30. [BACK]

36. Falkenstein to Medical Faculty, 9 December 1864, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, ff. 26-28.

37. ibid. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 24 January 1865, ibid., ff. 45-61; Wagner to Falkenstein, no date, ibid., f. 31; Erdmann to Falkenstein, 7 January 1865, ibid., ff. 33-44; Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, no date, ibid., ff. 29-30. [BACK]

38. Erdmann to Falkenstein, ibid., f. 37r-37v: "'Bekommen Sie denn nicht Alles was Sie beantragen?'"

39. Ibid., ff. 41v-42r. [BACK]

38. Erdmann to Falkenstein, ibid., f. 37r-37v: "'Bekommen Sie denn nicht Alles was Sie beantragen?'"

39. Ibid., ff. 41v-42r. [BACK]

40. Falkenstein to Medical Faculty, 28 April 1865, ibid., ff. 62-68. [BACK]

41. ''. . . und mag nicht unterlassen, hierbei unter Anderen auf den Professor Kolbe in Marburg, der von mehreren sachkundigen Männern Ihm [dem Ministerium] empfohlen worden ist, aufmerksam zu machen." Ibid., ff. 67v-68r; these are the last words of Falkenstein's directive. Timothy Lenoir has given another reading to Falkenstein's memo in his "Science for the Clinic: Science Policy and the Formation of Carl Ludwig's Institute in Leipzig," in Coleman and Holmes, eds., Investigative Enterprise , pp. 139-178 (on p. 166-169). Contrary to Lenoir, however, Falkenstein barely mentions agricultural chemistry, makes no references to limitations of resources (quite the contrary), and only once in the scores of pages of this series of memos refers vaguely to "dieses für das gesammte wissenschaftliche und praktische Leben, zumal in einem Staate wie Sachsen hochwichtigen Unterrichtszweiges" (f. 65r). Nor could Falkenstein have intended to have suggested Kolbe's name as one who would directly contribute to the Saxon chemical industry, for (among other reasons) Kolbe was known at this time as an intensely theoretically inclined chemist, and there was no indication that his orientation might change in the future. In short, the model of state socioeconomic interest as guiding the Kolbe call, which was Lenoir's theme, does not survive close inspection. I doubt if any of Falkenstein's calls will be found to fit this model, except in the very indirect and long-term sense which I argue in the first section of this chapter. State interest was operating here and strongly so, but it was state interest in achieving academic excellence, not immediate economic payoff. [BACK]

42. Medical Faculty to Falkenstein, 31 May 1865, UAL, Med. Fac., BIII, Nr. 2b, Bd. 2, f. 69; Philosophical Faculty to Falkenstein, 13 June 1865, UAL, PA 645, and UAL, Phil. Fac., 82, pp. 330-332; Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 June 1865, VA 226, regarding Erdmann's letter, just received. [BACK]

43. Ludwig also told Kolbe that confidential inquiries regarding Kolbe had already been made in Marburg, and favorably answered, and that Ludwig was doing his best to advance Kolbe's candidacy. Since neither Kolbe's nor Kekulé's names ever came up in the internal deliberations of the Medical Faculty, Falkenstein must have been making independent inquiries. The Dekan of the Philosophical Faculty must also have been involved since Ludwig added that his favorite candidate was Kekulé. (I have found no documentation in the Leipzig Universitätsarchiv on these questions.) All this was related in Kolbe's letter to Vieweg of 8 February 1865, VA 217, regarding Ludwig's letter received the day before. [BACK]

44. Kolbe to Vieweg, 8 February 1865, VA 217; Kolbe to Vieweg, 16 February and 1 June 1865, VA 219 and 226. [BACK]

46. HSA, 305a . AIV 4b., Nr. 94. [BACK]

47. Kolbe to Vieweg, 25 June, 8 and 16 July, [1] and 31 August, 15 September, 1 October, and 7 November 1865, VA 229, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 237, and 236; Kolbe to Liebig, 26 July 1865, Liebigiana IIB; Liebig to Kolbe, 31 July 1865, SSDM 3609; Kolbe to Volhard, 11 August 1865, SSDM 3654; Kolbe to Frankland, 21 September 1865, Frankland Archive 01.02.1480; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 11 August 1865, Dingler Nachlass. The sticking point in

the negotiations was the new laboratory. Kolbe averred to Vieweg (VA 229) that even if he failed to get the new lab, he would accept the call as a means of escaping Marburg, but would then feel free to accept the subsequent expected call to Bonn. On the other hand, if a new lab came with the Leipzig call, he would feel obliged to refuse the Bonn offer. As it turned out, he got the lab in Leipzig and yet very nearly also accepted the call to Bonn, only refusing because the Bonn lab was to be shared with Landolt. [BACK]

48. Kolbe to Vieweg, 1 October, 7 November and 23 December 1865, VA 237, 236, and 238; Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 11 August 1865 and 25 February 1866, Dingler Nachlass; Kolbe to Hofmann, 3 June 1866, Chemiker-Briefe. [BACK]

49. Kolbe to Vieweg, no date (1 August 1865), 23 and 30 December 1865, 5 May, 9 July, and 28 October 1866, VA 233, 238, 239, 243, 246, and 248. [BACK]

50. This is equal to 70 by 72 meters. [BACK]

51. Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July 1867, Frankland Archive 01.04.1374; Kolbe to Liebig, 3 March 1867, Liebigiana IIB; Wilhelm Strube, "Hermann Kolbe (1818-1884)," in Gerhard Harig, ed., Bedeutende Gelehrte in Leipzig , 2 vols. (Leipzig: Karl-Marx-Universität, 1965), 2 , 25-35; Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), pp. xvxx. Other sources for the history of chemistry at the University of Leipzig are Wilhelm Treibs, "Zur Geschichte der Entwicklung der Chemie an der Universität Leipzig," in Ernst Engelberg et al., eds., Karl-Marx-Universität Leipzig 1409-1959: Beiträge zur Universitätsgeschichte , 2 vols. (Leipzig: Verlag Enzyklopädie, 1959), 1 , 464-480; and Burckhardt Helferich, Das Studium der Chemie an der Universität Leipzig (Leipzig: Lorentz, 1932). [BACK]

52. The following description of Kolbe's institute building is based on his lengthy depictions in Das neue chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1868); on Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium der Universität Leipzig (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1872), pp. xv-xxxiii and plates; on Kolbe to Volhard, 16 May 1873, SSDM 3663; and on Festschrift der Universität Leipzig , 4 :2, 70-84. [BACK]

53. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium , p. xviii. There are no surviving 'statistics or class lists in the archives of the University of Leipzig, so the sort of analysis carried out in chap. 9 for the case of Marburg is not possible here. On Kolbe's enrollments in summer semester 1866 and summer semester 1867, see Kolbe to Vieweg, 5 May 1866, VA 243, and Kolbe to Frankland, 9 July 1867, Frankland Archive 01.04.1374. [BACK]

54. Kolbe to Vieweg, 19 July and 8 November 1869, 1 May and 10 and 23 October 1872, VA 258, 263, 280, 292, and 296; Kolbe to Frankland, 1 May and 8 November 1872, Frankland Archive 01.03.593 and 01.03.704; Kolbe to Liebig, 15 December 1869, 1 January and 29 November 1872, Liebigiana IIB. The story sometimes appears in the Kolbe literature that Liebig had warned Kolbe that he was planning far too large an institute. Liebig simply asserted in this letter (25 December 1872), which I have not found in original but is excerpted in Ost, HK, p. 128, that one cannot effectively teach so many Praktikanten at once. [BACK]

55. Kolbe to Liebig, 29 November 1872, Liebigiana IIB. [BACK]

56. Kolbe to Liebig, 23 February 1873, ibid; Kolbe to Frankland, 1 January 1873, 20 March and 19 December 1877, Frankland Archive 01.03.604, 01.02.1411, and 01.04.1506; Kolbe to Volhard, 28 September 1873, SSDM 3664. [BACK]

57. Kolbe to Wöhler, 4 November 1881, Wöhler Nachlass; Ost, HK, p. 133. [BACK]

58. Eulenburg, Universität Leipzig , pp. 112-113. [BACK]

59. On the lab budget, see Festschrift , 4 :2, 84, and Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xlii; on Kolbe's income, see his letter to Volhard of 16 May 1873, SSDM 3663. In addition to his salary of 2000 thalers (which did in effect represent a raise since after 1868 he no longer paid rent for his residence), he was making "somewhat more than 5000 thalers per year" in honoraria and an additional 500 or 600 from examination and promotion fees. Kolbe's frankness to Volhard was because Volhard was gathering information regarding a possible call for Kolbe to Munich as Liebig's successor. Kolbe's honorarium total is consistent with the supposition that he kept his charges the same as at Marburg, namely, 11 and 22 thalers for the part- and full-day Praktika, respectively, and 6 and 8 thalers for four- and six-hour lecture courses, respectively. [BACK]

60. Wislicenus to Kolbe, 7 June 1874, SSDM 3549; Volhard to Kolbe, 30 December 1877, SSDM 3515. [BACK]

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii. [BACK]

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii. [BACK]

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii. [BACK]

61. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

62. Ibid., pp. xxxix-xl.

63. Ibid., pp. xlii-xlvi; Das neue chemische Laboratorium , pp. 1 and 21.

64. Ibid., Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , p. xliii. [BACK]

65. Frankland to Kolbe, 1 January 1873, SSDM 3567. [BACK]

66. Classic and recent writings on these issues include L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry During the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958); John Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1959); D. H. Wilcox, "Kekulé and the Dye Industry," in O. T. Benfey, ed., Kekulé Centennial (Washington, D.C.: American Chemical Society, 1966), pp. 24-71; Borscheid, Naturwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden ; G. Meyer-Thurow, "The Industrialization of Invention: A Case Study from the German Chemical Industry," Isis , 73 (1982), 363-381; and A. S. Travis, The Rainbow Makers: The Origins of the Synthetic Dyestuffs Industry in Western Europe (Bethlehem, P.A.: Lehigh Univ. Press, 1993). I thank Dr. Travis for sharing with me the manuscript of chap. 3 of this work. [BACK]

67. UAL, Phil. Fac., B 128. [BACK]

68. Verzeichniss der . . . auf der Universität Leipzig zu haltenden Vorlesungen (Leipzig: Edelmann, various years). [BACK]

69. Carl Graebe, then Privatdozent, wrote Carl Liebermann that 36 of Kolbe's 130 Praktikanten were full-day workers. He added that his own lecture course on organic chemistry was drawing 40 students: Graebe to Liebermann, 7 November 1869, SSDM 1933/1, cited by Elisabeth Vaupel, "Carl Graebe (1841-1927)—Leben, Werk und Wirken," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Munich, 1987, p. 189. Graebe had worked in Kolbe's Marburg lab in 1862. In another letter, he remarked on his friendly relations with Kolbe, but "I will not

come with him into a closer relationship, as this is too little in his nature" (Graebe to his parents, 24 November 1869, SSDM 1933-78/14, cited in Vaupel, "Carl Graebe," p. 189). [BACK]

70. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xl-xli. Exceptions to this generalization were during the three peak semesters of 1872-1874 when 40 students were entrusted completely to assistants, and during some isolated semesters in the late 1870s and early 1880s when Kolbe was too ill to work in the lab regularly.

71. Ibid., pp. vii and xl. [BACK]

70. Kolbe, Das chemische Laboratorium Leipzig , pp. xl-xli. Exceptions to this generalization were during the three peak semesters of 1872-1874 when 40 students were entrusted completely to assistants, and during some isolated semesters in the late 1870s and early 1880s when Kolbe was too ill to work in the lab regularly.

71. Ibid., pp. vii and xl. [BACK]

72. Ernst von Meyer, Lebenserinnerungen (n.p., n.d., privately printed ca. 1918), passim. As assistant, Meyer lived in the same building as the Kolbe family; he and Johanna had been playing chamber music together since shortly after their first meeting in 1866. Meyer's relationship with "Vater Kolbe" was extraordinarily cordial and remained undisturbed by Kolbe's increasingly intemperate conduct toward his professional peers. Meyer was inducted into modern structural chemistry by Carl Graebe, who served for one semester (winter 1869/70) as Privatdozent in Leipzig. [BACK]

73. See discussion of these events, with citations to the literature, in chap. 10. [BACK]

74. Beilstein to Butlerov, 24 November 1866, in G. V. Bykov and L. M. Bekassova, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der Chemie der 60er Jahre des XIX. Jahrhunderts. II. F. Beilsteins Briefe an A. M. Butlerov," Physis , 8 (1966), 267-285 (on p. 280). [BACK]

75. Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 256-261. [BACK]

76. Beilstein to Butlerov, 24 November 1866, in Bykov and Bekassova, "Beiträge," p. 281 (see n. 74). [BACK]

77. On this tradition, see Otto Krätz, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer: Briefe zur Geschichte der chemischen Dokumentation und des chemischen Zeitschriftenwesens (Munich: Fritsch, 1972), p. 18n. and passim. [BACK]

78. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 15 March 1864, Dingler Nachlass. The content of Erlenmeyer's letter to Kolbe, which does not appear to have survived, may be inferred from Kolbe's words. [BACK]

79. Krätz, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer, " p. 17n. (above, n. 77). [BACK]

80. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 20 October and 22 November 1864, Dingler Nachlass; Kolbe to Vieweg, 14 November 1864 and 8 February 1865, VA 212 and 217. Erlenmeyer wanted an annual guaranteed honorarium of 1000 florins, equal to about 570 thalers (letter of 20 October). [BACK]

81. Kolbe to Erlenmeyer, 15 March and 11 December 1864, Dingler Nachlass. [BACK]

82. For these events, see Anschütz, Kekulé , 1 , 404-409, and Krätz, Beilstein-Erlenmeyer , passim. [BACK]

83. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 10, 21, and 27 October 1879, VA 260, 262, and 261; quote is from the last of these. Considering that in 1864 Eduard Vieweg had turned Erlenmeyer down chiefly because of his request for an honorarium of 570 thalers, it is not surprising that five years later Heinrich Vieweg balked at the prospect of paying 600 thalers per year. [BACK]

84. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 21 and 27 October 1869, VA 262 and 261. [BACK]

85. Kolbe to Varrentrapp, 8 November 1869 and 17 January 1870, VA 263 and 265. [BACK]