Race Hygiene and National Efficiency "nsd0e156"

I— The Social, Professional, and Intellectual Origins of Schallmayer's Eugenics

1. Ralf Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany (New York: Anchor, 1969), 33.

2. Walther G. Hoffmann, "The Take-Off in Germany," in The Economics of Take-Off into Sustained Growth , ed. W. W. Rostow (London: Macmillan, 1963), 95-118; Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Das Deutsche Kaiserreich (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1977), 24 and 41-59; Rainer Fremdling, "Railroads and German Economic Growth: A Leading Sector Analysis with a Comparison to the United States and Great Britain," Journal of Economic History 37 (1977): 583-604; Hans Rosenberg, "Wirtschaftskonjunktur, Gesellschaft, und Politik," in Moderne deutsche Sozialgeschichte , ed. Hans-Ulrich Wehler (Köln: Kiepenheuer und Witsch, 1976), 225-253.

3. Wolfgang Köllmann, "The Process of Urbanization in Germany at the Height of the Industrialization Period," Journal of Contemporary History 4 (1969): 62.

4. G. Hohorst, J. Kocka, and G. A. Ritter, Sozialgeschichtliches Arbeitsbuch: Materialen zur Statistik des Kaiserreichs 1870-1914 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1975), 19.

5. Wehler, Das Deutsche Kaiserreich , 60-140; Richard Evans, ed., Society and Politics in Wilhelmine Germany (New York: Barnes and Noble, continue

1978), 16-22; Wolfgang Mock, "Manipulation von oben oder Selbstorganisation an der Basis? Einige neuere Ansätze in der englischen Historiographie zur Geschichte des deutschen Kaiserreichs," Historische Zeitschrift 232 (1981): 358-375.

6. For a discussion of the radicalization of the labor movement as a result of the Anti-Socialist Law see Vernon L. Lidtke, The Outlawed Party: Social Democracy in Germany, 1878-1890 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), 320-332.

7. For a brief discussion of the middle-class fear of the proletariat see Fritz Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 129; Fritz Stern, "The Political Consequences of the Unpolitical German," in The Failure of Illiberalism: Essays on the Political Culture of Modern Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), 15; Guenther Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany (1963; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1979), 85-101.

8. Vincent E. McHale and Eric A. Johnson, "Urbanization, Industrialization and Crime in Imperial Germany," Social Science History 1 (1976-77): 213. It should be pointed out, however, that the authors deal only with Prussia. Whether the rise in criminal activity was due to a real increase in the number of criminals or merely reflected an increase in the number of reported crimes remains unclear. It was probably a combination of the two.

9. Eduard Otto Mönkemöller, "Kriminalität," in Handwörterbuch der sozialen Hygiene , ed. A. Grotjahn and J. Kaup (Leipzig: F. C. W. Vogel, 1912), 1:687.

10. E. Fuld, "Das ruckfälliger Verbrechertum," Deutsche Zeit- und Streit-Fragen 14 (1885): 453-484; McHale and Johnson, "Urbanization, Industrialization and Crime," 212-214.

11. Eduard Otto Mönkemöller, "Kriminalität," 688.

12. Richard Evans, "Prostitution, State and Society in Imperial Germany," Past and Present , no. 70 (1976): 106-107.

13. Ibid., 108.

12. Richard Evans, "Prostitution, State and Society in Imperial Germany," Past and Present , no. 70 (1976): 106-107.

13. Ibid., 108.

14. James S. Roberts, "Der Alkoholkonsum deutscher Arbeiter im 19. Jahrhundert," Geschichte und Gesellschaft 6 (1980): 226.

15. Ibid., 237.

16. Ibid., 232; Germany, Reichskommission, Internationale Hygiene-Ausstellung, Dresden, 1930-31, Die Entwicklung des deutschen Gesundheitswesens (Berlin: Arbeitgemeinschaft sozialhygienischer Reichsfachverbände, 1931), 18; Alfred Grotjahn, "Alkoholismus," in Handwörterbuch der sozialen Hygiene , 1:14. The most important pre-twentieth-century temperance organization was the Deutscher Verein gegen continue

Mißbrauch geistiger Getränke (German Association Against the Misuse of Alcoholic Beverages), founded in 1883.

14. James S. Roberts, "Der Alkoholkonsum deutscher Arbeiter im 19. Jahrhundert," Geschichte und Gesellschaft 6 (1980): 226.

15. Ibid., 237.

Mißbrauch geistiger Getränke (German Association Against the Misuse of Alcoholic Beverages), founded in 1883.

14. James S. Roberts, "Der Alkoholkonsum deutscher Arbeiter im 19. Jahrhundert," Geschichte und Gesellschaft 6 (1980): 226.

15. Ibid., 237.

Mißbrauch geistiger Getränke (German Association Against the Misuse of Alcoholic Beverages), founded in 1883.

17. Ludwig Meyer, "Die Zunahme der Geisteskrankheiten," Deutsche Rundschau (1885): 83; Alexander K. von Oettingen, Die Moralstatistik in ihrer Bedeutung für eine Sozialethik , 3d ed. (Erlangen: A. Deichert, 1882), 671; Arthur von Fircks, Bevölkerung und Bevölkerungspolitik (Leipzig: C. L. Hirschfeld, 1898), 116.

18. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 1st. ed., 187-189; Eduard Otto Mönkemöller, "Selbstmord," in Handwörterbuch der sozialen Hygiene , 2:376.

19. Germany, Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich (Berlin: Heymann, 1907), 64; Alfred Grotjahn, "Krankenhauswesen," in Handwörterbuch der sozialen Hygiene , 2:643.

20. The soziale Frage was born out of the contradiction between utopian social and political ideals (e.g., transcendence of class-conflict, the "unpolitical" state which stands above class interests) and the social and economic reality (a class society with class conflict) unleashed by Germany's industrial revolution. For a whole series of humanitarian, ethical, economic, military, and above all, political reasons, German social theorists believed it necessary to secure the (mythical) social harmony said to have been destroyed by economic liberalism and the process of industrialization. Albert Müssiggang, Die soziale Frage in der historischen Schule der deutschen Nationalökonomie (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1968), 4. Müssiggang's book contains an extensive bibliography of both primary and secondary sources dealing with the social question.

21. See, for example, Adolf Wagner, Rede über die soziale Frage (Berlin: Wiegandt und Grieben, 1872); Gustav Schmoller, "Die soziale Frage und der preussische Staat," in Quellen zur Geschichte der sozialen Frage in Deutschland , 2d ed., Quellensammlung zur Kulturgeschichte, vol. 9, ed. Ernst Schraepler (Göttingen: Musterschmidt, 1964), 2:62-66; Friedrich Naumann, "Christlich-Sozial," in Quellen zur Geschichte der soziale Frage , 2:79-84; Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins , 145-147.

22. Müssigang, Die soziale Frage , 133.

23. In employing the word "organicism" to describe Marx's social theories I am following the philosopher of history Maurice Mandelbaum's definition of the term. Organicism refers "to the doctrine that human thought and action are invariably dependent upon the forms of organizations of social institutions." See Mandelbaum's History, Man, and Reason: A Study in Nineteenth Century Thought (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971), 170.

24. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins , 146.

25. Ibid., 147. break

24. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins , 146.

25. Ibid., 147. break

26. James S. Roberts, Drink, Temperance and the Working Class in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1984), 64.

27. For a discussion of the attitudes and prejudices of the Bildungsbürgertum see Klaus Vondung, ed., Das wilhelminische Bildungsbürgertum: Zur Sozialgeschichte seiner Ideen (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1976); Stern, "The Political Consequences of the Unpolitical German."

28. Vondung, Das wilhelminische Bildungsbürgertum , 26.

29. Ibid., 67-69.

28. Vondung, Das wilhelminische Bildungsbürgertum , 26.

29. Ibid., 67-69.

30. Stern, "The Political Consequences of the Unpolitical German," passim; Roberts, Drink, Temperance and the Working Class , 55-56. The general cultural outlook of the Bildungsbürgertum is very evident in the German Association for the Prevention of Alcohol Abuse. The Association's attempt to project the cultural and moral values of its members onto society, its belief that it stood "above politics, as the guardians and purveyors of objective truth," and its desire to increase Germany's industrial efficiency in order to make the Reich more competitive, are all remarkably similar to the aims of the German Society for Race Hygiene.

31. Baader and Schultz, eds., Medizin und Nationalsozialismus , 64.

32. Claudia Huerkamp, "ärzte und Professionalisierung in Deutschland: Überlegungen zum Wandel des Arztberufs im 19. Jahrhundert," Geschichte und Gesellschaft 6 (1980): 366-367.

33. Eduard Seidler, "Der politische Standort des Arztes im zweiten Kaiserreich," in Medizin, Naturwissenschaft, Technik und das zweite Kaiserreich , 91; Hans-Georg Güse and Norbert Schmacke, Psychiatrie zwischen bürgerlicher Revolution und Faschismus (Hamburg: Athenäum, 1976), 2:345-356; Godwin Jeschal, Politik und Wissenschaft deutscher Ärzte im Ersten Weltkrieg , Würzburger medizinhistorische Forschungen, Bd. 13 (1977), 21-22. There are, of course, many notable exceptions to this generalization concerning the political attitude of physicians; Rudolf Virchow is perhaps the most obvious one. Baader and Schultz, eds., Medizin und Nationalsozialismus , 56-60. It should be noted, however, that Baader and Schultz's discussion of the political attitude of physicians is limited to the First World War.

34. Seidler, "Der politische Standort," 87.

35. For a discussion of the health reform movement see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der Medizinalreform von 1848," Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 25 (1932): 61-109, 112-183; Rosen, "Die Entwicklung der sozialen Medizin," in Seminar: Medizin, Gesellschaft, Geschichte. Beitrage zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der Medizinsoziologe , ed. Hans-Ulrich Deppe and Michael Regus (1975), 99-102.

36. Rosen, "Die Entwicklung der sozialen Medizin," 99-102. break

37. George Rosen, A History of Public Health (New York: M. D. Publications, 1958), 225.

38. Although the reformers' hopes for a full-fledged public health program were not realized until the last quarter of the century, a "more limited program of sanitary reform" was undertaken in the years immediately following the defeat of the revolution. Ibid., 257; Gunter Mann, "Führende deutsche Hygieniker des 19. Jahrhunderts: Eine Übersicht," in Städte-, Wohnungs- und Kleidungshygiene des 19. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland , ed. Walter Artelt et. al. (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1969), 7.

39. Stephan L. Chorover, From Genesis to Genocide: The Meaning of Human Nature and the Power of Behavior Control (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1979), 78.

40. Ackerknecht, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der Medizinalreform," 91.

41. Gerd Göckenjan, Kurieren und Staat machen. Gesundheit und Medizin in der bürgerlichen Welt (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1985), 240.

42. Rosen, A History of Public Health , 44; Seidler, "Der politische Standort," 91-92; Eulner, "Hygiene als akademisches Fach," in Städte-, Wohnungs- und Kleidungshygiene , 18. Whereas academic medical researchers in the 1880s and 1890s undoubtedly enjoyed a very comfortable standard of living and a high measure of social prestige (partly owing to their position as civil servants), evidence suggests that at least some private practitioners were complaining about hard economic times. While the general practitioner was hardly on the brink of starvation, a general increase in the number of students studying medicine as well as the introduction of Bismarck's health insurance legislation made it more difficult for physicians without a field of specialization to secure their bourgeois life-style. In later years, as physicians became more financially dependent on the private insurance companies managing German health care, their economic situation became worse. For a discussion of the psychological and economic effects of Bismarck's health insurance laws on German physicians, see Robert J. Waldinger, "The High Priests of Nature: Medicine in Germany, 1883-1933" (B.A. thesis, Harvard University, 1973); Chorover, From Genesis to Genocide , 79; Huerkamp, "Ärzte und Professionalisierung in Deutschland," 367.

43. The recognition that social utility was a prerequisite for the professional prestige of the physician can be seen in the statement of one perceptive doctor in 1870—a time when the new developments in medicine had barely made an impact upon the professional fortunes of medical practitioners. "Only to the degree to which physicians elevate themselves above writing prescriptions and, as scientists and citizens, know how to render themselves useful and indispensable to society and state, will they receive the prize of public recognition still witheld from them." Göckenjan, Kurieren und Staat , 318. break

44. Rosen, A History of Public Health , 166.

45. Germany, Reichsgesundheitsamt, Das Reichsgesundheitsamt 1876-1926 (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1926), 6; Eulner, "Hygiene als akademisches Fach," 22.

46. Rosen, A History of Public Health , 167.

47. Eulner, "Hygiene als akademisches Fach," 19.

48. The role of physicians in the Third Reich will be discussed briefly in the Epilogue.

49. For a discussion of Alfred Grotjahn and the rise of social hygiene see Rosen, "Die Entwicklung der sozialen Medizin," 109-114. As will be demonstrated in chap. 4, social hygiene and eugenics do have much in common, and were not incompatible strategies for "improving national health." Until recently there has been a tendency in the literature dealing with the history of social medicine to view social hygiene as a unambiguously progressive discipline in contrast to the racist and reactionary eugenics movement. Recently, more critical studies of the history of social hygiene have revealed that it was greatly influenced by the concerns and rhetoric of eugenics. On this point see, for example, Paul Weindling, "Soziale Hygiene: Eugenik und medizinische Praxis—Der Fall Alfred Grotjahn," Das Argument: Jahrbuch für kritische Medizin (1984): 6-20. During the Weimar years Grotjahn was active in the Social Democratic party of Germany, and as such is an exception to the more common "apolitical" German physician.

50. Erwin H. Ackerknecht, A Short History of Psychiatry , 2d ed., trans. S. Wolff (New York and London: Hafner, 1968), 82.

51. A partial list of the available literature discussing the importance of heredity as an etiological factor in insanity is given in the bibliography to K. Grassman's article, "Kritische Ueberblick über die gegenwärtige Lehre von der Erblichkeit der Psychosen," Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Psychiatrie 52 (1896): 960-1022. With regard to the role assigned to heredity in epilepsy see Oscar Aronsohn, Ueber Heredität bei Epilepsie (Berlin: Wilhelm Axt, 1894). In addition, the etiological significance of the hereditary disposition for tuberculosis was also stressed in Germany's leading medical journals at this time. See, for example, M. Wahl, "Über den gegenwärtigen Stand der Erblichkeitsfrage in der Lehre von der Tuberculose," Deutsche medizinische Wochenschrift (1885), no. 1: 3-5, no. 3: 36-38, no. 4: 34-36, no. 5: 69-71, no. 6: 88-90. One institutional study available to physicians was "Über die Vererbung von Geisteskrankheiten nach Beobachtung in preussischen Irrenanstalten," Jahrbuch für Psychiatrie und Neurologie 1 (1879): 65-66.

52. George M. Beard was a specialist of sorts in the fields of electrotherapy and disorders of the nervous system. For a discussion of continue

Beard see, Charles E. Rosenberg, "George M. Beard and American Nervousness," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 36 (1962): 245-259, reprinted in Rosenberg, No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), 98-108; Francis G. Gosling, "American Nervousness: A Study in American Medicine and Social Values in the Gilded Age, 1870-1900" (Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1976).

53. George M. Beard, American Nervousness: Its Causes and Consequences (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1881), 16.

54. Beard, American Nervousness , Preface, iv. Beard was very conscious of Germany's overall scientific and medical superiority. He felt that history might, however, demonstrate that Europe had something to learn from America.

55. The term erbliche Belastung should be thought of as a hereditary disposition to some disease or disorder. Belastung literally means burden or handicap. Those who were "tainted"—people victimized by their own inferior disposition—were indeed burdened or handicapped, and it was a handicap that was impossible to overcome. For use of the word in German medical literature see Otto Binswanger, Die Pathologie und Therapie der Neurasthenie: Vorlesungen für Studierende und Aerzte (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1896); Richard Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing, Über gesunde und kranke Nerven (Tübingen: Laupp'schen Buchhandlung, 1885); Leopold Löwenfeld, Pathologie und Therapie der Neurasthenie und Hysterie (Wiesbaden: J. F. Bergmann, 1894); Paul Julius Möbius, Die Nervosität (Leipzig: J. J. Weber, 1882). Other terms used to describe the same phenomenon include neuropathic disposition, neuropathic diathesis, nervous constitution, nervous taint, etc.

56. Möbius, Die Nervosität , 21.

57. Wilhelm Erb, Über die wachsende Nervosität unserer Zeit (Heidelberg: Universitäts-Buchdruckerei von J. Hörning, 1893), 22.

58. Löwenfeld, Pathologie und Therapie der Neurasthenie und Hysterie , 21-22.

59. Möbius, Die Nervosität , 31.

60. Some of the secondary sources on the origins of Morel's theory of degeneration and its impact on Western psychiatric thought include: Annemarie Wettley, "Zur Problemgeschichte der 'dégénérescence,'" Sudhoffs Archiv 43 (1959): 193-212; Wettley, "Der Entartungsbegriff und seine geistigen Abzweigungen in der Psychopathologie des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts," Jahrbuch für Psychologie 6 (1958-59): 279-285; Wettley, "Entartung und Erbsünde: Der Einfluß des medizinischen Entartungsbegriffs auf den literarischen Naturalismus," Hochland 51 (1958-59): 348-358; Peter Burgener, Die Einflüsse des zeitgenossichen Denkens in continue

Morels Begriff der "dégénérescence," Zürcher medizingeschichtliche Abhandlungen, no. 16 (Zürich: Juris, 1964); Ruth Friedlander, "Benedict Augustin Morel and the Development of the Theory of 'dégénérescence'" (Ph.D. diss., University of San Francisco, 1973); Ackerknecht, A Short History of Psychiatry , chap. 7.

61. Wettley, "Zur Problemgeschichte der 'dégénéresence,'" 195-196.

62. Wettley, "Der Entartungsbegriff," 280-281; Ackerknecht, A Short History of Psychiatry , 56.

63. Möbius, Über Entartung (Wiesbaden: J. F. Bergmann, 1900), 95-96, 99.

64. Richard Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing, "Nervosität und neurasthenische Zustände," Specielle Pathologie und Therapie , ed. Hermann Nothnagel (Vienna: Alfred Holder, 1899), vol. 2, pt. 2:5.

65. For a discussion of Lombroso and the relationship of his ideas to the origins of modern criminology, see Robert A. Nye, "Heredity or Milieu: The Foundations of Modern European Criminological Theory," Isis 67 (1976): 335-381.

66. Hans Kurella, Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1893).

67. See, for example, Robert Gaupp, "Über den heutigen Stand der Lehre von 'geborenen Verbrecher,'" Monatsschrift für Kriminalpsychologie und Strafrechtsreform 1 (1904): 33; Paul Näcke, "Über den Wert der sogenannten Degenerationszeichen," Monatsschrift für Kriminalpsychologie und Strafrechtsreform 1 (1904); 108; and Gustav Aschaffenburg, Crime and Its Repression , trans. Adalbert Albrecht (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1913), 177.

68. Gaupp, "Über den heutigen Stand der Lehre von 'geborenen Verbrecher,'" 32.

69. Ibid., 31.

68. Gaupp, "Über den heutigen Stand der Lehre von 'geborenen Verbrecher,'" 32.

69. Ibid., 31.

70. Constitutionspathologie or Constitutionslehre represented, at least in part, a movement away from Virchow's anatomischer Gedanke (anatomical perspective) among German pathologists beginning around 1890. Whereas Virchow stressed the localization of disease and identified its cause as some external stimulus, the originators of the Constitutionslehre (Ottomar Rosenbach, Ferdinand Hueppe, and Friedrich Martius) reacted against Virchow's limited perspective. Pathological anatomy proved impotent as a viable interpretive framework for a whole series of so-called functional ailments and constitutional diseases. Defenders of the Constitutionslehre minimized the importance of Virchow's external stimulus as the etiological factor in disease and focused on the individual's overall bodily constitution. Rather than investigate the disease, pathologists such as Martius found more promise in a continue

careful examination of diseased individuals (including their forefathers and descendants). As Henry E. Sigerist has pointed out, the shift in medical thinking in favor of the constitution formed the basis for eugenic thought. See Henry E. Sigerist, "Das Bild des Menschen in der modernen Medizin," Neue Blätter für den Sozialismus 1 (1930); 102. Martius himself was an enthusiastic supporter of the German eugenics movement and a member of the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Rassenhygiene. For a discussion see Rainer Krügel, Friedrich Martius und der konstitutionelle Gedanke , Marburger Schriften zur Medizingeschichte, Bd. 11 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1984); Paul Diepgen, "Krankheitswesen und Krankheitsursachen in der speculativen Pathologie des 19. Jahrhunderts," Sudhoffs Archiv 18 (1926); 302-327; Paul Diepgen, Geschichte der Medizin , 2:2 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter and Co., 1955); 138-144.

71. Wahl, "Über den gengenwärtigen Stand," 5.

72. Möbius, Die Nervosität , 27-28.

73. Moriz Kende, Die Entartung des Menschengeschlechts, ihre Ursachen und die Mittel zu ihrer Bekämpfung (Halle: Carl Marhold, 1901), 36-48.

74. The importance of natural selection for evolutionary theory was discussed in the works of several German-speaking eugenicists and their supporters. See Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 1st ed., p. 3; Alfred Ploetz, Die Tüchtigkeit unsrer Rasse und der Schutz der Schwachen. Ein Versuch über Rassenhygiene und ihr Verhältnis zu den humanen Idealen, besonders zum Socialismus (Berlin: Gustav Fischer, 1895), 16; August Forel, The Sexual Question , 2d ed. trans. C. F. Marshal (New York: Physicians' and Surgeons' Book Company, 1924), 42; Heinrich E. Ziegler, Die Vererbungslehre in der Biologie und in der Soziologie (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1918), 165.

75. For an excellent treatment of natural selection as metaphor, its problems and its appeal, see Robert Young, "Darwin's Metaphor: Does Nature Select?" Monist 55 (1971); 442-503.

76. For a discussion of the influence of Greg, Wallace, and Galton on Darwin's views concerning the role of natural selection in human and social evolution see Lyndsay Farrall, "The Origins and Growth of the English Eugenics Movement" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1970), 11-27.

77. John C. Greene, "Darwin as a Social Evolutionist," Journal of the History of Biology 10 (1977); 11.

78. Charles Darwin, Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex , 2d ed. (1876; reprint, New York: The Modern Library, n.d.), 504.

79. Ibid., 507.

80. Ibid., 918-919. break

78. Charles Darwin, Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex , 2d ed. (1876; reprint, New York: The Modern Library, n.d.), 504.

79. Ibid., 507.

80. Ibid., 918-919. break

78. Charles Darwin, Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex , 2d ed. (1876; reprint, New York: The Modern Library, n.d.), 504.

79. Ibid., 507.

80. Ibid., 918-919. break

81. William M. Montgomery, "Germany," in The Comparative Reception of Darwin , ed. Thomas F. Glick (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974), 81.

82. Ibid., 83.

81. William M. Montgomery, "Germany," in The Comparative Reception of Darwin , ed. Thomas F. Glick (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974), 81.

82. Ibid., 83.

83. Schallmayer did not become familiar with Weismann's work until after the publication of his first short treatise. See chap. 3.

84. One historian of science has even gone so far as to suggest that in the last revised edition of Darwin's Origin , the title was misleading. It would have been more appropriate had it read: "On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection and All Sorts of Other Things." Young, "Darwin's Metaphor," 496-497.

85. Darwin's Lamarckian influences can most clearly be seen in his somewhat less well-known work, The Variation of Animals and Plants Under Domestication (New York: O. Judd and Co., 1868).

86. August Weismann, "On Heredity," in Essays Upon Heredity and Kindred Problems , ed. Edward Poulton, Selmar Schönland, and Arthur Shipley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), 72.

87. Ibid., 78.

88. Ibid., Preface and 69; also see Fredrick Chruchill, "August Weismann and a Break from Tradition," Journal of the History of Biology 1 (1968): 101.

86. August Weismann, "On Heredity," in Essays Upon Heredity and Kindred Problems , ed. Edward Poulton, Selmar Schönland, and Arthur Shipley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), 72.

87. Ibid., 78.

88. Ibid., Preface and 69; also see Fredrick Chruchill, "August Weismann and a Break from Tradition," Journal of the History of Biology 1 (1968): 101.

86. August Weismann, "On Heredity," in Essays Upon Heredity and Kindred Problems , ed. Edward Poulton, Selmar Schönland, and Arthur Shipley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), 72.

87. Ibid., 78.

88. Ibid., Preface and 69; also see Fredrick Chruchill, "August Weismann and a Break from Tradition," Journal of the History of Biology 1 (1968): 101.

89. Weismann was quick to point out that neither direct observation nor experiment demonstrated the inheritance of acquired characteristics. The Freiburg embryologist concluded with DuBois Reymond that "the hereditary transmission of acquired characters remains an unintelligible hypothesis, which is only deduced from the facts which it attempts to explain." Weismann, "On Heredity," 82.

90. Ibid., 90.

91. Ibid., 86.

90. Ibid., 90.

91. Ibid., 86.

90. Ibid., 90.

91. Ibid., 86.

92. August Weismann, Vorträge über Deszendenztheorie , 2d ed. (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1904), 2:123-125.

93. Alfred Kelly, The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 5.

94. Ibid., 23, 130.

95. Ibid., 22.

93. Alfred Kelly, The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 5.

94. Ibid., 23, 130.

95. Ibid., 22.

93. Alfred Kelly, The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 5.

94. Ibid., 23, 130.

95. Ibid., 22.

96. For a full discussion of Haeckel's monism see Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism .

97. I have used the following English translation: Ernst Haeckel, The History of Creation: Or the Development of the Earth and Its Inhabitants by the Action of Natural Causes , trans. and revised by E. Ray Lankester (London: Henry S. King and Co., 1876), 1:120. break

98. Ibid., 277.

99. For a discussion of Spencer's "law of progress," see his famous 1857 article, "Progress: Its Law and Cause," reprinted in his Essays Scientific, Political and Speculative (New York: D. Appelton and Co., 1891), 8-62.

100. Haeckel, The History of Creation , 1:172.

101. Ibid., 172-173.

102. Ibid., 174.

100. Haeckel, The History of Creation , 1:172.

101. Ibid., 172-173.

102. Ibid., 174.

100. Haeckel, The History of Creation , 1:172.

101. Ibid., 172-173.

102. Ibid., 174.

103. In my use of the term I am following John Greene's definition of social Darwinism as "the belief that competition between individuals, tribes, nations, and races has been an important, if not the chief, engine of progress in human history." See Greene, "Darwin as a Social Evolutionist," 26. At least two historians adhere to a similar periodization of social Darwinism. Kelly, The Descent of Darwin , chap. 6; Zmarzlik, "Sozialdarwinismus in Deutschland," 246-273.

104. Rosenberg, "Wirtschaftskonjunktur," 233.

105. Kelly, The Descent of Darwin , 105-106.

106. Hermann W. Siemens, Die biologischen Grundlagen der Rassenhygiene und der Bevölkerungspolitik (Munich: J. F. Lehmann, 1917), 10.

107. There were, of course, some second generation social Darwinists who did not become involved with eugenics. The so-called social anthropologist Otto Ammon (1862-1916), and the deputy business director of the Organization of German Industrialists, Alexander Tille (1866-1912), are two of the most important such figures. For a discussion of Ammon's racial anthropology see chap. 4.