1. Watson, "Early Days," 557-61; see also Bénézit, Dictionnaire, "Le Clerc."

2. Watson, "Early Days," 566-70; Méjanès, "Le Cabinet du roi et la Collection des planches gravées"; Porcher, "La création du Cabinet des Planches gravées." Le Clerc also worked with Cassini on astronomical drawings in September 1671: Wolf, Observatoire, 168.

3. Wolf, Observatoire; Cassini, Anecdotes; Stroup, "Louis XIV" On propaganda during the reign, see Klaits, Printed Propaganda.

4. See, for example, the standards of admission to Rohault's learned society: Clair, Rohault, 26-27.

1. For an eighteenth-century summary of the secretary's responsibilities, see BA MS. 7464: 48-52.

2. Bourdelin referred to Gallois as Colbert's representative: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 108v (20 Nov. 1682).

3. AdS, Reg., 9: 5r, 93v-95r, 100v, 101v-3r; 11: 162v (27 Feb. 1686); Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 250-52, 260-61, 400, 421 (2 Dec. 1679, 18 Jan., 31 May 1681); Saunders, Decline and Reform, 120-23.

4. Histoire...1722, 128; AdS, dossier "Pierre Couplet"; Wolf, Observatoire, 42-44, 94-95; Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 47; Cassini, Anecdotes, 290, 304, 309. Other academicians, including Bourdelin, Carcavi, Du Hamel, and Thévenot, shared the responsibility; on Bourdelin, see BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 101r (3 Oct. 1681).

5. During the 1660s and 1670s, meetings lasted from 3 to 7 or 8 o'clock: Oldenburg, Correspondence, 6: 143. During the 1690s, they were shorter, starting at 2 and ending at 5 o'clock: BN MS. Clairambault 566: 252v.

6. Biographical information about academicians in aggregate is based on IB, NBU, Nicéron, Hommes illustres, DSB, and the eulogies by Fontenelle and Condorcet; other sources are indicated in the notes.

7. Cipolla, Literacy, 61. Recruitment for the Academy resembled that for the Maurist order, whose monks came mainly from dioceses north of the Loire river: Ultee, Abbey, 46.

8. Very few academicians came from outside France. Only seven of sixty-two, or 11 percent, were foreigners, whereas during the eighteenth century foreigners accounted for 36 percent of the members. In the seventeenth century, however, foreign academicians had a better chance of receiving pensions; their eighteenth-century counterparts were usually corresponding members: McClellan, "Académie," 554.

9. See, for example, the biography of Gilles Ménage, in his Dictionnaire étymologique. Some of the academicians born in Paris came from families that had only recently moved to the capital. Claude Perrault's lawyer father, for example, came from Tours: Condorcet, Oeuvres, 2: 43.

10. Mousnier, Paris au XVIIe siècle; Martin, Livre; Fisher, "Development of London."

11. McClellan, "Académie," 554-55; in the eighteenth century most academicians from the provinces were corresponding members.

12. See Condorcet, Oeuvres, 2, and Fontenelle, Éloges, for biographies of academicians; Brockliss, French Higher Education; Huppert, Bourgeois Gentilshommes; Martin, Livre; Mousnier, Institutions, 1: 112-210, 236-74.

13. Lister, Journey, 97; Hirschfield, Académie, chap. 2; Whitmore, The Order of Minims, 190, 240. On Colbert's hostility to the Jesuits, see Dainville, Géographie des humanistes, 434; Colbert, Lettres, 5: 513-14. Duclos, however, was a Paracelsian.

14. Condorcet, Oeuvres, 2: 1-4, 5-15, 33-39.

15. Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 378, 264, 204, 129.

16. Information about academicians is taken from CdB, Histoire, Historia, IB, DSB, and eulogies by Fontenelle and Condorcet. Other sources are indicated in the notes on individuals.

17. On Perrault, see Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, and Hommes illustres, 1: 67-68; Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 33: 258-68; Condorcet, Oeuvres, 2: 43-54; Hallays, Les Perrault; and Cl. Perrault's own Voyage à Bordeaux.

18. On Mariotte, see Picolet, "Sur la biographie de Mariotte," 245-76, in Mariotte, savant et philosophe, who corrects previous biographies; Dorveaux, "L'autopsie"; Clair, Rohault, 59; Costabel, "Paradoxe"; Pelseneer, "Petite contribution"; Rochot, "Roberval, Mariotte"; Solovine, "Tricentenaire"; Brunet, "Méthodologie"; Condorcet, Oeuvres, 2: 23-33; Papillon, Bibliothèque, 2: 24-25; Mariotte, Oeuvres; Leibniz, Lettres, 40, 42. Although Mariotte is traditionally listed among the earliest academicians (Mémoires, 10: 307; Gauja, "L'Académie," 299; IB), the minutes, the financial record, and the earliest history of the Academy make it clear that he joined the Academy well after January 1667. He did not hear Perrault read his "projet pour la botanique" that month, he first received a pension in 1668, and Du Hamel himself observed that Mariotte joined the Company late. Watson, "Early Days," 568, identifies Mariotte as the academician wearing a calotte and arguing with Perrault and Pecquet in plate 3.

19. On Duclos, see Todériciu, "Sur la vraie biographie de Samuel Duclos"; Nouvelles de la république des lettres (1685); Maindron, L'Acadéie, 4.

20. On Dodart, see Clair, Rohault, 59-60; Bourdelot, Conversations; Racine, Oeuvres, 6: 586-87; Saint-Simon, Mémoires, 15: 319, cited in Racine, Oeuvres, 6: 562-63; AdS, dossier "Denis Dodart"; AdS, Reg., 8: 2r-7v, 18: 144r-v; Stroup, Royal Funding, 25-26; Leibniz, Oeuvres, 1: 217, 239, 244, 259. Some of Dodart's notes for the natural history of plants survive in BMHN MSS. 447-51.

21. On Bourdelin, see Dorveaux, "Grands pharmaciens. 1. Bourdelin"; Bedel, "Conceptions"; Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 1: 433; Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 7: 98-101, 101-12; Oldenburg, Correspondence, 6: 143. The chemist's manuscripts survive in AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1-3, and BN MSS. n. a. fr. 5133-49; for Tournefort's account of his technique, see BMHN MS. 259; AdS, Reg., records contributions made by Bourdelin at nearly every seventeenth-century meeting. Mariotte and Homberg used Bourdelin's analyses differently: Stroup, "Wilhelm Homberg."

22. On Nicolas and Jean Marchant, see BU, 26: 486; Roger, Sciences de la vie, 169 n. 35; Bréchot et al., "Note bibliographique"; Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi"; Paul, Science and Immortality, 129, 176 n. 14; AdS, Reg., 18: 144v (28 Feb. 1699). Manuscripts at BMHN include the inventory of their libraries (MS. 2253) and their notes for the natural history of plants (MSS. 447-51). JdS, 1: 606-7, reviewed Jean Marchant's De Febre Purpurata.

23. On Homberg, see Stroup, "Wilhelm Homberg," and Royal Funding, 15 n. 6; Cap, Études biographiques, 2: 214-32; Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 14: 151-67; AdS, Reg., 12: 60r-v (7 May 1687); Leibniz, Lettres, 98; Régis, Cours, 1: 642.

24. On Tournefort, see Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 4: 354-71, 10A: 154-55, 10B: 146-47; Tournefort; Clair, Rohault, 60; Callot, "Système"; Leroy, "Tournefort"; Laissus and Laissus, "Tournefort et ses portraits"; Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi"; Lister, Journey, 62; and BMHN MS. 76, on his demonstrations of plants at the Jardin royal. Many of his manuscripts survive at the BMHN.

25. On Borelly, see Chabbert, "Jacques Borelly," and "Pierre Borel"; Clair, Rohault, 59; and Furetière, Recueil des factums, 2: 174. Although Borelly became an academician in 1674, he worked in the laboratory in 1672: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5134: 272-73.

26. On Charas, see Salomon-Bayet, "Opiologia"; Cap, Études biographiques, 1: 117-29; Dorveaux, "Grands pharmaciens. 2. Charas"; Nicolas, Histoire littéraire de Nîmes, 1: 357-61; Bouvet, "Apothicaires royaux"; JdS, 2: 475-79; Denis, Recueil, bound with JdS, 3: 74, 81-90.

27. On Du Verney, see Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 25: 350-57; Schiller, "Laboratoires"; Lister, Journey, 65, 69 (italics removed); Clair, Rohault, 60.

28. On Tauvry, see Hahn, Anatomy, 34; Roger, Sciences de la vie, 171-73; AdS, Reg., 17: 188r, 220r-v, 341r-45r; 18: 1r-4v, 45v-52v, 141v, 198v-99r, 274r (30 Apr., 24 May, 6 Aug., 12 Nov., 10 Dec. 1698, 28 Feb., 1 Apr., 6 May 1699).

29. AdS, Reg., 14: 204r (7 Dec. 1695); Lister, Journey, 79-80; Stroup, Royal Funding, 49, 127.

30. On Huygens, see his Oeuvres; Bos et al., Studies on Christiaan Huygens; Lister, Journey, 112; Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 19: 214-31; Stroup, "Christiaan Huygens"; Busson, Religion des classiques, 85-87.

31. On La Hire père, see Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 5: 335-46, 10B: 160-81; Huygens, Oeuvres, vols. 8, 9, and 10, contain correspondence of La Hire and Huygens and references to La Hire in other letters; Wolf, Observatoire; La Hire, "Description d'un tronc de palmier petrifié."

32. On La Hire fils, there is little information; Fontenelle wrote no eulogy but referred in passing to him: Éloges, 276.

33. On Sédileau, see Wolf, Observatoire; Condorcet, Oeuvres, 2: 90-91; Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 378 n. 17.

34. On Cassini, see his Anecdotes, 257-62; Ch. Perrault, Mémoires; Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 7: 287-322, 10B: 236-48; BU, 133-36; Wolf, Observatoire, 6-7, 23, 71-72, 78-80, 151, 161, 206, 279; Stroup, Royal Funding, documents VII and VIII.

35. On Gallois, see Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 8: 153-60; Clair, Rohault, 59; Brunot, Histoire, 4, 1: 23; Sgard et al., Dictionnaire; NBU; DBF; AdS dossier "Jean Gallois"; Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 45-46; AdS, Reg., 10: 80r-v, 111v; Mémoires, 10: 130-38 (31 July 1692); Neveu, "Vie," 464-65; Leibniz, Lettres, 84, 93, 96.

36. On Du Hamel, see NBU; DBF; Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 1: 265-74, 10A: 46-47, says that the additions to the 1701 edition of Historia were translated from Fontenelle's history as published in the annual Histoire et mémoires.

37. On Fontenelle, see Marsak, Fontenelle; Paul, Science and Immortality; NBU; DBF; Leibniz, Lettres, 195-235; AdS, Reg., 15: 253r (9 Jan. 1697); Musée du Conservatoire, Histoire et prestige, 59, oversimplifies the relationship between Du Hamel's and Fontenelle's histories.

38. On La Chapelle, see Stroup, Royal Funding, 103n. e; Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 479n. 1; vol. 9 contains correspondence between La Chapelle and Huygens; correspondence in other volumes contains references to La Chapelle.

39. Stroup, Royal Funding, chaps. 5-6; he kept abreast of research and attendance by reviewing the minutes, which bear his signature.

40. On Bignon, see Saisselin, Literary Enterprise, 86; Clarke, "Bignon," 217, 222; BN MS. fr. 22225; BN MS. Clairambault 566: 186-94; Leibniz, Oeuvres, 1: 289, 308.

41. Saunders, Decline and Reform, 116-18, 124-27.

42. On Colbert, see Cole, Colbert and Mercantilism; Collas, Chapelain; Ministère de la Culture, Colbert, 1619-1683; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 30; Ch. Perrault, Hommes illustres, 1: 37-39, and Mémoires de ma vie; Colbert, Lettres; Lister, Journey, 128-29, describes Colbert's library; Bertrand, L'Académie et les académiciens, 39-40; Wolf, Observatoire, 115. On Du Hamel's book, his Philosophia vetus et nova, see Busson, Religion des classiques, 72, 75-76. Du Hamel included revision of the book in his annual reports of the Academy's activities: AdS, Reg., 10: 45v-46r, 73v-74r; for the third edition, he sought a contribution by Huygens on the magnet: Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 479. For a retrospective appreciation in 1691 of Colbert's preference for natural philosophy and mathematics over theology or history, see BN Archives de l'ancien régime 53: 10r.

43. On Louvois, see Histoire, 1: 386-87, 2: 132- 33; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 26-130; Bertrand, LAcadémie et les académiciens, 41-44.

44. On Pontchartrain, see Berger, "French Administration," "Pontchartrain and the Grain Trade," and "Rural Charity"; Frostin, "L'organisation," and "La famille ministérielle"; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 132-52; Stroup, Royal Funding; Leibniz, Oeuvres, 1: 289; Saint-Simon, Mémoires, 1: 52n. 2, and 6: 268-91; and Bignon's papers at the BN.

45. On Louis XIV, see Lavisse, Louis XIV; Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen; Cassini, Anecdotes, 3, 94, 117-19, 289, 291, 292; Wolf, Observatoire, 118-20; Frostin, "L'organisation." Lister, Journey, 214, reported that the king "pleases himself in Planting and Pruning the Trees with his own Hand."

1. Martin, Livre, 965; Brunot, Histoire, 6, 1: 406-17.

2. Martin, Livre, 652-53, 964; Barber, Bourgeoisie;Fontenelle Éloges, 44.

3. Histoire ... 1699, 3-11; JdS, 2: 387-92; AdS, Reg 4: 99r.

4. Goubert, The Ancien Régime, 215; Auvray, "Affiches," 203; Cipolla, "The Professions." For definitions of académie and compagnie, see Berthelin, Abrégé du Dictionnaire de Trévoux; Académie française, Dictionnaire; Furetière, Dictionnaire; Bourdelot, Conversations, 12-13, 14-21; Dubois and Lagane, Dictionnaire de la langue française classique; Le Roy de la Corbinaye, Traité de l'orthographie; Quemada, Matériaux; Huguet, Petit glossaire; Godefroy, Dictionaire de l'ancienne langue française; Brunot, Histoire; Moréri, Dictionnaire; Sommer, Lexique de Madame de Sévigné, 13: 173-74; Livet, Lexique de Molière, 1: 438; compare OED.

5. Huygens, Oeuvres, 5: 41; McKeon, "Lettre"; Sealy, Palace Academy; George, "Seventeenth Century Amateur," and "Genesis"; Fauré-Fremiet, "Les origines"; Evans, "Learned Societies"; Gauja, "Les origines"; Adams, "Social Responsibilities"; Yates, Academies, chap. 12; Hahn, Anatomy, 4-7; Bigourdan "Les premières réunions savantes"; Brown, Scientific Organizations; Ornstein, Rôle of Scientific Societies, 139-45; Taton, Origines.

6. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 19; Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 44-46; Histoire ... 1720, 123; Paul, Science and Immortality. On false modesty, see La Bruyère, Caractères, 8: 42, 44.

7. On Descartes and his influence, see Descartes, Discours, pt. 6; Salomon-Bayet, L'institution de la science, 101; Dubarle, "The Proper Place of Science," 405-7; Paul, Science and Immortality. Compare Yates, Academies, 307-8, who interprets Fontenelle's Entretiens within a sixteenth-century tradition. On Bacon and his influence, see AdS, Reg., 1: 22-38; Bacon, Works, 3: 156-57; Huygens, Oeuvres, 19: 268-70; see also his correspondence during the 1660s; Hahn, Anatomy, 11, 15; Purver, The Royal Society, pt. 1; Zilsel, "The Sociological Roots of science," 558; Olmsted, "Scientific Expedition," 127; Juillard, "Société Royale," 80-82. On medical utility, see Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 7: 102.

8. Ultee, Abbey, 21-37.

9. King, Science and Rationalism; Nef, Industry and Government, gives background; Huygens, Oeuvres, 6: 212; Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 45-47; Martin, Livre, 860, 923; Delorme, "Correspondance de Chapelain."

10. Colbert, Lettres, 5: 513.

11. Cole, Colbert and Mercantilism, chap. 6; Couton, "Effort publicitaire"; Collas, Chapelain, 360; Colbert, Lettres, 5: 499, 514-15

12. Cole, Colbert and Mercantilism, 1: 349; see also 20-24, 346; Coleman Revisions in Mercantilism, 71, 196-97.

13. Wilson, "Trade, Society and the State," 530; Heckscher, Mercantilism, 1: 24; Sée, Esquisse, 276; Aston, ed., Crisis; Coleman, ed., Revisions in Mercantilism.

14. Colbert, Lettres, 5: 514; Roger, Sciences de la vie, 173.

15. Colbert, Lettres, 5: 559.

16. Collas, Chapelain, 386-87, 375. See also Colbert, Lettres, 5: 513, 535-36, 550-51; Cole, Colbert and Mercantilism, 1: 315-17.

17. Collas, Chapelain, 355, 390-93.

18. Colbert, Lettres, 5: 593-94.

19. Ibid., 600-601, 603, 609.

20. Ibid., 513, 514, 515; Collas, Chapelain, 369-75, 383-84, 387; Cole, Colbert and Mercantilism, 1: 24, 294-95; Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 361, 8: 112, 196-99; Histoire ... 1699, 10-11.

21. Sée, Esquisse, chaps. 6-8; Grassby, "Social Status"; Thirsk, Economic Policy and Projects; Braudel and Labrousse, Histoire économique, 2: 356-58; Cole, Colbert and Mercantilism, 1: 315, 454, 477, 2: 142-43, 147-48, 171, 180; Schaeper, Economy of France, 25-54.

22. Hahn, Anatomy, 18-19; Caullery, "La biologie au XVIIe siècle," 33; Roger, Sciences de la vie, 173.

23. Colbert, Lettres, 5: 403-4, 407-8, 514; Histoire, 1: 361-66; Huygens, Oeuvres, 4: 513-16; Stimson, Scientists and Amateurs, 16; Brown, Scientific Organizations, 76; Dubarle, "The Proper Place of Science"; Wolf, Observatoire, 3; Olmsted, "Scientific Expedition," 119.

24. Colbert, Lettres, 5: 293, 314, 315-16, 334, 336, 351, 404n., 421-22; Sée, Esquisse, 289; Cole, Colbert and Mercantilism, 2: 124-25, 134. On plans to launch a scientific expedition when overseas headquarters for the East India Company were established, see Olmsted, "Scientific Expedition," 119.

25. Oldenburg, Correspondence, 6: 502, 507; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 105-18.

26. Grassby, "Social Status," 19-22.

27. In its formative period, therefore, the institution combined functions performed in the modern era by research laboratories, universities, learned societies, scholarly publishers, and scientific consultants: Hagstrom, Scientific Community, 23, 26-27, 48; Pyenson, "'Who the Guys Were,"' 169. Academicians also refereed books and articles before publication, taking this function so seriously that an academician might blame his colleagues for insufficient vigilance when he published inaccurate claims: Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 253, 255.

1. Chapelain, Lettres, 2: 348, 406; Collas, Chapelain, 383 n.4, and 386 n. 2.

2. Stroup, Royal Funding, 61-63.

3. In addition to pensions, academicians received jetons: CdB, 1: 780, 1203, 1367. Information is so sketchy that they have been omitted from calculations of expenditure on the Academy. Memoranda from the end of the seventeenth century and beginning of the eighteenth discuss the history of jetons and propose ways of using them as incentives for the Académie française: BN MS. Clairambault 566: 191r, 193r-v, 198r-20Ov, 202r. In the eighteenth century, when up to forty jetons could be distributed at each meeting of the Academy of Sciences, their status was summarized on the estats for pensions: BN MS. fr. 22225: 35r.

4. Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 87-88 n. 1; 8: 456-57; 18: 4 n. 5. Pensions were not secret, but many rumors about them were inaccurate.

5. Stroup, Royal Funding, chaps. 2-3.

6. Antoine Niquet did so: Blanchard, Dictionnaire, 561-62, and Ingénieurs, 64 n. 146, 68, 99-100, 126n. 43, 160, 213, 302, 340, 389, 453, 458; Colbert, Lettres, 5: 140, 155-56, 161-62, 167, 181, 190-91, 214-15, 230-31; AN G⁷ 898 (Jan. 1697).

7. BN MS. Clairambault 814: 633-34.

8. Stroup, Royal Funding, chap. 2.

9. Bertrand, "Les Académies d'autrefois" (1867): 752, and Stroup, Royal Funding, chaps. 2-3.

10. Stroup, Royal Funding, 28-30, 71, and app. B and C.

11. BN Archives de l'ancien régime 53: 10v; Histoire, 1: 13; BMHN MS. 1278: 1v; Bertrand, "Les Académies d'autrefois" (1867): 757; Hahn, "Scientific Careers," and "Scientific Research."

12. Of sixt-two members, fifty-seven attended meetings; the others were honorary, associate, or corresponding members who lived in the provinces or abroad. For a list of the sixty-two members before the reorganization of 1699, see Stroup, Royal Funding, fig. 2.1. Some persons who became members in 1699 had already attended meetings or corresponded with the Academy. On de Beauchamp, see Bigourdan, "Observatoires de la région provençale," 257; on Renau, see BN MS. Clairambault 566: 251v, quoted in Saunders, Decline and Reform, 258. Those who did not attend were Leibniz, Tschirnhaus, Chazelles, Langlade, and Guglielmini. The Academy differed from the Accademia del Cimento, which drew on a small region for its members, and from the Royal Society, which had far more members, most of whom "never played more than a nominal part in the activities of the Society": Webster, The Great Instauration, 89; Middleton, Experimenters; and Hoppen, "The Nature of the Early Royal Society."

13. The English were especially struck by the small size of the Academy. Francis Vernon wrote to Oldenburg that Cassini had told him "that the Royall Academie are not as ours in Engld a great assembly of Gentlemen, Butt only a few Persons wch are eminent, & not in number above 13, or 14": Oldenburg, Correspondence, 5: 507 (11 May 1669).

14. The Academy also dissected the painter Le Brun in 1690: Histoire, 2: 92.

15. On shared expenses, see table 12; Schiller, "Laboratoires," 105-6, 110, 113-14; AN O¹ 2124.

16. Méjanès, "Le Cabinet du Roi et la Collection des planches gravées"; Porcher, "La création du Cabinet des Planches gravées"; payments to Nicolas Clément and Goitton in CdB and BN Archives de l'ancien régime 1 and 2; BN Archives de l'ancien régime 53: 32r-41r, 51r-58v, 72r-66r, 86r; Ranum, "Islands and the South in a Ludovician Fête."

17. Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi," 204, 206-10, 216-17; Tournefort, 211 n. 2; Schiller, "Laboratoires," 110; Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle, Exposition; AdS, Reg., 9: 166v; 10: 44r-v; 11: 114v, 118v, 129r-v, 150v; 18: 125r-v; BMHN MSS. 1556-62, and MS. 89, dossier 2; BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 64r, 102r. On the early history of the Jardin royal, see Howard, "Medical politics," "Guy de La Brosse," and La bibliothèque et le laboratoire.

18. BN MS. Clairambault 814: 632-33; AN O¹ 1678^A: items 4 and 19; Brice, Description, 1: 73-84; Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 122n. 2; Huygens, Oeuvres, 17: 498n. 3; 21: 7-8; Wolf, Observatoire, 1-2; Hillairet, Dictionnaire des rues, 2: 654-57. When Lister visited the Library in 1698, he counted twenty-two rooms: Journey, 108. Only a garden separated Colbert's hôtel and the Library.

19. On holdings of the library pertinent to the Academy's work, see: table 12g; BN MS. Clairambault 566: 252r; BN Archives de l'ancien régime 53: 22r, 26r-28r, 47r, 48v, and passim; BMHN MS. 450: 127r; Brice, Description, 1: 76; Lister, Journey, 109-11. Simone Balayé points out that eighteenth-century encyclopédistes were impressed by the Library's botanical works. Some academicians collected books for the Library: Franklin, Anciennes bibliothèques, 2: 179-80, 181; Delisle, Cabinet des manuscrits, 1: 278.

20. BN MS. Clairambault 566: 252r; BN Archives de l'ancien régime 1: 14r.

21. Wolf, Observatoire, 2, 136; Histoire, 1: 8, 66-67, 109; Huygens, Oeuvres, 22: 626; BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 15v, 106v, 111v (including payments for weeding the courtyard facing "la sale de lassemblée"); BN MS. Archives de l'ancien régime 1 and 2.

22. BN MS. Clairambault 566: 252v; Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 49; Lister, Journey, 108; Histoire, 1: 319; Histoire ... 1699, 14, 16; Oldenburg, Correspondence, 6: 401, 402; Maindron, Académie, 5. A tapissier repaired the door in 1685 for 1 lv. 1 s.: BN Archives de l'ancien régime 1: 21r.

23. Bacon took as his model for the House of Solomon a chemical laboratory, emphasizing procedure over theory: Salomon-Bayet, L'institution de la science, 262. On laboratories, see Howard, La bibliothèque et le laboratoire; Pelcher, "Boyle's Laboratory"; Eklund, Incompleat Chymist; Shapin, "House of Experiment."

24. In June 1670 Du Hamel wrote, "the laboratory is finished and they are hard at work": Oldenburg, Correspondence, 7: 33, 34. The best information about the size and contents of the laboratory is in Bourdelin's notebook of expenditure, BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147, and his inventory dated November 1688 of the laboratory, BN MS. n. a. fr. 5149: 21r-34r. The latter describes an upstairs laboratory with three furnaces, a downstairs laboratory with seven furnaces, and a kind of pantry equipped with armoires and tables for storing supplies and equipment; see also BN MS. n. a. fr. 5134: 147, 181, 257 (1672). Bourdelin sometimes had to interrupt a distillation to allow Borelly to work: ibid., 272-73 (Sept. 1672). See also Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 49, 54; Stubbs, "Chemistry at l'Académie"; Schiller, "Laboratoires."

25. Some of the equipment was expensive: a covered alembic made of red copper cost nearly 80 lv. and a large iron press 100 lv.; the instrument-maker Hubin sold the Academy dozens of aerometers at 2 lv. apiece and repaired several for 15 s.; Masselin, a royal master-coppermaker, earned 8 lv. by repairing and adding a red copper base to a round bain de vapeur, or steam bath; charcoal cost 500 to 650 lv. a year from 1672 to 1682: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 1r, 60r-109r, 110r, 112r. Bourdelin recorded who broke what and kept the laboratory locked: ibid., 15v-16r, 66r, 102v, 108r. In November 1671, he outfitted Jean Richer with the medicines Duclos recommended for the forthcoming trip to Cayenne: ibid., 52v. In the eighteenth century, Sébastien Truchet bought from academician-chemist Geoffroy the drugs he needed for his trip to the Auvergne: AN M 851.

26. The taxidermist Colson sometimes assisted during dissections; he and the surgeon La Beurthe mounted the remains for display: CdB, 1: 270; 2: 536; AdS, Reg., 10: 108r (June 1681-July 1682). Additional payments, said to be for Versailles and the Jardin royal, may well have been for the Academy: CdB, 1: 631, 889, 947, 975, 1110, 1184, 1321 (1672-80).

27. See references to BN Archives de l'ancien régime 1 and 2 in table 6. Many of the expenses of the Academy's dissections were charged to the Jardin royal or the Bibliothèque du roi: Schiller, "Laboratoires," 103-5.

28. Lister, Journey, 65-66; cf. Huygens, Oeuvres, 6: 104; Schiller, "Laboratoires."

29. BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147:12r; cf. 21v: "le 27e may [1669] lon a travaillé a un ours ou lon a mis dans ses entrailles a cause de sa tres grande puanteur 3 pintes deau de vie ... plus lon a mis sur des mouchoirs de plusieurs de lassemblée bien trois onces de tres pur esprit de vin...." It cost ten sous a pint, and the anatomists submitted formal requests to Bourdelin for it: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5149: 35r-49v: "Je supplie tres humblement Monsieur Bourdelin de donner au present porteur six pintes deau de vie pour l'utilité des dissections anatomiques de l'Academie Royalle des Sciances, c'est de la part de son tres obeissant serviteur Mery." "Je vous prie, Monsieur, de m'envoyer six pintes d'Eau de vie, c'est pour renouveller les parties que ie conserve qui sont a sec. Vous obligerez sensiblement votre tres humble et tres obeist. servit. Du Verney."

30. Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 3: 508.

31. Huygens, Oeuvres, 6: 104; 7: 211; 10: 727; 22: 628; 19: 88; Lister, Journey, 108-9, 112; CdB, 1: 552.

32. Huygens, Oeuvres, 6: 91. This was before Louis XIV cracked down on gambling: Riley, "Police and the Search for Bon Ordre," and "Louis XIV: Watchdog."

33. Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 80, 84, 86, 100-101, 107-8, 113, 170, 172, 359 (July 1671-Oct. 1673). The two academicians were reconciled by the late 1670s, when Huygens experimented with Carcavi's magnet: AdS, Reg., 10: 41r-v. Carcavi helped get Huygens appointed to the Academy: Schiller, "Laboratoires," 102-3.

34. Todériciu, "Sur la vraie biographie de Samuel Duclos," 66.

35. See plate 5b; Wolf, Observatoire; Hirschfield, Académie, chap. 4; Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 50-51; Colbert, Lettres, 5: 515; Oldenburg, Correspondence, 6: 147-49. In 1669, Cassini rented a house in nearby Ville-l'Evêque and Couplet moved next door to help him with observations; Cassini also observed from the gardens of Saint Martin des Champs (now the Conservatoire des arts et métiers) in 1671: Cassini, Anecdotes, 304, and Wolf, Observatoire, 65. Because Cassini disliked the astronomers working together and using the same instruments, they staked out separate territories, with Roemer working from one of the towers: CdB, 1: 1243. From 1677 until his death in 1682, Picard probably observed from his house in the rue des Postes; until he moved into Picard's apartment at the Observatory, La Hire observed primarily near the porte Montmartre: Wolf, Observatoire, 100.

36. Wolf, Observatoire, 28-39, 74; Hillairet, Dictionnaire des rues, 2: 442-43; AN O¹ 883: 206-7; AN O¹ 1691; AN O¹ 1678^A.

37. AdS, Reg., 3: 77r-78v (3 July 1668); CdB, 1: 503, 505, 543, 600, 642, 647, 659, 686, 712, 723, 874, 928, 990, 994, 1089, 1208, 1211; Wolf, Observatoire, 62, 66.

38. Several workers were injured or killed during its construction: CdB, 1: 387, 567-68, 651, 715-16, 889.

39. Histoire, 2: 23; Wolf, Observatoire, 103-5, 109-10.

40. Designed by Sédileau, this map of the world was ready for the visit of Louis XIV in 1682; La Faye retouched it before the visit in 1690 of James II of England; in 1698 Lister admired its "accurateness and neatness": Wolf, Observatoire, 62-65, 83-84; Brown, Story, 218-19; Lister, Journey, 54-55; Histoire, 2: 96. The map has been preserved in an engraving by J. B. Nolin: Pelletier, "Les globes de Louis XIV."

41. CdB, 1: 1126, 1243; Locke, Travels, 151 and n. 6; Cassini, Anecdotes, 297; Lister, Journey, 53-55; Wolf, Observatoire, 13-14, 26, 53-58, 94-97, 115-16, 129. Brice, Description, 2: 99-103, and Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 122, are mistaken about which academicians had apartments at the Observatory.

42. On the Academy's instruments, see Wolf, Observatoire, chaps. 10-12; Cassini, Anecdotes, 304-5. Gosselin and Lagny lived and worked in a house owned by the king: AN O¹ 1678^A.

43. On Roemer's designs, see Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 343; 9: 262, 263-64; 22: 700. Academicians showed Butterfield's planisphere to James II in 1690: Histoire, 2: 100. Mahoney, "Christiaan Huygens: The Measurement of Time and of Longitude at Sea."

44. Paul, Science and Immortality, 71-72; Histoire ... 1725, 137. Gossip had it that Carcavi hoped to marry his daughter to Cassini: Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 45.

1. For tests of clocks, see Olmsted, "Voyage of Jean Richer"; CdB, 2: 236.

2. Histoire, 1: 199; Martin, Livre, 669; Wolf, Observatoire, 96-97; Decline and Reform, 91-99. The assistant called Pasquin, Pasquine, Paquin, or Pasquier helped in this work (table 1a, ii).

3. Perrault, Abrégé; BN MS. fr. 15189: 171v (7 May 1673); Auzout later attempted a more faithful translation: Leibniz, Briefwechsel, 1: 594. On Blondel and Perrault, see Hirschfield, Académie, 87-89.

4. Roland, "Alexis-Hubert Jaillot"; Brown, Story, 217-24, 245-49; Neptune françois; Bourgeois and André, Sources, 1: 51, 56-57, nos. 152, 177, 181; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 77-84, 164-65; Stroup, Royal Funding, 54-55, and documents VII and VIII; Histoire ... 1700, 120-24; Mémoires ... 1718, 2: 3 (from De la grandeur et de la figure de la terre). Richer, Varin, Des Hayes, and Deglos supplied data from both sides of the Atlantic: AdS, Reg., 9: 229r-v (July 1682 to June 1683).

5. CdB, 1: 1343. See also BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 107r-8r; BN MS. n. a. fr. 5136: 256-57, 271-83, 360.

6. In 1676, for example, the astronomer Richer constructed canal locks in Fère: Blanchard, Ingénieurs, 112-13.

7. BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147; see 108r, 112r, for notary's fees. Stroup, Royal Funding, table 5 (1693, 1695, 1697, 1698). Some reimbursements to Bourdelin are probably included in the small expenses of the Library (table 12c-d).

8. Saunders, Decline and Reform, 67.

9. BN MS. Clairambault 566: 252v; CdB, 2: 759, 1009; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 159.

10. Saunders, Decline and Reform, 89.

11. Compare Histoire, 1: 386-87, 2: 132-33, and Histoire ... 1699, 2-3, 14.

12. Histoire, 1: 408-19, 432-41; 2: 32, 56-58, 71-73.

13. Three missions cooperated with the Academy. The China missions included Fontaney, Tachard, Vissedelou, Bonnet, Le Comte, and Gerbillon, who left in 1685, and Avril, Beauvollier, and Barabé, who were to enter China via Grand Tartary as part of a diplomatic mission in 1688. Fourteen Jesuits went to Siam and India, twelve of them mathematicians; these included Antoine Thomas, Richaud, de Beze, and François Noel: "Observations ... de Siam," and "Observations ... des Indes et de la Chine," in Mémoires, 7, 2: 605-875. On their work, see AdS, Reg., 11: 114v, 115r-16v (16, 20 Dec. 1684, 17, 20 Jan. 1685); Mémoires, 10: 130-31; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 187; Mungello, Curious Land, 255-56. Other Jesuit missionaries also reported to the Academy, which in November 1685 examined information from Goa in January: AdS, Reg., 11: 144r, 148r-50r. The Jesuits also took with them a fashionable remedy for the poor, on which they had been authorized to spend 500 lv.: AN G⁷ 884 (June 1685). They were pensioned at 400 lv. a year while they were abroad, and their funds were usually channeled through père Verjus: CdB, 2: 660, 855, 870, 913. Payments continued during the 1690s: Stroup, Royal Funding, 45n. 20.

14. Mémoires, 7, 2: 743.

15. Ibid., 605-875; AdS, Reg., 12: 104v-5r (13, 20 Nov. 1688); Mémoires, 4: 325-33. The Jesuits sent other descriptions of eastern animals, printed in Mémoires, 3, 2: 251-88, with Du Verney's reflections.

16. AdS, Reg., 9: 124r-27r (29 Nov. 1681).

17. Saunders, Decline and Reform, 66-77, stresses Louvois's exasperation with academicians.

18. Histoire, 1: 395-404, 429-31; 2: 6-8, 23-25, 44-48, 63-66, 89-93.

19. AdS, Reg., 10: 95v (15 Apr. 1682).

20. BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 120v. Bourdelin recorded his out-of-pocket expenses: 365 lv. for the assistant's wages, at least 40 lv. for new bedding and laundry, 150 lv. for rent of a shop and cellar in which to work, and unnamed sums for tables, cabinets, etc.

21. AdS, Reg., 11: 121v-22r, 125r-v, 128v, 130r, 136v-38r, 139r-40r (7, 10-19, 21 Mar., 19 May, 6 June, 28 July, 4, 8 Aug. 1685); Histoire, 1: 442-45, 448; 2: 4-5, 14-15, 42, 59-60, 63, 87, 368-69; CdB, 2: 780; 3: 114; BN Archives de l'ancien régime 1: 26v-27r (16 Mar. 1685). See also AdS, Reg., 4: 123v-25r (4 Aug. 1668). The translation of Frontinus was never printed: BN MS. Clairambault 566: 252v. Picard published a treatise on surveying in 1684. In his eulogy of La Hire, Fontenelle made the reimbursement for 600 lv. of expenses incurred in this work (table 4c) the subject of an anecdote about Louvois's disdain for detail: Histoire ... 1718, 81. Academicians discussed hydraulic machines and treatises with James II of England when he visited the Observatory in 1690: Histoire, 2: 103; McKie, "James, Duke of York, F.R.S." Trying to divert the Eure to Versailles was enormously expensive and cost nearly 6 million lv. between 1685 and 1687: CdB, 2: 1312-13.

22. Mémoires, 10: 29-36, 251-52, 325-39; AdS, Carton 1667-1699, pochettes 1692, 1693, and 1694.

23. Saunders, Decline and Reform, 198.

24. Ibid., 91-99.

25. AN O¹ 1934^B 14 explains that his pension was "en consideration de plusieurs machines qu'il a inventées."

26. Histoire, 1: 422-23, 448; 2: 14-15, 22, 33-35, 39.

27. For a detailed account of the financial record of the Academy during the 1690s, see Stroup, Royal Funding.

28. On the effects of the war on publishing and manufacturing, see BN MS. fr. 7801: 62r, and Lister, Journey, 80, 138, 145, 162-63.

29. Saunders, Decline and Reform, chaps. 5, 6, and 7; Stroup, Royal Funding, chap. 5.

30. Stroup, Royal Funding, chap. 3, and app. A, B.

31. AN G⁷ 902, paid Aug. 1698.

32. See treatises in Mémoires, 7, 2; Méoires, 10; Histoire, 2: 155-63, 189-200, 218-29, 259-65, 285-92, 300-331, 340-44; Stroup, Royal Funding, 50-51.

33. From 1693 the Academy's share of the expenses of the petit Jardin cannot be separated from the Jardin royal's share; academicians continued to use the Jardin royal even after Fagon removed the petit jardin from Marchant's control in 1694.

34. Lister, Journey, 82, reported the cost of Tournefort's plates. The number of plates engraved during the 1690s has been inferred from the total engraved by 1701 and the number said in memoranda from the early 1690s to be completed: BN MS. Clairambault 566: 252r, and BN MS. fr. 22225: 36r, state that 250 plates have been engraved; see also Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi"; Bréchot et al., "Note bibliographique."

35. Histoire, 2: 135-39, 142-47, 150-52, 175-83, 205-7, 209-18, 238-57, 278-79, 281-84, 298-99, 335-39; Historia, 301-8, 311, 325-31, 374-76, 380-84, 408-9, 414-17, 440-47, 453, 455, 483-85, 494-500; Histoire ... 1715, 82; Lister, Journey, 79-80; Stroup, Royal Funding, 39-40; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 164.

36. AdS, Reg., 14: 73v; 15: 43r-46r; Histoire, 2: 133-35, 141, 164-67, 173-74, 201-2, 204, 228, 259-62, 334; Stroup, Royal Funding, chap. 6; Saunders, Decline and Reform, 197-99.

37. Salomon-Bayet, "Préambule"; Stroup, Royal Funding, 57-60; AdS, Reg., 18: 79r-81v (14 Jan. 1699) for Homberg's talk on "Essays pour corriger la matiere des lettres de l'imprimerie."

38. By comparison the Gobelins and Savonnerie cost the crown on average 135,000 lv. a year from 1664 through 1690: BN MS. fr. 7801: 60v-62r.

39. Oldenburg, Correspondence, 5: 498; Brown, Scientific Organizations, 159.

40. In the seventeenth century, as now, there was considerable conformity within the scientific community about the relative importance of various problems and techniques: Hagstrom, Scientific Community, 52.

1. On the transformation of botany in early modern Europe, see the works by Arber, Callot, Clark-Kennedy, Crestois, Davy de Virville, Delaporte, Eriksson, Greene, Henrey, Oliver, Raven, Reeds, von Sachs, and Webster, cited in the bibliography. Dodart was asked to explain sensitivity in the Academy's description of the mimosa: BMHN MS. 451: 417v.

2. Cailleux, "Progression du nombre d'espèces de plantes," 44; Raven, John Ray, 254.

3. Raven, John Ray, 191-92.

4. Huygens, Oeuvres, 6: 95-96 (1666); 19: 270-71; Bertrand, L'Académie et les académicians, 8-10; Bacon, Works, 4: 251-52, 265-70.

5. AdS, Reg., 1: 30-38.

6. The word la botanique appeared in Randle Cotgrave's Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues, published in 1611. Although John Ray may have used botany to refer to the general study of plants in the 1690s, the French kept the more restricted usage: OED; Tournefort, Élémens de botanique, 520; Furetière, Dictionnaire; Bloch and Wartburg, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française, 79; Dauzat, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française, 99; Littré, Dictionnaire, 4: 1719.

7. The duke's 18-volume "histoire naturelle des oyseaux et des plantes peints en miniature" was acquired by the Bibliothèque du roi: BN Archives de l'ancien régime 53: 2v-3r. It is now part of BMHN Rés., Vélins; see also Dorst and Laissus, Nicolas Robert et les Vélins; Robert et al., Vélins du Muséum.

8. AdS, Reg., 1: 30-31, 36, 37-38. See Whitmore, The Order of Minims, on Plumier's botanical work.

9. Justel knew of the Academy's plans to use the duke's paintings and was familiar with Perrault's recommendations: Oldenburg, Correspondence, 4: 256-57 (Mar. 1668); Brown, Scientific Organizations, 157. Comparison of the vellums (BMHN Rés., Vélins) with the drawings (BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes) shows that Perrault's suggestions were put into practice. In several drawings of large plants the scale is indicated by a leaf portrayed in its actual size. The drawing is sometimes reversed in the engraving: figs. 2, 5, 11 (BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 230, 257, 293).

10. AdS, Reg., 4: 48r-55r (9 June 1668).

11. Duclos used the word l'herbe, which rarely occurs in the writings of other academicians. This is consistent with the pattern identified by Prévost, "Sur la sémantique des mots herba et herbe," and "Sémantique de 'herbe' et 'plante.'"

12. The solutions Duclos mentioned were vitriol de mars, sel de plomb, and noix de galle. Bacon had included the "Chemical History of Vegetables" in natural history: Works, 4: 254, 255, 299.

13. AdS, Reg., 4: 54r: "Et parce que l'on a dessein d'escrire cette histoire en langue françoise, Il seroit bon d'estre informé des noms que Le vulgaire des Principales Provinces de France donne a chaque Plante, pour les Joindre a ceux des autres Langues." For the distinction between "nom François" and "nom vulgaire," see BMHN MS. 448: 65r; cf. 109r. Conrad Gesner recorded vernacular names: Greene, Landmarks, 794.

14. Bréchot et al., "Note bibliographique," 374. There was discussion, however, about publishing the natural history with a bilingual — French and Latin — text: BMHN MS. 450: 6r.

15. AdS, Reg., 4: 48v, 54r, 54v-55r. Fontenelle's remark that the natural history was to be a catalogue of plants in France misinterprets Du Hamel's otherwise similar account for 1686: Histoire, 2: 1-2; Historia, 250. Tradition and Louis XIV's foreign policy encouraged the Academy to obtain numerous Mediterranean and middle eastern specimens; this is partial background to Tournefort's trip to the Levant. Dippy, interpreter and specialist in near eastern languages, helped academicians read the relevant literature: BMHN MS. 450: 418-49.

16. For information about the editions of Mémoires des plantes, see Nissen Die botanische Buchillustration, 2: 48-49. Robert Hooke reviewed the book in Philosophical Collections, 1: 39-42.

17. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 125, 130, 132-33; Chevreul, "Recherches expérimentales," 114. The queries and drafts in BMHN MSS. 448-51 may shed light on the development of French botanical vocabulary; see for example MS. 450: 117r, item ii, or 300r.

18. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 123-25, 135, 136; AdS, Reg., 4: 49r; BMHN MS. 450: 47r, 56r, 103r, item ii. Dodart used the phrases "la plante parfaite" (the mature plant) and "la plante nait" (the plant first appears); he and Perrault used "la plante naissante" (the young plant). Botanical vocabulary, therefore, drew on zoological language to speak of the "naissance" or "birth" of plants. The drawing on which fig. 5 is based lacks the young shoot and shows a longer stem on the main plant (BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 293). Bourdelin sometimes supplied materials required by the engravers: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 16r.

19. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 241; Davy de Virville, "De l'influence des idées préconçues," 112.

20. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 138; AdS, Reg., 1: 30, 31, 33-34; BMHN MS. 449: 154r-55v.

21. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 138; cf. Bacon, Works, 4: 261.

22. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 129, 137-38.

23. Ray had similar ideas during the 1650s and 1660s: Raven, John Ray, chaps. 4 and 5.

24. AdS, Reg., 1: 32: "Jardin Academique."

25. Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi," 204.

26. AdS, Reg., 7: 124v (4 Sept. 1677); 10: 17r; 11: 116v-17r, 124r, 125v (20 Jan., 11, 25 Apr. 1685); Marchant, Descriptions de quelques plantes nouvelles; Olmsted, "Voyage of Jean Richer," n. 84. Compare Raven, John Ray, 215.

27. AdS, Reg., 8: 215r-v (Apr. 1678-June 1679); 10: 44v, 72r-v, 83r, 109r, 152v (June 1679-June 1683); Histoire, 1: 307, 374, and passim. See also Bourdelin's notebooks in AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1-2, and BN MSS. n. a. fr. 5133-49.

28. AdS, Reg., 11: 118v (27 Jan. 1685).

29. "L'Academie a-t-elle confronté cette description, et toutes les autres avec la nature? Car cela est de l'ordre et d'une necessité absolue": BMHN MS. 451: 139r.

30. AdS, Reg., 1: 254, 256 (11 Feb., 9, 17 Mar. 1668); 4: 16v-17v, 21r-v, 30r-v, 48r-55v (5, 12, 19 May, 2 June 1668).

31. Ibid., 4: 54r; 8: 215v (Apr. 1678-June 1679); 10: 72r-v (Aug. 1680-June 1681); 11: 116v-17r (20 Jan. 1685); Histoire, 1: 307.

32. Bourdelin analyzed plants at his own initiative on 4 June 1668, five days before Duclos suggested the work: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5133: 14 (from back of volume).

33. BMHN MS$. 448-51 contain examples and advice about method. Academicians were supposed to read all existing descriptions of a plant first, then compare them with the plant itself, before drafting their own description. Plant descriptions often started with the root and worked up. They disputed earlier claims, listed the uses, cultivation, and source of the plant, named the persons who had brought rare specimens to the Academy, and often collated names; they rarely included chemical analyses but might describe the flavor of the plant. To discover this, the Marchants chewed parts of the plant slowly and noted the flavor at various stages. More plants were described and drawn than were engraved. See BMHN MS. 450: 52r, 55v, 62r, 322r. For some of Dodart's descriptions, see AdS, Reg., 8: 114r, 130r-v (26 May, 16 June 1677); 7: 134v (11 Dec. 1677); 8: 156r, 215r-v (June 1677-June 1679). See also Historia passim; Histoire, 1: 282, 328, 374, 431; 2: 10-11, 29, 53, 68, 93, 122, 188, 257-58, 280, and passim.

34. AdS, Reg., 10: 85r-v (5 Dec. 1681).

35. Raven, John Ray, 213.

36. Chastillon got the right to attend all meetings of the Academy in 1707: BA MS. 4624: 68.

37. AdS, Reg., 10: 80v, 111v (3 Dec. 1681, 5 Aug. 1682, Marchant).

38. According to the minutes, Histoire, and BMHN MS. 89, dossier 2, Chastillon and Joubert drew the parts of plants and academicians compared the drawings with the plants in 1692, 1693, and 1695. But these activities cannot be correlated with the records of the royal treasury. Many drawings in BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, reflect revisions during the 1680s and 1690s; on them are glued smaller pieces of paper with a name, seed, flower, or leaf. For an explanation of the several strikes made from the Academy's engravings, see Nissen, Die botanische Buchillustration, 2: 48-49; Bréchot et al., "Note bibliographique"; and Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi," 214-36.

39. BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 69-74, 81, 91, 147.

40. AdS, Reg., 8: 182v, 223r (20 July 1678, 26 July 1679); 11: 131v, 133r, 167r (20 June, 4 July 1685, 21 Mar. 1686); 12: 31v, 35r, 38r, 48r, 59v, 135r (19 Feb., 19 Mar., 28 May, 23 July 1687, 30 Apr. 1688, 1 June 1689); 13: 126r (21 Jan. 1693); 14: 69r (9 Mar. 1695). Tournefort followed the same procedure when he read his Élémens de botanique to the Academy in order to obtain permission for its publication: AdS, Reg., 13: 129v (11 Mar. 1693). Dodart occasionally brought drawings of parts of plants which had not yet been described or engraved: ibid., 8: 156r, 215v (June 1677-June 1679). For discrepancies between the illustration and the description, see BMHN MS. 450: 331v-32v.

41. BMHN MS. 450: 82r. Bosse's engraving is faithful to Robert's painting (BMHN Rés., Vélins, 22: 1), except that he elaborated the rock, earth, and grass in the drawing (BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 130) and engraving.

42. "Je ne scay pourquoy ce rejetton a droite!... ny ce pot ... il faudroit l'effacer & mettre la racine au lieu": BMHN MS. 450: 95r. A comparison of the vellum (BMHN Rés., Vélins, 27: 26), drawing (BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 160), and engraving shows that the pot was elaborated and that the branch on the right was not in the vellum or the drawing.

43. "Pourquoy Mas? est ce a cause du chicot ... mentionné dans la description? Dioscoride fait la distinction de masle et femelle et ne la tire pas de la.... La figure ne la represents pas masle par la racine mais plustost femelle et avec une affectation ridicule. Il la faut corriger. On ne doit pas donner dans ces visions": BMHN MS. 450: 129r, 179r, and 292r. The engraving was based on and elaborated Robert's vellum, which was one of a pair; the other, Mandragora foemina, inspired the Academy's Mandragora flore sub caeruleo purpurascente (fig. 8), from which the engraver discreetly omitted the root: BMHN Rés., Vélins, 23: 25, 26, and Recueil des plantes, 233, 234. Jean Marchant discussed mandrake plants and their "pretendues vertus" in 1721: BN MS. 89, dossier 3.

44. BMHN MS. 450: 109r, 266r. The drawing (BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 183) and engraving both show this fault, but the drawing lacks the seed. Errors of proportion showed up in other cases as well: BMHN MS. 450: 154, is marked "il faut alonger la tige denviron de trois doits."

45. BMHN MS. 450: 45r-47r, 107r, 124r, and passim.

46. The butterflies are not in the drawing: BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 84.

47. Cymbalaria (fig. 3), lacked the names of Caspar and Jean Bauhin; in desperation Dodart suggested, "... il suffira, peut-estre, de l'adjouster a l'imprimé. Il semble qu'on ne se peut dispenser de mettre le nom de J B a toutes les Plantes quand le nom q[ui]l donne est different de celuy que son Frere a donné": BMHN MS. 450: 82r. The drawings reveal some confusion about the identities of plants: BMHN Rés., Recueil des plantes, 26-30.

48. AdS, Reg., 11: 55v-56r (15 Apr. 1684, Dodart).

49. BMHN MS. 89, dossier 2: "Memoires des dessins de plusieurs fleurs et autres parties de plantes données a Mr. de Chastillon lan 1692" and a similar list for 1693.

50. See n. 32, above. Duclos complained that he had no laboratory: AdS, Reg., 4: 58r. Chemical analysis of plants was discussed before June 1668: ibid., 1: 36-37, 203, 249 (15 Jan., 12 Feb. 1667, 21 Jan. 1668). Bourdelin's earliest full notebooks of regular experiments on plants date from 1672: BN MSS. n. a. fr. 5134-35.

51. References are too numerous to cite; see, for example, AdS, Reg., 11: 117r-v (20 Jan. 1685), for a list of the plants and animals Bourdelin distilled from Mar. to Sept. 1684. In 1680 he analyzed 90 plants: Histoire, 1: 307-8. For Bourdelin's notebooks, see AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1-2; BN MSS. n. a. fr. 5133-46, 5148.

52. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 241.

53. Jean Marchant catalogued 300 plants not yet analyzed that could be found within 20 lieues of Paris, indicating the times of flowering to assist Bourdelin in planning his analyses: AdS, Reg., 8: 215r-v (Apr. 1678-June 1679). Marchant later gave Bourdelin another catalogue of 200 plants: ibid., 10: 13r (20 Mar. 1680).

54. For the supply of plants to the laboratory, see CdB, 1: 781 (1674); AdS, Reg., 10: 44v, 72r-v (June 1679-June 1681); BN MS. n. a. fr. 5149: 11r, 12r, 13r, 16r, 17r, 18v (1678-86); BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 103r, 107r, 110r, 111r-v, 113v, 115v, 118v, 119r, and passim. Some payments were for gathering and transporting plants from the Jardin royal.

55. AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 3. See also AdS, Reg., 8: 63r, 74r (6 Nov. 1675, 29 Jan. 1676); 10: 72r, 82v, 109r, 152v (Aug. 1680-June 1683). Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 185-86.

56. Duclos completed the research for his Observations in 1671, and he was busy writing the book until 1674 or 1675.

57. Table 1a: Dodart received a pension in 1671 "because of his profound knowledge of natural philosophy, and since he has attended for nine months the meetings of the Académie des Sciences"; in 1672 it was for his work in "phisique" or natural philosophy. These entries belie Fontenelle's statement that Dodart did not become an academician until 1673: Histoire, 2: 364; Histoire ... 1707, 186.

58. Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 11-12 (25 Feb. 1670); AdS, Reg., 8: 4v-5r (23 Jan. 1675).

59. AdS, Reg., 7: 201r-9v (3 Sept. 1678); 8: 204r-v (24 May 1679); 10: 19v, 22r-25v, 47v (22 May, 12 June, 4 Sept. 1680). Puech-Milhau, "Interview on Canada." See also Dodart's nonbotanical publications.

60. AdS, Reg., 8: 5r-7v, 122r (1674, 2 June 1677); AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 3; BMHN MS. 450; Jean Marchant's copies of Dodart's papers: BMHN MS. 449: 154r-55v, 168r-69v, 188r-89r; Marchant asked Dodart to consult Morison's book (BMHN MS. 451: 200v).

61. BN MS. fr. 1333: 42v-44r.

62. BMHN MS. 1278: 2r, 4r, 7v, 8r, 10v-11r, 11v. Dodart, however, sought the formal approval of the Academy and Colbert for his "Avertissement" to the book: AdS, Reg., 7: 19v (7 Sept. 1675); La Hire referred to the Academy's mandate to Dodart to write the book: Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 264 (3 Mar. 1688).

63. BMHN MS. 1278: 10v-11v; Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 157-58, 160. For Dodart's efforts to incorporate the results of chemical analysis into the descriptions of plants, see AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 3; BMHN MS. 450: 5r, 21r-31v, 42r; BMHN MS. 447, dossier 4, "Catalogue de quelques plantes analysées."

64. The critical notes in BMHN MS. 448-51 show that Dodart also clashed with the Marchants over the style and content of descriptions and illustrations.

65. For Reneaume's positive assessment of the work, see Tournefort, 212.

66. For failures to answer objections or to act on suggestions, see MS. 450: 127r.

1. Charas, The Royal Pharmacopoea; Lémery, Course of Chemistry; Neville, "Christophe Glaser," and "'Pratique de chymie'"; Handford, "Chemistry at the Jardin du Roi," 37, 56. Rohault, Traité de physique, pt. 1, chap. 20, was skeptical of such methods.

2. Distinguished scholars of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century chemistry have mapped much of the terrain of chemical activity and thought during this period: Debus, "Sir Thomas Browne," "Solution Analyses," "Fire Analysis," and The English Paracelsians; Multhauf, "Significance of Distillation" and The Origins of Chemistry; Boas, Robert Boyle, and "Quelques aspects"; M. B. Hall, "Humanism"; and Metzger, Les doctrines chimiques en France. But most modern discussions of the Academy's chemical research have relied almost exclusively on the printed sources, while some have condemned without elucidating it: Ornstein, Rôle of Scientific Societies, chap. 5; Partington, History of Chemistry, 3: 12; Bertrand, L'Académie et les académiciens, p. 340; Académie des Sciences, Troisième centenaire, 2: 1; Stubbs, "Chemistry at L'Académie." Chevreul's "Recherche expérimentale" represents the best of early efforts to assess Dodart's Mémoires des plantes within a seventeenth-century context, and Holmes has perceptively treated the change from distillation to solution analysis, introducing some neglected manuscript sources into the discussion: "Analysis by Fire and by Solvent Extractions" and "Tradition and Invention."

3. AdS, Reg., 4: 48r-55v, see 51r: "leurs eaux distillées, leurs esprits tant acres et sulphurez qu'acides et mercuriels, leurs huyles et leurs sels fixes ou volatiles."

4. Ibid., 62r-63r.

5. Histoire, 1: 121, 167, 252-53; Historia, 88-90: Du Hamel included chemical analysis under the heading "De animalium et plantarum Anatome." The Oxford Clubbe during the 1650s had also "merged the methods and the object of study of the chemist and the anatomist": Davis, Circulation Physiology, 29.

6. Davis, Circulation Physiology, 9, 24; Debus, The English Paracelsians, 61, 157, 179-80; see also 95, 129-30, n. 33; 134n. 117.

7. Debus, "Fire Analysis," 147; Le Febvre, Compleat Body, 1: 151, 223, 255-56, 257, 262-63; 2: 4-5, 13-14.

8. Histoire, 1: 167.

9. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 156-58, no. 4.

10. Ibid., 158, nos. 5 and 7.

11. Antoine de Jussieu made this point in 1738 or 1739 in his assessment of the project: BMHN MS. 2651, draft, 9r-10r.

12. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 158-59, no. 8, and 160.

13. Mariotte, Végétation, 127.

14. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 159, no. 9.

15. Debus, The English Paracelsians, 38-39, and "Fire Analysis," 145; Gregory, "Chemistry and Alchemy," 110; Boas, Robert Boyle, 112-13.

16. Histoire, 1: 57-58 (1668).

17. Mariotte, Végétation, 145-46, 125.

18. AdS, Reg., 4: 59v.

19. BMHN MS. 1278: 4r.

20. AdS, Reg., 14: 123r (1 June 1695).

21. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 155, no. 2; 156, no. 3; 158, no. 6; 168-69, no. 1.

22. Ibid., 169-76.

23. Histoire, 1: 121-22 (1670).

24. Le Febvre, Compleat Body, 1: 244-45, and passim.

25. Histoire, 1: 122; Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 168.

26. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 164-65; AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1-3; BN MSS. n. a. fr. 5133-49; BMHN MS. 259; Tournefort, Élémens de botanique, 516, and Histoire des plantes, e x^{r + v}.

27. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 164; the retort was called a "cornuë."

28. Ibid., 164-65. Hooke found the chemical analyses of the Academy particularly interesting and cited this list in his review of the book in Philosophical Collections, 1: 40.

29. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 186-92. Bourdelin stocked the laboratory with "teinture de tornesol, des solutions de sublimé, et de sel de Saturne et de l'eau de vitriol": BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 119r, and passim. For his method of preparing the solution of turnsole, see BN MS. n. a. fr. 5149: 7r. On color indicators, see Baker, "History"; Nierenstein, "Early History."

30. Glaser, Compleat Chymist, 212-14.

31. Ibid., 228-30, 240-45.

32. BMHN MS. 259: 8r-v. Tournefort described Bourdelin's equipment and sketched the cucurbit resting in a water bath. Bourdelin's recipients had mouths large enough to permit entry of an arm for cleaning to ensure that distillants were pure.

33. AdS, Reg., 8: 2r-7v (23 Jan. 1675); Eklund, Incompleat Chymist, 15, 36.

34. Dodart believed that maceration freed but changed the constituents, and that fermentation reduced the oil in plants, perhaps because essential oils were changed into flammable spirits: Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 176-80; AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1, 1: 9-11 (30 Aug. 1672); 3, 9: 11, 20 (June, July 1673); AdS, Reg., 8: 2r-v, 102r, 104r-v, 114r, 190r-v (16 Dec. 1676, 10 Feb., 26 May 1677, 23 Nov. 1678); Eklund, Incompleat Chymist, 25.

35. AdS, Reg., 8: 6v. Borelly suggested rectifying distillants four times: ibid., 1r (2 Jan. 1675).

36. AdS, Reg., 8: 61r, 77v, 190v-91r, 123v-24v, 222r (2, 23 Jan., 14 Aug. 1675, 4 Mar. 1676; 1677; 23 Nov. 1678; 12 July 1679); 10: 21r, 22r, 27v, 28v-35v, 69v, 74r, 91r, 92r (5, 12 June, 3 July 1680, 11, 25 June 1681, 18 Feb., 11 Mar. 1682); 11: 168r, 169r (6 Apr. 1686); AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 2, 7: 105 (16 Nov. 1678); 3, 3: 253r-v (4 Mar. 1682); BN MS. 5147: 103v (24 Feb. 1682); Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 264 (3 Mar. 1688). By 1681 the Academy's three big furnaces downstairs were "bruslés et ruinés entierement" and had to be replaced: BN MS. 5147: 102r-v, 105r, 108v, 118v.

37. AdS, Reg., 4: 49r-51r (Duclos); Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 153, 221-24. Academicians also discussed analyzing the marc of a plant and placing flowers in eau de vie in the sun to be "distilled": AdS, Reg., 16: 208v-10r (31 July 1697, La Hire fils).

38. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 163.

39. AdS, Reg., 4: 61v-62v: "des matieres qui sont fixes & qui ne peuvent estre bruslées"; "les menstrues resolutifs pour en discontinuer la masse et rendre separables les parties constitutives"; "ne s'esleve point"; "embrasement"; "absoluement immobiles an feu."

40. Ibid., 4: 127v-33v, 134r-66r, 167r-75r (11, 18, 25 Aug. 1668).

41. Dodart asked whether the solvent might be useful "non pour l'analyse, a laquelle il ne peut servir, mais pour les effets merveilleux attribuez aux estres des plantes": ibid., 8: 4r. On the uselessness of these solvents, even if they could be made Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 146-48, 152; for other evidence of Dodart's skepticism, see BN MS. fr. 17054: 422r-23v, and BMHN MS. 449: 154r-55v. See also Multhauf, "Medical Chemistry and 'the Paracelsians.'"

42. BMHN MS. 1278: 4r: "Ce seroit pourtant un moyen beaucoup meilleur que celuy du feu puisque ce dissolvant n'altere point les choses, qu'il les laisse et qu'il les reduit en leurs principes constitutifs avec conservation de leurs vertus et proprietés specifiques, ce que le feu ne peut faire." Duclos recounted the changes which distillation and its prelude introduced in the plant: ibid., 9r.

43. Ibid., 3v-4r. Duclos cited the passage on p. 152 of Dodart's Mémoires des plantes as a careless dismissal of a technique that merited further consideration, and he mocked Dodart — "l'auteur du projet qui n'a ni l'usage ni la connoissance ni l'experience de cette sorte d'analyse," i.e., with solvents — as lacking expertise.

44. BN MS. fr. 1333: 42v-44r.

45. AdS, Reg., 8: 94r-v (26 Aug. 1676); 10: 21r (5 June 1680); 11: 168r. Lémery was not one of the first advocates of wet analysis, or the use of solvents, as has been claimed: Bedel, "Conceptions en chimie biologique," 397-98.

46. Classification of plants according to their chemical constituents does not seem to have been a motivation, although Dodart mentioned that one aim of analyzing animals was to discover differences between genres AdS, Reg., 8: 126v (2 June 1677)], and mineral waters were already classified by their chemical contents: Ulyatt, "Further Studies in the History of Mineral Waters," 1-32; Duclos, Observations, 62-107. That academicians never intended to classify plants chemically, however, is clear from the way Perrault, Duclos, and Dodart discussed the problem of classifying plants: AdS, Reg., 1: 30-38 (1667); 4: 48r-55r (1668); 8: 173r-78r (1678); Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 241.

47. AdS, Reg., 1:36-37 (15 Jan. 1667); Perrault was active in the analysis of plants only briefly, in 1678 and 1679: ibid., 8: 215v-16r, 222r (Apr. 1678 to June 1679, 12 July 1679). On Perrault's corpuscularianism, see "Le pesanteur des corps" in his Oeuvres, 1: 3. On Lémery and Homberg, see Boas, "Acid and Alkali," 26.

48. Mariotte, Végétation, pt. 1.

49. AdS, Reg., 4: 49r; Histoire, 1: 57 (1668).

50. AdS, Reg., 8: 2v: "ce que les plantes sont" and "ce qu'elles peuvent faire"; Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 154.

51. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, chap. iv esp. pp. 149-51, 153, 154, 186.

52. AdS, Reg., 8: 190v (23 Nov. 1678), AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 2, 7: 105r (16 Nov. 1678, Bourdelin); Mariotte, Végétation, 146; Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 182. Duclos stressed that the purpose of chemical analysis was "to know what plants are in themselves, and not what they can become," and that only a sound theory assured medical knowledge (BMHN MS. 1278: 9r, 10v-11r), but he doubted the value of distillation for explaining natural compounds: Duclos, Dissertation, 2-3.

53. This was the thrust of Homberg's assessment in 1692, although he also thought some facts about the constituents of plants had been established: AdS, Reg., 13: 116r; Histoire, 2: 148. Louis Lémery later believed that only the distillants obtained from plants redeemed Bourdelin's work: Metzger, Les doctrines chimiques en France, 357-58.

54. See chap. 13, below, and AdS, Reg., 8: 155r-v (June 1677-Apr. 1678).

55. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 150-51, 231-36.

56. Le Febvre, Compleat Body, 1: 255-57, believed that only chemistry could explain "why these aliments do nourish and sustain."

57. Histoire ... 1707, 187-89; Dodart brought his sweat to Bourdelin for analysis: AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 2, 6: 84v-85r (14 Apr. 1677).

58. Locke, Correspondence, 2: 464; Roemer gave Dodart's letter to Locke, but no reply is known.

59. AdS, Reg., 8: 126v-27r (2 June 1677).

60. This seemed plausible because the distilled fruit produced a lot of carbon that yielded few cinders after distillation: AdS, Reg., 8: 7v (23 Feb. 1674), 175r (18 May 1678).

61. Ibid., 1: 203 (12 Mar. 1667); 8: 103r, 124v-26r, 173r-78r, 190r (27 Jan., 2 June 1677, 18 May, 23 Nov. 1678); 10: 71v (Aug. 1680-June 1681).

62. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 229.

63. Joravsky, The Lysenko Affair, 204-5, shows that the same process was necessary before genetics could develop, and that Mendel's work was ignored by contemporaries who were more interested in the general, philosophical implications of genetics than in the mechanism of change.

64. AdS, Reg., 8: 2r-7v (1674, 1675); "Comme il n'y a guere d'apparence que les analyses nous fassent bien voir dans les produicts, ce que les plantes sont, et ce qu'elles peuvent faire, il faut an moins, qu'elles nous fassent voir ce qu'on en peut faire, par quelque voye, que ce soit" (2v).

65. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 182.

1. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 239-42. His plans were adopted, for after 1676 the minutes mention the second part or continuation of the natural history: AdS, Reg., 8: 155v (June 1677-Apr. 1678); 10: 44r-v, 72r, 82v, 84v, 152v (June 1679-June 1683).

2. AdS, Reg., 8: 122r: "que l'on doit donner les premieres au public, comme sont la coriandre, la laictue, la Chicorée tant sauvage que Domestique, le Cresson, & c."

3. Ibid., 8: 215v: "dans le dessein d'en faire les Descriptions pour servir a l'histoire generate des plantes."

4. Ibid., 10: 72r: " ... tous ces traittez qui devoient composer un juste volume luy ayant esté volez en entrant a Paris, ou il les apportoit pour les faire mettre au net, et les donner a l'Imprimeur; et toutes les diligences qu'il a faites pour les recouvrer luy ayant esté inutiles, il a esté obligé de refaire les deux plus importants de ces traittez, et de recueillir dans ses memoires tout ce qu'il a pû retrouver pour retablir les autres ouvrages."

5. Ibid., 10: 82v.

6. Ibid., 10: 84v; Dodart's other treatises were: "Examen de quinz a seize cents experiences de Medecine des Remedes Royaux distribuez par Monr. Pellisson," "L'Usage de la Raison en Physique, et en Medecine," "L'Histoire de la Medecine premiere partic du Regime, et des exercices," "Experiences sur le feu," "Traitté de la Transpiration," and "De la maniere de nourrir les malades." His history of diet and his practical manual on how to live a healthy life by eating and exercising properly were mentioned by Du Hamel in the annual report for 1678-79: AdS, Reg., 8: 214v-15r.

7. Ibid., 10: 109r, 112r-v, 152v (12, 19 Aug. 1682, July 1682-June 1683); cf. Histoire, 1: 374 (1683). Dodart's notes in BMHN MS. 450 seem to date from the 1680s.

8. AdS, Reg., 11: 114v (13 Dec. 1684). Reneaume claimed that Tournefort's Iberian herborizations were done for the Academy: Tournefort, 229.

9. AdS, Reg., 11: 113r (22 Nov. 1684); Histoire, 1: 405 (1684).

10. AdS, Reg., 11: 115v, 133r, 152v (10 Jan., 4 July, 19 Dec. 1685); 12: 21v (4 Dec. 1686).

11. Ibid., 11: 116v-17v, 124r (20 Jan., 11 Apr. 1685); Histoire, 1: 431; Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 10 (23 May 1685).

12. Koenigsberger, "Republics and Courts," stresses the ill effects of self-interested patronage in music, art, and science.

13. Saunders, Decline and Reform, 99-102.

14. AdS, Reg., 11: 157r: La Chapelle's words were "recherche curieuse", "un and "un amusement des Chymistes"; he requested instead "recherche utile ce qui peut avoir rapport an Service du Roy et de L'Estat." The connotation of "curieux" is unclear. According to Liver, Lexique de Molière, and the Grand Larousse de la langue française, 2: 1097, Descartes used the word to refer to the pseudo-sciences. Coming after Duclos's deathbed recantation and given La Chapelle's condemnation of the philosopher's stone, therefore, this could be an attack on the Academy for dabbling in alchemy. But Furetière, Dictionnaire, cites "curieux," "sciences curieuses," and "chimiste curieux," using "curieux" to convey a taste for experiment and discovery, or to suggest the contemporary English notion of the interests exhibited by virtuosi.

15. AdS, Reg., 11: 157v: "L'autre Recherche plus convenable à cette Compagnie et qui seroit plus du goust de Monseigneur de Louvois regarde tout toe qui peut illustrer la Physique et servir a la Medecine, ces deux choses estant presque inseparables parceque la medecine tire des Consequences et profite des nouvelles decouvertes de la Physique." Saunders, Decline and Reform, 254-55, has published the entire text of this speech.

16. He had previously done so in the case of the abbé de Lannion, who was rebuked and expelled from the Academy: AdS, Reg., 11: 162v (27 Feb. 1686).

17. Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 164 (1 June 1687).

18. AdS, Reg., 8: 155v-56r, 195r-v, 216r-17v (June 1677-Apr. 1678, 11 Jan. 1679, Apr. 1678-June 1679); Histoire, 1: 50-51, 162-67, 198, 282, 320-21, 387-89 (1668, 1673, 1675, 1679, 1681, 1684).

19. AdS, Reg., 11: 158r.

20. Ibid., 11: 166v, 167r, 168r-69r (13, 27 Mar., 3, 6, 17 Apr. 1686).

21. Ibid., 12: 66v, 68v-69r, 134v (7, 21 Jan. 1688, 21 May 1689), and passim.

22. From 28 January 1688 until the end of 1689, only four descriptions of plants were recorded in the minutes, and only one engraving was verified: ibid., 12: 89v, 107r, 130v, 135r (9 June, 4 Dec. 1688, 30 Mar., 1 June 1689).

23. Ibid., 12: 89v-90r, 131v (12 June 1688, 20 Apr. 1689); Histoire, 2: 53, 68 (1688, 1689); cf. Hunt, Catalogue, 1: 369, on Jan Commelin.

24. Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 481.

25. AdS, Reg., 12: 88r, 129v, 131v (26 May 1688, 16 Mar., 20 Apr. 1689); 13: 39r (15 Nov. 1690); Histoire, 2: 68 (1689).

26. AdS, Reg., 13: 14r-15v, 17r, 40r, 41r, 42v (17, 28 June, 1, 26 July, 29 Nov., 20 Dec. 1690, 13, 17 Jan. 1691), and passim; BMHN MS. 451: 131r-32r (29 Nov. 1690).

27. AdS, Reg., 13: 19v (12 Aug. 1690).

28. Histoire, 2: 10-11, 29, 53, 62, 63, 66, 68, 92-93, 116, 122 (1686-91).

29. External scholarly competition, an obvious source of botanical influence, had little effect one way or the other. Several foreign botanists were already working on similar projects — from the idiosyncratic books of Paolo Boccone to the specialized treatises of Nehemiah Grew and Marcello Malpighi — but the work of John Ray presented the most likely challenge. Ray's monumental Historia plantarum was to be a complete compendium of contemporary botanical knowledge and Tournefort praised it as a "botanical library": Élémens de botanique, 19. Like the academicians, Ray described plants and their chemical analysis; although he could not illustrate his work, he surpassed the Academy's project in scope by discussing plant nutrition and the flow of the sap and proposing an impressive solution to the problem of classification. Ray supplemented his Historia plantarum with other Latin studies of British and European flora, but his prodigious output from 1686 through 1694 did not discourage academicians from resuscitating their natural history of plants as soon as their protector permitted. Jean Marchant owned Ray's books: BMHN MS. 447. See chap. 15, below; Stevenson, "John Ray and Classification," 254; Raven, John Ray, chaps. 4, 8-11; Arber, "A Seventeenth-Century Naturalist."

30. AdS, Reg., 13: 43r, 59v, 71r-v, 72r, 73r (14 Feb., 18, 25 Apr., 12, 19, 22 Dec. 1691); Histoire, 2: 116. Two of the plants were as yet unnamed.

31. AdS, Reg., 13: 71v, 81v, 105v-6r (15 Dec. 1691, 27 Feb., 12 July 1692); 14: 2v (21 Nov. 1693); 17: 38r-39v (27 Nov. 1697); on ginseng, cf. Histoire ... 1718, 41-45.

32. AdS, Reg., 13: 133r-v (6, 13 May 1693); 14: 118v (25 May 1695); Histoire, 2: 153-54, 188 (1692, 1693); Mémoires, 10: 101-3, 119-26.

33. AdS, Reg., 14: 204r, 218v (3, 7 Dec. 1695).

34. Ibid., 14: 18v, 65r-v (19 June 1694, 2 Mar. 1695); 16: 122r (8 May 1697); Histoire, 2: 116; Mémoires, 10: 10-14 (31 Jan. 1692). The Marchants' annotated copy of Pinax is now BMHN MS. 1061. They corrected and added names of plants, working from personal observation and from books by Jean Bauhin, Parkinson, and others.

35. AdS, Reg., 16: 79v (10 Apr. 1697); Histoire ... 1699, 60-63.

36. Only Homberg's paper on a vegetable dye focused exclusively on the use of a plant: AdS, Reg., 15: 97r-100r (20 June 1696): "L'Usage des Fleurs de Cartame dans la Teinture."

37. There are too many descriptions between 1693 to 1699 to list; see for example, AdS, Reg., 13: 131v (15 Apr. 1693, Marchant); 15: 87v (6 June 1696, Dodart).

38. Histoire, 2: 154, 188, 257-58, 280 (1692, 1693, 1695, 1696). By April 1693 academicians were again reviewing Bourdelin's notebooks: AdS, Reg., 13: 132v (29 Apr. 1693).

39. Stroup, "Wilhelm Homberg."

40. But not Jean Marchant, to whom he displayed animosity, seeing to it that Marchant would lose the petit jardin: Historia, 419, 448; Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi."

41. Tournefort, Histoire des plantes, aiiij^r.

42. Tournefort, Élémens de botanique, 5.

43. See Tournefort, 217-18, on the several volumes of plant descriptions Tournefort wrote during the 1690s.

44. Tournefort, Histoire des plantes, avij^v-eiij^r: "premieres qualitez des corps," "la configuration des parties." See also Tournefort, 100-101.

45. Laissus and Monseigny argue that publication of Tournefort's Élémens de botanique ruled out release of the Academy's natural history of plants; see "Les Plantes du Roi," 209-10.

46. Tournefort, Élémens de botanique, eiiij^r: "ni les figures entieres de chaque espece de plante ni leurs vertus."

47. Ibid., 12-13.

48. Tournefort, Histoire des plantes, aiiij^r-v.

49. Tournefort, Élémens de botanique, 3, 516, 558; Histoire des plantes, aiij, avj^r-v, ex^r-v, 6, 11, 15, 40, and passim; Fontenelle, Éloges, 110; Tournefort, 216, 229. This may be why Fontenelle incorrectly claimed that the natural history had always been intended as a catalogue of plants in France; see chap. 6, above.

50. Marchant defined his work for 1699 as completing the second volume of the natural history of plants "sur le dessein que la Compagnie s'est anciennement proposé": AdS, Reg., 18: 144v.

51. Tournefort, 209, 212, 227-36.

52. Cf. Bertrand, L'Académie et les académiciens, 44-46, 50-51, for a different assessment of corporate and individual projects.

1. Tournefort alone among academicians kept up-to-date with botanical literature; many academicians came to their studies of plants from other disciplines altogether. The Marchants looked on new botanical treatises as sources of information about particular plants rather than as models for a new style of studying plants. See chap. 8, n. 29, above, on how little Ray influenced the Academy.

2. Canguilhem, preface to Delaporte, Second règne, 8.

3. The texts that academicians produced on the subject exist in manuscript and in publications. The minutes of the Academy record the papers of Perrault, Mariotte and Duclos plus the experiments that Marchant demonstrated: AdS, Reg., 1: 35 (15 Jan. 1667); 4: 67v-68r, 71v-77v, 79r-90r, 92v-99r (23, 30 June, 7, 14, 21 July 1668); AdS, Carton 1667-1699, pochette 1668. In 1679 Mariotte published his Végétation, a treatise on the nutrition and growth of plants that incorporated his earlier research on the circulation of sap, and a year later Perrault published his Circulation, on the circulation of sap, which borrowed heavily from Mariotte's experimental data and also contained Duclos's rebuttal. All three academicians revised their opinions between 1668 and 1680. La Hire addressed the problem in the late 1670s and the early 1690s: AdS, Reg., 8: 218r-v; Mémoires, 10: 317-19; Histoire, 2: 184-86. The histories of the Academy by its first two permanent secretaries report the summer debate: Historia, 62-66, and Histoire, 1: 58-63.

4. Salomon-Bayet, L'institution de la science, 87. Davy de Virville, "De l'influence des idées préconçues," 119, distinguishes between preconceived and directive ideas.

5. Canguilhem, "Role of Analogies and Models," 507, 516.

6. Ibid., 513.

7. Hesse, Models and Analogies, 81-85.

8. Ibid., 86-91.

9. That is, when "it has not been possible to observe or to produce experimentally a large number of instances in which sets of characters are differently associated": ibid., 76.

10. Ibid., 76-77.

11. Canguilhem, "Role of Analogies and Models," 513.

12. Hesse, Models and Analogies, 79-80.

13. Canguilhem, "Role of Analogies and Models," 517.

14. Hesse, Models and Analogies, 162.

15. Canguilhem, "Role of Analogies and Models," 515.

16. Hesse, Models and Analogies, 163.

17. Canguilhem, "Role of Analogies and Models," 508, 513, 516.

18. Canguilhem, Connaissance de la vie, 22-23.

19. Delaporte, Second règne, 18.

20. I am grateful to Shirley A. Roe for this quotation.

21. Canguilhem, "Role of Analogies and Models," 514.

22. Harvey, The Circulation of the Blood, 187.

23. Ibid., 132.

24. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 58-59.

25. Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas, 25-26, 43, 51-58.

26. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 61.

27. See Riolan's letters in Harvey, The Circulation of the Blood; Riolan, Manuel, 706-49; articles in DSB on Harvey and Riolan; Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas; Berthier, "Le mécanisme cartésien," 3: 33-44.

28. Berthier, "Le mécanisme cartésien," 3: 51. Descartes, Discours, pt. 5.

29. Tardy, Cours de medecine; Chaillou, Mouvement du sang; Martet, Abbregé ... ensemble de la circulation du sang; Betbeder (who plundered Chaillou and Martet), Questions nouvelles; Guiffart, Lettre, preface; Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas; Berthier, "Le mécanisme cartésien," 2: 53-55; DSB, 10: 477.

30. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 58-59.

31. Ibid., 51.

32. Ibid., 39.

33. Salomon-Bayet, L'institution de la science, 86.

34. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 13, 31, and The Circulation of the Blood, 145, 172.

35. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 94, 101, and The Circulation of the Blood, 118-19, 150-51, 152, 169.

36. Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas, 56.

1. Gasking, Investigations, 44; Delaporte, Second règne, 27-31. See for example [Aristotle], De Plantis, 1: 3, 818a17-20; 1: 2, 817a31-35; 1: 1, 816b11-23; Aristotle, Historia Animalium, 5: 1, 539a16-20; De Anima, 1: 5, 411b19-30; 2: 1, 412b1. Tournefort, Élémens de botanique, 21, 23, 515-26, 561; Grew, Anatomy Begun, 44-45, preface, and epistle dedicatory; Arber, "Nehemiah Grew," 47; Webster, "Recognition of Plant Sensitivity"; Davy de Virville, "De l'influence des idées préconçues," 114.

2. Delaporte, Second règne, 31-32.

3. Savants often continued to assume what they needed to prove: Davy de Virville, "De l'influence des idées préconçues," 115.

4. For what academicians wrote about the circulation of sap, see chap. 9 n. 3, above.

5. Hooke, Micrographia, 114, 116, 120; Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, 6: 337; Le Febvre, Compleat Body, pt. 2, 3-4; Histoire, 1: 3; Grew, Anatomy of Plants; Malpighi, Plantarum Anatome; Arber, "Grew and Malpighi." Régis, Système, 467-86, relied on Grew and Malpighi for the anatomy of plants and on Perrault for the circulation of sap.

6. He exemplifies the "medical style" of explanation characterized by King, ed., Hoffmann, Fundamenta Medicinae, xx-xxi. He also represents a process discussed by Ginzburg in "Morelli, Freud," by which savants raid popular culture for their scientific conjectures.

7. Bugler, "Précurseur," presents Mariotte as a precocious experimental genius.

8. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 58-59, chap. 15; Perrault, Circulation, 72-73, 82, 105-6, 110-11; AdS, Reg., 4: 80r.

9. Harvey explained to Robert Morison why he could not accept Pecquet's theory that the lacteal veins were filled with chyle: The Circulation of the Blood, 193-200; cf. 129. Academicians were modified Harveians, and Mariotte disagreed with Harvey on the lacteal veins: "Il semble que comme les veines lactées qui sont dans le mesentere reçoivent le chyle et le portent dans les veines, d'ou il passe dans le Coeur, et du coeur dans les poumons, d'ou il est porté derechef dans le coeur et ensuitte dans les arteres pour servir a la nourriture de toutes les parties du corps, et le surplus repasse dans les veines qui le reportent au coeur." He compared the ends of roots with lacteal veins: "Vraysemblablement les extremitez des racines s'imbibent de l'humidité qui est dans la terre, et la portent dans le Corps de la racine, d'ou elle passe dans des petits Canaux qui sont dans la tige d'ou elle se distribue.... (AdS, Reg., 4: 79v).

10. AdS, Reg., 4: 79v. The beginning of the quotation appears in n. 9, above; it continues: "... d'ou elle se distribue dans les branches et jusques auz extremitez des feüilles, & le surplus est reporté par d'autres petits canaux vers la Racine pour s'y perfectionner par une Espece de cohobation et devenir un sue bien digeré et propre a la nourriture des fleurs et des fruicts...."

11. AdS, Reg., 4: 79v-80r; Perrault, Circulation, 77-80; Mémoires, 10: 194-95; Grew, Anatomy of Plants, 48-49; Dedu, De l'âme des plantes, 297-98.

12. AdS, Reg., 4: 79r, 80r-v, 81v-83r, 85r-v; Mariotte, Végétation, 133-34; Perrault, Circulation, 81-82, 84-85, 87-96; Historia, 62-63.

13. On the controversy with Duclos over the formation of dew, see AdS,Reg., 4: 83r-v, 89r-v; and Duclos's portion of Perrault's Circulation. Mariotte's and Perrault's views on the role of leaves: AdS, Reg., 4: 82r-83r, 85v-86r, 94r-v; Perrault, Circulation, 83-86, 91-93.

14. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 93; Perrault, Circulation, 85-86; Mariotte, Végétation, 133.

15. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 58-59.

16. AdS, Reg., 4: 72v-74v, 79r, 80r-v, 85r-v; compare Duclos's report of his experiments, ibid., 87r-88r. The Academy later identified the two saps in an aloe as "suc crud" and "suc nourissier": BMHN MS. 451: 88r (6 May 1671).

17. Perrault, Circulation, 77-78, 94-95, 105, 116, 119-20. See also AdS, Reg., 4: 89v-90r; 10: 95v (15 Apr. 1682); 12: 130r (23 Mar. 1689).

18. Harvey, The Circulation of the Blood, 125; AdS, Reg., 4: 72r-75r, 85r-86r; Histoire, 1: 61 (Mariotte); Perrault, Circulation, 73-77.

19. Mariotte, Végétation, 130-31.

20. Perrault, Circulation, 74-77, 88-89, 93-94, 96-97.

21. Mariotte, Végétation, 129-30. Delaporte, Second régne, 44, incorrectly interprets Mariotte as affirming their existence.

22. For Hooke, see Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, 6: 337 (1668); for La Hire, see Histoire, 2: 183-86; Mémoires, 10: 317-19.

23. Grew, Anatomy of Plants, 21.

24. Harvey, Movement of the Heart and Blood, 98, 103; see also, 37-38, 99. Régis, Système, 465, argued thus.

25. Hooke, Attempt, 1; Brown, Scientific Organizations, 85-86; cf. Boyle, Works, 1: 80.

26. Partington, History of Chemistry, 2: 3, 505, 511; Middleton, History of the Barometer, 185; Huygens, Oeuvres, 22: 586-87, 3: 328-29. Locke heard capillary tubes discussed during his French visit: Travels, 101.

27. Hooke, Attempt, 26.

28. Hooke, Micrographia, 11, 20-21, 28.

29. For the confusion, see Middleton, History of the Barometer, 186, citing Honoré Fabre and J. C. Sturm. See also Millington, "Theories of Cohesion" and "Studies in Capillarity," 258, 267-68, who cites Rohault, Bernoulli, and Huygens. On Borelli see Partington, History of Chemistry, 2: 444, and Millington, "Studies in Capillarity," 264. A brief review of Borelli's 1670 De motionibus naturalibus in Phil. Trans. 73 (1671): 2210, pointed out that Borelli argued against the fear of a vacuum and attraction; it also mentioned his discussion of capillary tubes. His views on these subjects thus reached a wide audience.

30. Mariotte, Végétation, 130. It is not clear how La Hire explained capillary action, but by 1693 he stressed the mediocre heights to which capillary action could raise a liquid: AdS, Reg., 8: 218r-v (Apr. 1678-June 1679); Mémoires, 10: 317-19. While Perrault never cited the evidence of water rising in thin glass tubes, he did compare the absorption of liquids in a sponge with the rise of sap, as had Cesalpino a century earlier. Perrault, Circulation, 74-75. Cf. Malpighi and Ray; see Clark-Kennedy, Stephen Hales, 59-60; Guyénot, Évolution, 118.

31. AdS, Reg., 4: 74v-76v.

32. Pierre Perrault, Origine des fontaines; the preface was reprinted in Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 287-97; quotation from p. 296.

33. Perrault, Circulation, 76-77, 113, 124. Régis, Cours, 1: 485-86, 491-92, had similar views. Compare Savery's pulsometer of 1698: Burstall, Mechanical Engineering, 193. For fermentation in Descartes's circulatory theory, see his Discours, pt. 5. Grew had a similar theory of the rise of sap: Anatomy Begun and Anatomy of Roots in Anatomy of Plants, 17-18, 22-26, 82-83; Arber, "Nehemiah Grew," 58.

34. Mariotte, Traité des couleurs in Oeuvres, 311, first published in his Essais de physique. Duclos misunderstood air pressure. In 1680 he adopted the theory that sap circulated but ascribed an "expulsive faculty" to the branches and trunks of trees in order to explain how sap rose. He rejected air pressure as a cause, arguing that the weight of the air was too weak to force sap upwards in trees since it could not prevent a delicate plant from growing straight and tall. Duclos based his view on Huygens's experiment in which plants grew in a tightly stopped bottle, but he revived a discredited assumption (once used by critics of Torricelli and Pascal), even though by the 1670s it had been shown that the air pressure in a sealed container was the same as that of the atmosphere in which it had been sealed, unless the container had been evacuated by a pump. Boyle showed that "air in a bell jar on a plate can be at atmospheric pressure, even though the glass keeps the air above from pressing on that within" (Middleton, History of the Barometer, 66). Perrault refuted Duclos simply: "the enclosed air acts with the same force to create pressure as it does when it communicates with the other air." This was because it "acts according to the strength of its spring, which is proportional to the weight of the air that it had when it was enclosed." For Perrault this was proven by experiments with carps' bladders in an evacuated bell jar. He argued further that the air enclosed in soil was no different from the air in a sealed container and could therefore exert pressure on juices in the earth and on the roots of plants. See Perrault, Circulation, 109, 113-14, 119; Dedu, De l'âme des plantes, 284-85, repeated Duclos's error.

35. Clark-Kennedy, Stephen Hales, 60-66.

36. Mßmoires, 10: 191.

37. Histoire, 2: 185; Justel wrote to Huet in 1671 about Borelli's book and about the difficulties of explaining capillarity: BN MS. fr. 15189: 160r.

38. AdS, Reg., 13: 39r (15 Nov. 1690); Mémoires, 10: 317-19; Histoire, 2: 184-85.

39. These were said to be connected by their lower parts to tubes which carried rising sap, and to be attached by their upper parts to tubes that transported descending sap. La Hire claimed to have observed very large valves of this sort in canes and reeds: Histoire, 2: 185-86.

40. Canguilhem, Connaissance de la vie, 34.

41. Canguilhem, "Role of Analogies and Models," 519, 517.

42. Ibid., 517.

43. As Delaporte points out in Second règne, 11.

1. Neither the strict dualism that pitted mechanistic against biological explanation (Kiernan, Science and the Enlightenment) nor the dispute between chemical and triturationist mechanism (Brockliss, French Higher Education, 400-408) emerged in the seventeenth-century Academy. For the scope of chemical research in England, see George, "Chemical Papers."

2. Mendelsohn, "Philosophical vs. Experimental Biology," and discussions by Roger and Plantefol; Gasking, Investigations, 37-69; Guyénot, Évolution, 214-15; Roger, Sciences de la vie, 325-54, 363, 391, 442.

3. AdS, Reg., 1: 33. Perrault cited Theophrastus on the Causes of Plants, chap. 4. Compare Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 138, who revived the question in 1678: AdS, Reg., 8: 189v. On growing plants from their ashes, see Le Febvre, Compleat Body, 156, Marx, "Alchimie et palingénésie," and Debus, "Further Note on Palingenesis." The view that plants grew from their salts was defended by Pinault in his Traité du jardinage, dedicated to the Academy and reviewed by Duclos in AdS, Reg., 6: 48r-57v; see 54v.

4. AdS, Reg., 8: 135v, 151v (4 Aug. 1677, 23 Mar. 1678, Dodart); 7: 234r (14 Jan. 1679, Perrault); 11: 116v, 124r, 125v (20 Jan., 11 Apr., 25 Apr. 1685, Marchant), 133r-v (14 July 1685, La Chapelle). For descriptions see Marchant, Descriptions de quelques plantes nouvelles; BMHN MSS. 449-51. For Bourdelin's chemical analyses, see: AdS, Reg., 8: 198r-v, 200r-v, 201v-2r (15, 22 Mar., 26 Apr., 10 May 1679). See also AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 2, 7: 119v-26r, 129r-32v, 135v-37r (1679); 2, 8: 116r-19r, 131v-32r, 146v-47r (1681, 1682); 1, 9: 104-6, 109-10, 127-32, 139-40, 381 (1684, 1686). See also Homberg's analyses in AdS, Reg., 14: 122r-25r, 200r (1 June, 23 Nov. 1695).

5. AdS, Reg., 1: 34 (Perrault); Mémoires, 10: 120-22, 123; Historia, 309-10 (Tournefort).

6. Mémoires, 10: 122, 124, 125. Grew had found seeds in the capsules of a hart's-tongue. Tournefort planted a hart's-tongue in a well, hoping for a natural and isolated environment to test Grew's hypothesis; a year later he observed several young plants growing on the opposite side of the well. Doubting at first that this was the same plant, because the seedlings had only a single leaf (the gametophyte) that was rounder than the leaves of the original plant, Tournefort continued to observe and eventually saw the characteristic leaves. Morison had made a similar experiment; he identified the prothallium as cotyledons of young ferns and believed he had proved that ferns were reproduced by seeds: Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, 3: 209; Arber, "Nehemiah Grew," 63.

7. Mémoires, 10: 102, 125. In the 1670s Marchant studied mushrooms, bringing to a meeting "les premiers commencements de la formation des champignons qui sont dans les crottes de cheval, mises en une couche depuis un an, dans lesquelles il a fait remarquer de la moisissure, puis des fillets....": AdS, Reg., 8: 155r. No mention was made of seeds. See also Plantefol's remarks following Mendelsohn, "Philosophical vs. Experimental Biology," 228-29.

8. Mémoires, 10: 124, 411-12, 414, and plate 17; Mariotte, Végétation, 136, 137. Tournefort cited observations in England by Ray and in Provence, Poitou, and elsewhere by other naturalists.

9. Gasking, Investigations, 63; Berthier, "Le mécanisme cartésien," 2: 88n. 2. In his synthesis of contemporary research on plants, Régis summarized the arguments for preformation and against spontaneous generation: Système, 465-66 (livre 6).

10. Mendelsohn, "Philosophical vs. Experimental Biology," 216-17.

11. Mariotte, Végétation, 138.

12. Gasking, Investigations, chaps. 2-5, esp. 41-42, 57-59; Guyénot, Évolution, 273-76, 331.

13. Roger, Sciences de la vie, 352-53.

14. AdS, Reg., 8: 141r, 156r-v, 189v, 192r, 215v (17 Nov. 1677, June 1677-Apr. 1678, 23 Nov., 7 Dec. 1678, Apr. 1678-June 1679); 7: 158r (14 May 1678); Historia, 157-58, 170.

15. Mariotte, Végétation, 137, 139. Guyénot, Évolution, 289-93, and Gasking, Investigations, 66-67, discuss how preformationists explained hereditary variations. See Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 361 (7 Feb. 1690), for the problem of explaining grafts along preformationist lines.

16. Mariotte, Végétation, 137; Gasking, Investigations, 42; Bugler, "Précurseur," 247-48. Fontenelle accepted epigenesis: Marsak, Fontenelle, 26. Citing variation, Daniel Tauvry later objected to emboîtement: Guyénot, Évolution, 291.

17. Mariotte, Végétation, 138.

18. Mendelsohn, "Philosophical vs. Experimental Biology," 225.

19. AdS, Reg., 1: 33. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 137, referred to the germination of plants in a vacuum and the extraction and analysis of lixivial salts from soil, work that bore no resemblance to Harvey's or Malpighi's studies.

20. Hoppen, The Common Scientist, 141-42, 260n. 200.

21. Mariotte, Végétation, 128-29; AdS, Reg., 7: 158r-v (14 May 1678, Mariotte); 8: 151v (23 Mar. 1678, Dodart). Cf. Historia, 170.

22. Mariotte, Végétation, 139.

23. Ibid., 137; Perrault, Circulation, 106-8, 118-19, 123-24.

24. Mariotte, Végétation, 135, and De la nature des couleurs, in Oeuvres, 310-11.

25. Mariotte, Végétation, 138; Mémoires, 10: 120, 124, 125, 126. For Tournefort, the exceptional number of mushrooms after the London fire showed that an alteration in the earth's juices could induce a dormant seed to grow. He conjectured that "the juice that dissolved the debris of calcinated houses" must be an especially good medium for causing seeds "that had been in the earth perhaps for a long time" to germinate.

26. AdS, Reg., 17: 44r-49r (4 Dec. 1697): "...il y a dans la terre un sel que l'on peut appeler comme naturel, lequel est un mélange de sel marin, de nitre, de sel fixe, de sel ammoniac. On y peut ajouter l'alun et le vitriol. En examinant tous ces sels sans employer le feu, l'on trouve qu'ils donnent des indices d'acide et d'alcali" (49r). Ibid., 18: 4v-5v (12 Nov. 1698): "la terre qui se trouve dans les champs et dans les jardins contient considerablement du soufre" (4v). Cf. Historia, 445-56. See also the preface to Tournefort's Histoire des plantes, and the review of that book in Phil. Trans., no. 245 (1698): 385.

27. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 137-38; AdS, Reg., 8: 3v, 92v-95r, especially 94v (23 Jan. 1675, 26 Aug. 1676). Other academicians proposed tests to learn whether earth increased in weight due to cooking and whether it was saltier in the spring: AdS, Reg., 8: 190r (23 Nov. 1678); 10: 12r (13 Mar. 1680). Earths associated with mineral waters were tested with a solution of turnsole in 1680: ibid., 10: 46v (28 Aug. 1680). Perrault and Duclos discussed chalk in 1683: ibid., 11: 6v (1 Sept. 1683). Borelly wanted to compare the acids of plants with those in minerals: ibid., 10: 96r (15 Apr. 1682). La Chapelle revived Dodart's earlier plan of comparing the salts in plants and soils: ibid., 11: 157v (30 Jan. 1686).

28. AdS, Reg., 8: 63r-v (6, 13 Nov. 1675), cf. Borelly, 73v-74r (22 Jan. 1676); 75r, 78r-v, 81v, 85r, 88v, 89r (12 Feb., 11, 18 Mar., 6 May, 10 June, 1, 8 July 1676). Cf. AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1, 4: as numbered from front of vol., 101r-7v (1675); as numbered from back of vol., 12r-13v, 15r-v, 19v-20r (1675); 1, 5: 28r-30v, 40v-42r, 55r-60v, 75r-78v, 85r-v, 87v-88v, 108r-20v, 124v-26v, 137r-39r, 157r-58v, 168r-69r (1676-77); 2, 6: 73. In 1675 Bourdelin had identified only one earth that yielded an acid liquid and another that produced a very sour (acre) spirit similar to spirit of salt; marl effervesced with spirit of salt: Histoire, 1: 198.

29. AdS, Reg., 8: 94v-95r (26 Aug. 1676). Borelly suggested using common salt, salt of tartar, "ou autre alcali sel armoniac, ou autre de Nature pareille sublimé, et derechef depuré & c."

30. Ibid., 8: 93r: "pour en tirer tout le sel, et touttes les diverses substances ensemble dans leur Cahos."

31. Ibid., 8: 93v-94v.

32. AdS, Reg., 12: 21r-v (4 Dec. 1686); 18: 13v (19 Nov. 1698).

33. Since a large volume of water contained only a small quantity of mineral salts, plants had to imbibe great quantities. Mariotte calculated how much water evaporated daily from plants: Végétation, 135-36, 140-41.

34. AdS, Reg., 4: 79v-80r; Mémoires, 10: 195-97, 406-15. Cf. Perrault, Circulation, 77-80; for other mechanistic explanations of growth, see Grew, Anatomy of Plants, 48-49; Dedu, De l'âme des plantes, 297-98; Bugler, "Précurseur," 247.

35. AdS, Reg., 14: 122v (1 June 1695): "...les organes des jeunes graines ne contiennent qu'une Séve aqueuse et fort fluide, qui n'est pas encore bien digerée, dont les parties salines, terrestres et aqueuses se mêlant avec le temps plus parfaitement s'epaississent, et forment en partic cette huile, qui se forme peu à pen,..."

36. Ibid., 14: 123v: "...dans les jeunes graines le phlegme avec son sel et une partie de sa matiere terrestre composent avec le temps la quantité d'huile qui se trouve dans les graines meures...."

37. Ibid., 14: 123r. Duclos held similar views on how oil is formed in plants: ibid., 4: 48r-54v.

38. Howe, "Root"; Webster, "Water as the Ultimate Principle of Nature," 97, 100-107; JdS (1671): 612-13, review of Du Hamel's De corporum affectionibus.

39. Histoire, 2: 133 (1692); Historia, 1: 321-22.

40. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 205-6. Boyle pointed out that Helmont could not prove that minerals were produced by the water: Sceptical Chymist, in Works, 1: 496-98. His own experiments gave ambiguous evidence: Considerations and Experiments Touching the Qualities and Forms, in Works, 3: 102-9. Earlier English scientists, stimulated by Palissy and influenced by a Paracelsian tradition that emphasized "nutritive water and a life giving salt," had already studied the issue: Debus, "Palissy, Plat, and English Agricultural Chemistry," quotation from p. 88. Their interests resembled those of seventeenth-century academicians: Phil. Trans. 1 (1665): 91-92, and 10 (1675): 293-96.

41. Mariotte, Végétation, 124, 125, 127; Perrault, Circulation, 72-73.

42. Perrault, Circulation, 105, 110, 122.

43. AdS, Reg., 17: 40r-v (27 Nov. 1697); cf. Hoffmann, Fundamenta Medicinae, 2: 66-67.

44. Mémoires, 10: 120, 124, 126. This position could be Aristotelian or Paracelsian: Pagel, Paracelsus, 97, on "growing water."

45. Guyénot, Évolution, 115-18; AdS, Reg., 6: 122r (13 July 1669); Perrault, Circulation, 89; for Homberg, see n. 43, above.

46. On eclecticism in the sciences, see Roger, Sciences de la vie, 164; Debus, The English Paracelsians, 149; Brockliss, French Higher Education, chaps. 7 and 8.

1. See Brown, Scientific Organizations, chaps. 4-6; Stroup, "Christiaan Huygens." Huygens, Oeuvres, vols. 3-8, 19, 22, and passim, reveal his work with Thuret, Papin, and others on air pumps, microscopes, and clocks. For an inventory of Picard's instruments, see AdS, Reg., 9: 198v-99r.

2. Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, 6: 5, 22, 76, and passim; Ornstein, Rôle of Scientific Societies, 107-10; Middleton, Experimenters; Mariotte, Traitté de nivellement; La Hire, L'école des arpenteurs; Auzout, Traité du micromètre; Roberval, "Nouvelle maniere de Balance"; Huygens, "Extrait d'une lettre ... touchant une nouvelle manière de barométre."

3. The Academy tested aerometer adapted from a design of the Florentine academy: Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 188-91; see Hooke's comment in Philosophical Collections, 1: 39-40. Duclos used an aerometer, along with a compound balance, to analyze mineral waters: Observations, 198-201; discussed by Stubbs, "Chemistry at l'Académie Royale des Sciences," 90. Homberg experimented with an aerometer in his air pump: AdS, Reg., 16: 209r (31 July 1697). The enameler Hubin supplied and repaired aerometers for the Academy and probably also made its thermometers: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147 records purchases and repairs. For a definition of "aerometer," see Furetière, Dictionnaire; for an illustration, see Historia, plate facing p. 389, fig. 2a, p. 439; for Homberg on the aerometer, ibid., 438-40. Academicians again adapted a design of the Accademia del Cimento when they used a thermometer to regulate the heat of distillatory fires; Dodart discussed apparatus in 1674 and 1675, but the amanuensis was unfamiliar with the words so that the instruments he named are unknown: Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 180-81; AdS, Reg., 8: 7r, 3r, 4v.

4. Borel, Observationum microscopicarum centauria, Obs. 6-8, 17, 19, 46, 63, 96, tried to identify atoms as proof of atomism and also examined the exteriors of plants; he was not interested in plant anatomy. Hooke described the cellular structure of plants, while Henshaw found vessels in the wood of walnut trees: Hooke, Micrographia, 106; von Sachs, History of Botany, 229. In 1681 Schrader, De microscopiorum usu, summarized botanical and anatomical microscopy, citing Borelli, Swammerdam, Grew, Malpighi, Hooke, and others; he discussed the circulation of sap, 18-19, without mentioning the Academy's work. On the history of the microscope and its uses, see Turner, Essays, and Clay and Court, History.

5. Roger, Sciences de la vie, 183-84. Dodart recommended using microscope and loupe to correct descriptions or illustrations of plants: BMHN MS. 450: 107r, 124.

6. AdS, Reg., 1: 33:

Les Experiences sur la naissance des Plantes se feront en considerant les racines, et semences, et les examinant diligemment avec le Microscope soit avant que de les mettre en terre soit en les en tirant en divers temps pour considerer les differents Changements qui leur arrivent en la grandeur ou en la figure de leurs pores, en leurs sucs, pesanteur, couleur, odeur, saveur & c. Ensuitte on considera ce qui arrive a leurs germes quand ils commencent a pousser principalement a ceux qui sont enfermez au dedans des grandes semences comme on voit aux glands du chesne, ou on remarque la racine, le tronc et les Branches de tout l'arbre qui paroist desja formé et distingué avant que de sortir d'entre les deux parties esquelles le gland a acoustumé de se fendre.

Perrault used the terms "microscope" and "engyscope": ibid. and 36; see Furetière, Dictionnaire, for the latter.

7. AdS, Reg., 8: 218r-v (Apr. 1678 to June 1679). See chap. 10, above, for La Hire's later views about the rise of sap.

8. Ibid., 8: 156r (23 Mar. 1678): "du bled en herbe, dans lequel on voyoit tous les noeuds, et l'epic formé avec les grains commencez sur un tuyau de deux lignes de long."

9. Ibid., 11: 1r (23 June 1683), 168v (6 Apr. 1686).

10. Ibid., 4: 81r-v (7 July 1668); Mariotte, Végétation, 129, 130-32, 137-38, 143. He distinguished between fibers and filaments and argued that spongy matter adhered to the membrane; his plants and descriptions are different from Hooke's in Micrographia, 101-15.

11. Mémoires, 10: 101-3, 120-22, 191-97, 406-15; Histoire, 2: 153-54 (1692).

12. AdS, Reg., 7: 176r, 185r-v (16, 30 July 1678). On the history of spherical lenses, see Rooseboom, "History of the Microscope," 272; Daumas, Scientific Instruments, 45. Several savants described how to make and use the glass globules: see, for example, Huygens, "Extrait d'une lettre ... touchant une nouvelle maniere de microscope," and Oeuvres, 8: 90-93, 96-97, 113-14, 122-25, 128-29, 131, 187-88; 13, 2: 520-27, 680-85; Hartsoeker, "Extrait d'une lettre ... touchant la maniere de faire les nouveaux microscopes"; Hooke, Lectures and Collections ... Microscopium, 92, 97-98; Locke, Travels, 250.

13. AdS, Reg., 7: 185r-v, 244v; Huygens, Oeuvres, 22: 269.

14. AdS, Reg., 7: 244r: in sunflowers it resembled balls with rays; in wood sorrel (trifolium acetosum) it was round and pierced in the center; and in jonquil it looked like physic nut or croton seed (pignons d'inde). Du Hamel noted observations with Huygens's microscope in his annual report to Colbert: ibid., 8: 219r (Apr. 1678-June 1679).

15. Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 65, 106, 112 (quotation), 205, 213.

16. Ibid., 13, 2: 699-700.

17. A spherical lens was most appropriate for examining transparent objects, since any object had to be held very near the glass globule, making illumination difficult. Observers needed either a dark background or an oblique source of light, and Huygens developed interchangeable diaphragms to regulate the amount of light. A liquid was best seen when a drop of the liquid adhered to the glass lens. For holding other objects, Huygens preferred mobile glass slides to narrow tubes. See Hooke, Lectures and Collections ... Microscopium, 98-99; Huygens, Oeuvres, 13, 1: cxlii; 13, 2: 520-26; 8: 64-65, 212; Rooseboom, "Huygens et la microscopie," 61, 72nn. 22, 24-26. On the mounting of the glass globule, see Daumas, Scientific Instruments, 46-47.

18. AdS, Reg., 7: 200r (20 Aug. 1678); Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 92-93, 106, 112, 114, 123-24, 128-29, 130-31, 187-88.

19. On the relative advantages of the various simple microscopes available at the end of the seventeenth century, see: Hooke, Lectures and Collections ... Microscopium, 96-97; Rooseboom, "History of Microscope," 270-71; van Cittert, "The 'van Leeuwenhoek Microscope,'" "The Optical Properties of the 'van Leeuwenhoek Microscope,'" and "On the Use of Glass Globes as Microscope-Lenses"; Rooseboom, "Concerning the Optical Qualities of Some Microscopes made by Leeuwenhoek." Huygens's spherical lenses probably had a magnifying power of 40x: Rooseboom, "History of the Microscope," 272. I am indebted to Gerard L'E. Turner for discussing with me the problems of late seventeenth-century lenses and for pointing out that any improvements made before the development of achromatic lenses in the eighteenth century would have been very modest. He is skeptical of the view that spherical lenses provided better images than ground lenses.

20. The articles he wrote in his own and Hartsoeker's names for the Journal des sçavans stirred up interest, and he demonstrated the instrument outside the Academy to Colbert, his brothers, and "some learned men who live with them": Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 91-92, 96-99, 100-103; Historia, 171.

21. On Huygens's interest in microscopes and their uses, see Rooseboom, "Huygens et la microscopie," 59; Huygens, Oeuvres, 4: 334; 7: 315-16, 400, 417; 8: 21n. 2, 58-63; 22: 553, 564, 595, 599, 686, 698, 702.

22. Phil. Trans. (11 Mar. 1666); printed in Boyle, Works, 3: 154-55; Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, 6: 245-46 (7 June 1665); 7: 493 (11 July 1678). See also 'Espinasse, Robert Hooke, 51, 171n. 21. Borelly thought the air pump had potential for chemical research: AdS, Reg., 11: 168v (6 Apr. 1686).

23. AdS, Reg., 1: 256, 259-60 (17 Mar., 7 Apr. 1668); 4: 10r-v (21 Apr. 1668); Huygens, Oeuvres, 19: 200, 207; 17: 332. When Dodart referred in his 1676 Mémoires des plantes, 137, to academic studies of germination in a vacuum, he had in mind these tests made by Huygens between 7 April and 12 May 1668. On Huygens's development of the air pump see Stroup, "Christiaan Huygens."

24. AdS, Reg., 4: 10v-11r (21 Apr. 1668); Huygens, Oeuvres, 19: 209, 211-12. Huygens reported his observations three weeks later, but the experiment lasted only eight days. Huygens put into the bell jar a device intended to show whether all the air had been evacuated; this was a tube five to six pouces long that was filled with water and placed with its open end in the same container of water that held the branch.

25. AdS, Reg., 4: 19v-21r (12 May 1668); Historia, 58; Huygens, Oeuvres, 17: 312-14; 19: 211-12. Fontenelle elaborated Huygens's explanation. He asserted that all bodies contained air that could escape when external air pressure diminished. In an evacuated receiver, therefore, enclosed bodies would exhale an "artificial" air, whose characteristics varied according to its origin. Fontenelle supported his argument with the observation that a fallen column of mercury could rise in an evacuated receiver; to explain this, he cited the weight of newly exhaled air: Histoire, 1: 46-47. See also Marsak, Fontenelle, 19-22; Dijksterhuis, Mechanization of the World Picture, 4: 261-82.

26. Huygens, Oeuvres, 22: 254; AdS, Reg., 8: 59v-60r (24 July 1675). Dr. N. B. Ward's similar observation of grasses in a sealed glass bottle from 1829 to 1833 led to the use of closed glass cases for oceanic transportation of rare plants; see Lemmon, Golden Age, 183.

27. Boyle inspired Huygens to work on air pumps, and Huygens's first machine resembled the one Hooke had built for Boyle; Homberg's earliest inspiration was von Guericke, and in 1683 he used a pump made by Dalancé which was an improvement of von Guericke's: Mémoires, 10: 648, reprinted from JdS (1683); Histoire, 1: 361 (1683); see also Middleton, History of the Barometer, 355. By 1692, however, Homberg had made his own air pump, which resembled the machines developed by Hooke, Boyle, and Huygens: Mémoires, 10: 215, 256, 281 (fig.); compare Histoire, 2: 138.

28. Mémoires, 10: 319-23.

29. Ibid., 348-54; see AdS, Reg., 13: 135r-v (13, 17 June 1693).

30. Mémoires, 10: 349-51.

31. Ibid., 353-54; see also Histoire, 2: 187-88 (1693); Historia, 324-25 (1693).

32. Mémoires, 10: 351-52.

33. Ibid., 352.

34. Ibid., 319-23, 353. For Homberg, "vapeur" was a mixture of ethereal matter with particles of water.

35. Ibid., 354, 283, 259. Compare Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 209; Histoire, 1: 47; 2: 170-72; Mémoires, 10: 529-36, reprinted from JdS (1672).

36. Willis performed his experiment in 1669 and Plot published it in his Natural History of Oxfordshire (1677): Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, 3: 207-8.

37. Huygens, Oeuvres, 3: 383-84; Birch, History of the Royal Society, 2: 29, 56, 419-21.

38. Perrault, Circulation, 113.

39. Histoire, 2: 207 (1694).

40. Mémoires, 10: 348.

1. Clave, Cours de chymie, 8. For debate on how medicine affected botany, see: Arber, Herbals, 6-7, and "Robert Sharrock," 5; Webster, "Recognition of Plant Sensitivity," 9, 22; Roger, Sciences de la vie, pt. 1, and pt. 2, chap. 1; Debus, "Paracelsian Doctrine in English Medicine," 21-22.

2. Histoire, 2: 66.

3. Dorveaux, "Grands pharmaciens. 1. Bourdelin," 292; Brygoo, "Les médecins de Montpellier," 12; Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 1: 433, 588; 2: 104, 318; 3: 159, 507-8; DBF, 15: 907.

4. çloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 1: 432, 594; 2: 64, 554; 3: 280; Brygoo, "Les médecins de Montpellier," 14; Dorveaux, "Apothicaires membres. 3. Boulduc"; IB; there is no entry for Langlade in Hazon, Notice, Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, or the standard biographical encyclopedias.

5. Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 11, 17; compare 8: 541 (22 Sept. 1684).

6. Hazon, Notice, 151; Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 2: 121-24.

7. Hazon, Notice, 176, 191; Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 2: 396; 4: 365-66, 415-19; Brygoo, "Les médecins de Montpellier," 16-17; Tournefort, 17, 20. Tournefort corresponded with Martin Lister about surgery he had performed: Bodleian MS. Lister 2: 155-56, no date.

8. See for example: Histoire, 1: 27-35, 36-39, 123-24, 198-99, 250-52, 370-73, 2: 51-52, 92.

9. See for example: Charas, Pharmacopée royale, "Nouvelle preparation du quinquina," and "Relation de l'accident arrivé en maniant les vipéres." Dodart, "Lettre ... touchant quelques grains," and his posthumous Medicina statica Gallica; AdS, Reg., 10: 72r, 84v (1681); Fontenelle, Éloges, 101; Le Clerc, History of Physick, a. Tournefort, Materia medica, and Histoire des plantes. Duclos, Observations; Lémery, Traité universel; Jean Marchant, Méthode nouvelle pour guerir la fievre maligne; Tauvry, Pratique des maladies croniques, Nouvelle pratique des maladies aigues, and Traité des medicamens et la maniere de s'en servir.

10. Hoppen, "The Nature of the Early Royal Society," 255, 270n. 89.

11. Roger, Sciences de la vie, 169n. 35.

12. AdS, Reg., 11: 157v (30 Jan. 1686). Louvois also hoped that academicians would persuade physicians to abandon any "recherche inutile du remede universal qui est comme la pierre philosophale," a subject that had interested Duclos and Bourdelin: BN MS. n. a. fr. 5133: 45-58.

13. Brown, Scientific Organizations, 18-30, 195, 263; Roger, Sciences de la vie, 173, 175; Howard, "Medical Politics"; Brygoo, "Les médecins de Montpellier"; Whitmore, The Order of Minims, 228; Handford, "Chemistry at the Jardin du roi," 19-20, 47-50; Partington, History of Chemistry, 2: 172, 173, 269, 289; Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistry, 264-67.

14. AdS, Reg., 1: 30-31, 36-38 (Jan. 1667); 8: 117r-20r, 141r-v (2 June, 17 Nov. 1677); 10: 96v (22 Apr. 1682); 11: 24r, 64r-66r (17 Nov. 1683, 27 Apr. 1684); BN MS. n. a. fr. 5133: 29-31 (1667); Histoire, 1: 161-62.

15. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 140-42.

16. Ibid., 143. Other academicians also discussed poisons and their antidotes: AdS, Reg., 11: 163r-64v (2 Mar. 1686); 14: 24v (1 Sept. 1694); Histoire, 2: 182-83 (1693).

17. BN MS. n. a. fr. 5133: 29-30; Bertrand, "Les Académies d'autrefois" (1866): 345, and L'Académie et les académiciens, 14-15. See also Metzger, Les doctrines chimiques en France, 354-55; Salomon-Bayet, "Opiologia," 126-28. Bourdelin, however, obtained and tested the urine of the "petits garçons" and "petites filles de St Esprit": AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 2, 6: 185v-81v [sic] (1676).

18. AdS, Reg., 14: 14v (12 May 1694); 15: 43r-46r, 194r-97r (5 Sept. 1696); BMHN MS. 450: 52r; Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 142-43, 151, 232-36; Mémoires, 10: 244-47; Salomon-Bayet, "Opiologia," 142-50.

19. AdS, Reg., 10: 35r (3 July 1680); cf. 97r-v (6 May 1682); Oldenburg, Correspondence, 1: 225, 227, 229; also cited by A. R. Hall, "Henry Oldenburg et les relations scientifiques an XVIIe siècle," 294. Oldenburg said Duclos practiced Paracelsian spagyric medicine; Whitmore, The Order of Minims, 227, points out that in English usage "spagyrical" meant "alchemical" but in France it referred to the use of antimony. Borelly wanted to test antimony and mercury: AdS, Reg., 11: 164r. See also Poynter, ed., Chemistry, 44.

20. In addition to previous references, see: AdS, Reg., 8: 134r, 135v, 174r-v, 224v (30 June, 28 July 1677, 18 May 1678, 23 Aug. 1679); 7: 244v (13 May 1679); 10: 149v (July 1682-June 1683); 11: 24r, 163r-64v (17 Nov. 1683, 2 Mar. 1686). Histoire, 1: 373; 2: 49-50, 68. Compare 'Espinasse, Robert Hooke, 151; Hoffmann, Fundamenta medicinae, 115-42.

For familiar remedies: AdS, Reg., 10: 4r, 26r, 69r, 86r, 113r (13 Dec. 1679, 19 June 1680, 4 June, 10 Dec. 1681, 26 Aug. 1682); 12: 1v-2r, 116v, 143v-44r (8 May 1686, 22 Dec. 1688, 3 Sept. 1689); 13: 140v (12 Aug. 1693); 14: 3v-4r, 16r (2 Dec.1693, 2 June 1694); 15: 107v (27 June 1696); 17: 38r-39v (27 Nov. 1697); Histoire, 1: 329 (1681), 2: 182, 183 (1693).

For less common remedies: AdS, Reg., 8: 174r (18 May 1678); 11: 126v, 129v-30r (2, 23, 26 May 1685); 12: 88v, 116v, 131r-v (2 June, 22 Dec. 1688, 13, 20 Apr. 1689); 13: 3r, 14r, 39v, 63v, 130v (15 Feb., 15 June, 15 Nov. 1690, 30 May 1691, 1 Apr. 1693); 14: 3r, 16r, 22v, 83v, 144r-v, 196r (25 Nov. 1693, 2 June, 4 Aug. 1694, 6 Apr., 6 July, 19 Nov. 1695); Histoire, 1: 427.

On quinine, see Mémoires, 10: 92-98 (31 May 1692); on opium, see n. 18, above, and AdS, Reg., 8: 192v (14 Dec. 1678); 14: 22v (4 Aug. 1694). On Dodart's interest in nutrition, see chap. 7.

21. Brockliss, French Higher Education, chap. 8, esp. sect. iv. Duclos, however, deplored the empirical approach: BMHN MS. 1278. The Academy's views were often controversial: Roger, Sciences de la vie, 179-81.

22. For the last, see the review in JdS (1671): 616, of Du Hamel's De corporum affectionibus.

23. Roger, Sciences de la vie, 444.

24. AdS, Reg., 4: 51v-52r (9 June 1668).

25. Boas, "Acid and Alkali," 14-18; Multhauf, "J. B. van Helmont's Reformation of the Galenic Doctrine of Digestion"; Mendelsohn, Heat and Life, 18-19.

26. Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistry, 218, 222-23; Webster, The Great Instauration, 274; Tournefort, Histoire des plantes, aiiij^v.

27. Dodart, "Lettre ... touchant quelques grains," in Mémoires, 10: 561-66; parts of this section on ergotism have been published in Stroup, "Some Assumptions." I am grateful to Martinus Nijhoff Publishers for permission to reprint those passages.

28. Greulach and Adams, Plants, 50; Alexopoulos and Mims, Introductory Mycology.

29. Barger, Ergot and Ergotism, 10-13, 40-60, 65-70, 83; Bové, Story of Ergot, 137-44; Brothwell and Brothwell, Food in Antiquity, 145-55; von Hilden, Gründlicher Bericht vom heissen und kalten Brand; Thal, Sylva Hercynia; Bauhin, Pinax, 23, "Secale luxurans"; his Theatri botanici, 1, 4, xvii: 433-34, includes what is said by Barger (p. 10) to be the earliest illustration of ergot.

30. Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 1: 304-5; NBU, 14: 850; DBF, "Dubé." Dodart read the letters of Dubé and Chatton about spurred grain to the assembly on Wednesday, 31 July 1675: AdS, Reg., 8: 60r-v. See also, Mémoires, 10: 562, 564, 565; Chatton, "Extrait"; Stroup, "Some Assumptions.

31. Mémoires, 10: 561-62, 564-65.

32. Above quotations from Mémoires, 10: 563. For an explanation of ardent and volatile spirits, see Eklund, Incompleat Chymist, 22, 40, 44.

33. Mémoires, 10: 565; in fact, the hallucinatory form of ergotism is prevalent in some regions, the gangrenous form in others.

34. Ibid., 562-63, 564.

35. Ibid., 563-65. During 1674 Bourdelin distilled rye, barley, and wheat, but his notebooks at the Academy for the period from 1674 through 1677 do not mention spurred rye: AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1, 2: 1-18, 33-52, 162-66, 204-8; 1, 3: 155-65, 171-76. In 1679, he distilled seeds and flour: ibid., 2, 7: 133r-35r, 163r-v.

36. Mariotte and Dodart studied barley, wheat, corn, and spurred rye: AdS, Reg., 8: 135v, 151v (4 Aug. 1677, 23 Mar. 1678); Historia, 170.

37. Mémoires, 10: 561-63; Bové, Story of Ergot, 23.

38. Mémoires, 10: 562, 563.

39. Ibid., 564-65. The experiment had not been performed when Dodart wrote.

40. Ibid., 564.

41. Hunault, Discours physique sur les fievres, 1, 54, 57; Dubé, Medecin des pauvres, 366-67, 374, and Chirurgien des pauvres, 69.

42. Pierre Goubert, "The French Peasantry," 68-69.

43. Bonnin, "À propos de la productivité agricole"; Hémardinquer, "Faut-il 'démythifier' le porc familial?"; Goubert, French Peasantry; Lebrun, Les hommes et la mort.

44. Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen, 179; Barger, Ergot and Ergotism, chap. 2.

45. Tilly, "La révolte frumentaire," 742n. 32; Jean-Pierre Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique," 1573-74; Barger, Ergot and Ergotism, 24-25.

46. Tilly, "La révolte frumentaire," 735, 749.

47. Mémoires, 10: 565-66. For the limited success of laws against the sale of ergot mixed with grain, see Barger, Ergot and Ergotism, 71, 75, 77; Jean-Pierre Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique," 1574; Tilly, "La révolte frumentaire," 736.

48. The Academy continued this work in the eighteenth century: Fagon, "Sur le bled cornu"; Barger, Ergot and Ergotism, 31; Tiller, Dissertation, 42-45, 48; Diderot et al., Encyclopédie, 5: 906-7, "Ergot"; Wolff, Vera causa, and Lang, Descriptio morborum ex usu clavorum secalinorum, both discussed in Acta eruditorum (1718): 178-81, 309-16; Barger, Ergot and Ergotism, 62, 69-72.

49. Antoine, Methode pour conserver la santé; Belloste, The Hospital Surgeon; Bonet, Bibliotheque de medecine et de chirurgie and A Guide to the Practical Physician; Dubé, Medecin des pauvres and Chirurgien des pauvres; Fournier, L'oeconomie chirurgicale and L'antiloimotechnie, which includes his Traicté de la gangrene; Hecquet, La medecine et la chirurgie des pauvres and Traité de la peste; Hunault, Discours physique sur les fievres; Le Clerc, The Compleat Surgeon and History of Physick; Moreau, De la veritable connoissance des fievres and Traité chymique de la veritable connoissance des fievres; Raynaud, Traité des fievres malignes et pourprées; Tardy, Cours de medecine; Wiseman, Severall Chirurgicall Treatises. See also Barger, Ergot and Ergotism, 70-77; Jean-Pierre Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique," 1574; and Delamare, Traité de la police.

50. Dubé, Poor Man's Physician, 332-34; Antoine, Methode pour conserver la santé, 1, pt. 4, chaps. 3-6; Le Clerc, The Compleat Surgeon, 150-51. Peter, "Disease and the Sick at the End of the Eighteenth Century."

51. Dodart presented his study of purported remedies for the poor at several meetings: AdS, Reg., 10: 84v, 96v, 97r, 106r, 107r, 109r, 110v, 111v (5 Dec. 1681, 22, 29 Apr., 15, 22, 23, 29 July, 5 Aug. 1682). He was analyzing the medicaments discussed in such treatises as Sagot's controversial Remedes des pauvres; see also Denis, Recueil ... Quinzieme conference (1674).

52. Fontenelle, Éloges, 102, or Histoire ... 1707, 190-91.

53. Davis, Society and Culture; Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre, 9-72; Le Roy Ladurie, Carnival in Romans; Mousnier, Peasant Uprisings; Hanawalt, Crime and Conflict.

1. Ros, "Scientist"; OED, 9: 221-23.

2. Stimson, Scientist and Amateurs.

3. Clair, Rohault, 59, citing Bourdelot, Conversations, 58-59.

4. Rudwick, "Charles Darwin in London." See also Allen, "Natural History and Social History."

5. AdS, dossier" l'abbé Jean Paul Bignon," assesses one of La Hire's memoirs in 1717 as not ready because "les recherches" were "trop fines et les experiences trop abstraites pour une assemblée publique," thereby indicating the Academy's view of its audience.

6. Stimson, Scientists and Amateurs, 55; A. R. Hall, "Introduction," to Birch, History of the Royal Society, 1: xix.

7. Dubarle, "The Proper Place of Science."

8. See, for example, Martin, Livre, on vernacular and popular scientific treatises in seventeenth-century Paris and the holdings of private libraries; Millburn, Benjamin Martin, on lecture demonstrations and popular journals in eighteenth-century England; Marion, Recherches sur les bibliothèques privées à Paris; Kaufman, Borrowings, The Community Library, and Libraries and Their Users, on patterns of borrowing from eighteenth-century English libraries.

9. Brunot, Histoire, 5: 21-24; 4, 1: 34n. 2; Nyrop, Grammaire historique, 1: 69, 72-74, 76, 77; Furetière, Recueil des factums, 1: 12, 15. For a complaint about words omitted from the dictionary of the Académie française, see BN MS. fr. 15189: 183r-v (1699).

10. Brunot, Histoire, 4, 1: 431, 432, 438-39, 45-46; Nyrop, Grammaire historique, 1: 76, 85.

11. AdS, Reg., 1: 30-38 (1667); Dodart, Mémoire des plantes, 132-33; Tournefort, Élémens de botanique; Brunot, Histoire, 4, 1: 430n. 1, 428n. 1; Furetière, Recueil des factums, 2: 174, 233.

12. Roberts, Boisguilbert, 104; Sedgwick, Jansenism, 141, 146, 154-55.

13. Cipolla, Literacy, 53, 60; Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 248-53; Stone, "Literacy and Education"; Huppert, Public Schools, and Bourgeois Gentilshommes; Brockliss, French Higher Education.

14. Burke, Popular Culture, 285; Ch. Perrault, Histoires, ou contes du temps passé; Daston and Park, "Unnatural Conceptions"; Thorndike, History of Magic, vol. 8; Kearns, Ideas, 23.

15. Martin, Livre, 926-57.

16. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 204-16, 150-53, 156-57.

17. Martin, Livre, 926-57. The numbers of foreign language dictionaries suggest the greatest interest in Italian books, the least in English, making Mariotte's ability to translate Boyle's English treatises an uncommon asset: ibid., 938.

18. BMHN MSS. 447 and 2253 contain catalogues of the libraries of Nicolas and Jean Marchant.

19. Vauban estimated the number of houses in Paris in 1700: Avenel, Histoireéconomique de la propriété, 1: 476. On the air, see Colbert, Lettres, 5: 515; cf. Huygens, Oeuvres, 3: 398. For the description of Paris: Lister, Journey, 6-27, 232-34, 260n. 25; Scarron, Sonnet: "Un amas confus de maisons"; Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 241, 243-44; 2: 102-51, and passim for goods and services; Brice, Description; maps of Paris by de Fer and others point out the principal sites. On paving stones for Paris, see Locke, Travels, 269. Lister's book is a fairly reliable guide, for E. F. Geoffroy wrote to Lister that his book included "ce qui est de plus curieuse à Paris": Bodleian MS. Lister 2: 58. On Tournefort's death, see Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 4: 363-64.

20. Locke, Travels, 280; Locke's parentheses removed.

21. This simplified topography of scholarly Paris is based on: Bernard, Emerging City; Ranum, Paris; Hillairet, Dictionnaire des rues; Sainte-Beuve, Port-Royal; Mémoires ... 1722, 139 (Fontenelle's eulogy of Varignon); Blegny, Livre commode; Brice, Description; Colletet, La ville de Paris; Michel, "Clergé et pastorale jansénistes"; Pedley, "The Map Trade in Paris"; Viguerie and Saive-Lever, "Essai pour une géographie socio-professionelle"; Ruestow, Physics at Leiden, 150n. 33. I am grateful to Armelle de Crépy for her assistance.

22. Lister, Journey, 23-24. Colletet's Journal d'avis was short-lived.

23. Martin, Livre, 670, 673-75, 720-27, 907-21.

24. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 187-91. Shops that sold periodicals expected readers to browse and pitched their prices accordingly: a mail-order customer who wanted the journal posted on Wednesday paid more than a customer who waited until Saturday and thereby guaranteed the bookseller a larger stock for browsers: ibid., 1: 193n. 2.

25. Ibid., 1: 189, 190-91, and 2: 177; Neveu, "Vie," 501; Martin, Livre, 673-74. La Londe was "employé aux véerifications des toisés" at 2,000 lv. a year in 1685 and 1687 and died in 1688: CdB, 2: 955, 1271; Blanchard, Ingénieurs, 318.

26. Martin, Livre, 856-83. The printers included O. de Varennes, L. d'Houry, Sébastien Mabre Cramoisy, E. Michallet, J. Cusson, F. Léonard, Coignard, T. Moette, F. Le Cointe and D. Hortemels, Jacques Langlois, P. Rocolet, Jacques d'Allin, Barbin, and E. Martin. Publishers in Dijon, Geneva, Amsterdam, Leiden, London, Oxford, Nuremberg, Leipzig, Ulm, and Milan also printed academicians' works in French, Latin, and English.

27. Pedley, "The Map Trade in Paris"; Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 149; plate 5 reproduces part of de Fer's eighth map in the Traité de la police.

28. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 148. Butterfield, an emigrant from England, had become uncomfortable in his native language. He had not always been located so competitively on the quai de l'Horloge; Locke visited him in August 1677 in the rue neuve des Fossés of the faubourg Saint Germain, where his sign was "an Roy d'Angleterre": Butterfield's letters in Bodleian MS. Lister 2; Locke, Travels, 161-62.

29. AN O¹ 1678^A, no. 6: 2v, and no. 14; AN O¹ 1678, no. 9.

30. Blegny, Livre commode, 2: 363.

31. Brunot, Histoire, 4, 1: 407-8, lists several private observatories. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 78, 282; 2: 73-74; Locke, Travels, 167; sundials, moondials, and a new pump were also for sale at rue Saint Pierre.

32. Hubin also sold glass eyes, as did Le Quin on rue Dauphine. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 242; 2: 75; Mariotte, De la nature des couleurs, 316-17; Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 261-62; Histoire, 1: 321-22; Stroup, "Christiaan Huygens." In 1674 and 1675 Hubin worked on a "machine des Fables d'Esope": CdB, 1: 804, 875; see also 934, 1010.

33. Blegny, Livre commode, 2: 76. La Hire wrote about Dalesme's "machine qui consume la fumée": JdS (1 Apr. 1686); Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 10: 180.

34. Blegny, Livre commode, 2: 75.

35. Locke, Travels, 161-62, 167.

36. Clair, Rohault, 45; McLaughlin and Picolet, "La bibliothèque et les instruments scientifiques du physicien Jacques Rohault"; Stroup, "Christiaan Huygens."

37. Ultee, Abbey, 17.

38. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 241. Serious savants like Huygens enjoyed magic lanterns, and they also provided entertainment at soirées, for example at the hôtel de Liancourt.

39. Lister, Journey, 182-83. Louis Racine was frightened by an elephant at a fair: Racine, Oeuvres, 7: 294. Locke, Travels, 153.

40. Lister, Journey, 185-86, 190-98, 219-21, quotations on pp. 198, 220; Locke, Travels, 272-73; Òtat de la France (1694), 1: 339; (1699), 330; CdB, 2: 1272, and passim (Beaulieu). Scudéry, Entretiens, 1: 265-336. In the eighteenth century Réaumur, casting about for sources of income for worthy savants and hoping to revitalize the pépinerie, suggested that its director be one of the Academy's botanists: Bertrand, L'Académie et les académicians, 91-93.

41. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 278-82.

42. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 139. La Quintinie's Instructions pour les jardins fruitiers et potagers appeared posthumously in 1690 and offered a calendar of monthly chores, advice about and pictures of gardening tools, methods of pruning trees, with illustrations, and information about cultivating orange trees. Ch. Perrault, Hommes illustres, 2: 83-84, gives a brief biographical notice. Davy de Virville, Histoire, puts La Quintinie into context.

43. Blegny, Livre commode, 2: 77, 97; Locke, Travels, 160n. 6. 327

44. Seneca, Letter 27; Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 216-36.

45. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 227, 152n. 3; Huygens, Oeuvres, 4: 620.

46. Lister, Journey, 47-53, 94-96, 59-61; quotation on p. 60. In 1675 Locke saw Servière's museum in Lyon, which contained carved ivory, clocks, models of machines, a microscope, and other curiosities: Locke, Travels, 5-6.

47. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 134n. 2 and 135n. 2; Fontenelle, "Éloge du P. Sébastien Truchet"; Lery, "Le P Sébastien Truchet"; membre."

48. On the Academy's collection see: Wolf, Observatoire, 96-97, 129; Stroup, Royal Funding, 55-56. Huygens's apartment is described in his correspondence; for Tournefort, see chap. 2, n. 24, above. On Morin's museum, see Locke, Travels, 132. On Blondel, see Brice, Description, 2: 196-201.

49. Ultee, Abbey, 79-80; Saisselin, Literary Enterprise, 40.

50. Lister, Journey, 108.

51. Barthélemy d'Herbelot was renowned for the meetings of savants in his library, so that foreign visitors made a point of visiting him; sometimes he took them off to a coffee shop in the rue Mazarine, but finally stopped his meetings altogether after a series of thefts: Neveu, "Vie," 479.

52. Blegny Livre commode, 1: 136n. 1, and refs. in n. 47, above; the library of the monastery of Saint Victor, where Louis Morin cloistered himself, was said by a French traveler to be small but excellent in 1733: Saisselin, Literary Enterprise, 40.

53. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 137.

54. By 1733 the Bibliothèque du roi was "considered as holding first rank in Europe, especially for manuscripts": Saisselin, Literary Enterprise, 40. During the 1680s a recurring expense of the Bibliothèque du roi was the transport of books and manuscripts between it and other scholarly collections; see BN Archives de l'ancien régime 1.

55. Martin, Livre, 657-58; Clair, Rohault, 42-44, 59-60; Bigourdan, "Les premières réunions savantes," and "Les premières sociétés scientifiques." Bourdelot's Academy first met in the Hôtel de Condé and was occasionally attended during the 1640s by the two princes de Condé; later Bourdelot moved it to his own house, first on the rue de Rounon, later on rue Guénégaud; Bourdelot was widely mocked, Guy Patin and others derided him, the Condés beat him, and he was the buffoon of Queen Christina: Peumery, "Conversations médico-scientifiques," 130, 133. Denis's conférences began in 1664 and were held when the Academy met, on Saturday (later Wednesday) afternoons: Denis, Recueil, 156, 216, 240.

56. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 123-24, 129, 227n. 1.

57. Roger, Sciences de la vie, 170-71. At least thirteen academicians — Auzout, Borelly, Carcavi, Cassini, Dodart, Du Verney, Gallois, Huygens, Homberg, Mariotte, Pecquet, Roberval, and Sauveur — attended private scientific academies: Bourdelot, Conversations; Mémoires ... 1731, 93; Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 165-66n. 2; Stroup, Royal Funding, 57-60; Clair, Robault, 42-60.

58. Sedgwick, Jansenism 85-87, quotation from p. 86.

59. Dainville, L'éducation des jésuites, pt. 3.

60. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 248-63.

61. Colletet, Journal.

62. Brockliss, French Higher Education.

63. Clair, Rohault, 25-26; Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 147-48; 2: 71, 342; most persons taught from their homes.

64. Blegny, Livre commode, 1: 146-47.

65. Blegny, Livre commode, 1:142; the Collège royal was also outstanding for its teaching of oriental languages.

66. Ibid., 1:124; seeCdB, for the pensions paid to members of this Académie.

67. Contant, L'enseignement; Crestois, L'enseignement; Howard, "Medical Politics"; Lister, Journey. See catalogues of the Jardin royal prepared by Tournefort and Jean Marchant: BMHN MSS.1556-62. The frontispiece to the Élémens de botanique symbolized the Jardin royal: Académie des Sciences, Troisième centenaire, 2: 133-34.

1. Tournefort's correspondents, for example, wrote from Leiden, The Hague, Amsterdam, Barcelona, London, Venice, Rome, Bologna, Oxford, Martinique, Hamburg, Leipzig, Zurich, Basel, Palermo, Florence, and Lisbon, as well as France: BMHN MS. 253: 1-2r.

2. Mariotte, Essai de logique, in Oeuvres, 2: 612.

3. Historia, 6; Mariotte, Essai de logique, in Oeuvres, 2: 610.

4. Nicéron, Hommes illustres, 12: 96-102, quotation on p. 101.

5. Clair, Rohault, 46; Huygens never understood his own indebtedness to clockmakers: Leopold, "Christiaan Huygens and His Instrument Makers.

6. Raven, John Ray.

7. André and Bourgeois, Recueil ... Hollande, 1: 410-11; NBU, 10: 169, 43: 379-80; Stroup, Royal Funding, 45n. 20, 56.

8. Mariotte, Essai de logique, in Oeuvres, 2: 610-12.

9. Mariotte, Vegétation, 121. Lantin was conseiller to the Burgundian parlement and may have been the "Lentier" of the parlement of Dijon who participated in Bourdelot's scientific meetings, in which case he would also have known Dodart: Bourdelot, Conversations. See Picolet, "Sur la biographie de Mariotte," 246, 270n. 14, in Mariotte, savant et philosophe; Oldenburg, Correspondence, 5: 37-41, 74, 196-97; Leibniz, Lettres, 27, 44, 97, 111-18.

10. Le Febvre, Compleat Body; BN MS. n. a. fr. 1967: 191r-235v (1639-63), written from Montpellier and Paris.

11. BN MS. fr. 19658: 37r-38v (10 Apr. 1686).

12. Sainte-Beuve, Port-Royal, 5: 315-16n. 1, 328-29; 6: 156-66.

13. Seen. 1, above, and BMHN MSS. 252; 998: f. 1, p. 389; 1105; 1391.

14. BN MSS. fr. 17051: 78r-82v, 84r-v, 153r-54v, 181r-82v, 192r-93v, 211r-12v; fr. 17052: 231r-v; fr. 17054: 206r-12v, 234r-35v, 259r, 260r, 263r, 288v, 292r-v, 302r, 311v-12r, 422r-23v, 453r, 487r, 491r-92v, 532r.

15. Histoire, 1: 12.

16. Lister became friendly with the Geoffroy family during his 1698 visit and corresponded with both father and son: Bodleian MS. Lister 2: 56, 58-59. Bourde, Agronomie et agronomes, 1: 81; Raven, John Ray, 209, 212, says that Sloane studied at Montpellier, where he met Tournefort; Sloane later conveyed Tournefort's feelings of respect to the English botanist Ray. See also Lough, France Observed, and Cohen, "Isaac Newton, Hans Sloane."

17. Mémoires, 10: 84-90; Fontenelle's eulogy' of Homberg; Stroup, "Wilhelm Homberg."

18. Vines and Druce, Morisonian Herbarium, xxv; Henrey, British Botanical and Horticultural Literature, 1: 119-27.

19. Huygens, Oeuvres, 3: 358.

20. Ibid., 3: 295.

21. Bodleian MS. Smith 52: 15-18. A. R. Hall, "Henry Oldenburg et les relations scientifiques an XVIIe siècle."

22. For Roemer, see AdS, Reg., 8: 220r-v, 221r (28 June, 5 July 1679); for Du Hamel, see his De consensu veteris et novae philosophiae (Oxford, 1669), and Bodleian MS. Rawlinson D. 398: 150, printed in Hart, Notes on a Century of Typography, 155. Thévenot's surviving correspondence in England treats mainly books and manuscripts, reflecting perhaps his responsibilities at the Bibliothèque duroi: Bodleian MS. Smith 130: 10, 11, and MS. Smith 11: 15r-v.

23. Fontenelle, Éloges, 107; Bodleian MSS. Lister 2: 153-54, 155-56 (1687), 137 (1698); MS. Ashmole 1816: 67 (1697). Lhwyd also corresponded with G. Roussel: Bodleian MS. Ashmole 1817 A: 364-68. BMHN MS. 1989 (J. Woodward, 15 Mar. 1696); Bodleian MS. Ashmole 1817 A: 450 (William Sherard, May 1701); see also Bodleian MS. Radcliffe Trust C.2: 15r-v (Bobart to Richardson).

24. See Bodleian Sherard d. 84; Nehemiah Grew, Anatomy of Plants, preface; Harrison and Laslett, Library of John Locke, 125, no. 980 (now at the Bodleian). Locke owned books by other academicians; see ibid., nos. 789, 1380, 1381, 1907, 1908, 1908a, and 2259.

25. Locke, Travels, xxxix , xl, xlii, 251, 252, 254, 256, 261, 263, 275, 282. Auzout informed Locke about weights and measures, the Parisian bills of mortality, and medical remedies; Picard discussed pendulum clocks and a universal foot; Roemer demonstrated his model of Jupiter and its satellites, a level, and a tinder box; from Charas, Locke picked up medical ideas.

26. Ibid., 160-61, 272. This plant was included in N. Marchant's descriptions and engravings of rare flora printed with Dodart's Mémoires des plantes.

27. Juillard, "Société Royale," 85, 87. This may have followed Mariotte's request for help and perhaps explains how he came to have correspondence from Aberdeen on the subject of winds; see the treatise in his Oeuvres.

28. See, for example, the following Bodleian MSS.: Radcliffe Trust C. 3: 54 (Sherard to Richardson); Radcliffe Trust C. 4: 67, 68, 70, 84, 85; Radcliffe Trust C.5: 23, 24, 106, 107, 112, 113 (Sherard to Richardson); English History C. 11: 14. (Jacob Bobart to E. Lhwyd, May 1698); Radcliffe Trust C. 1: 48, 69 (Sherard to Richardson); Ashmole 1816: 128 (M. Lister to Lhwyd). Like the Marchants, La Quintinie accumulated fruits from abroad: Bourde, Agronomie et agronomes, 1: 86-87.

29. Bourde, Agronomie et agronomes, 1: 82. La Quintinie traveled twice to England and was offered the patronage of Charles II.

30. AdS, Reg., 10: 110v (29 July 1682), communicated by Mariotte.

31. On Bishop Henry Compton, see Henrey, British Botanical and Horticultural Literature, 1: 144.

32. Bodleian MS. Rawlinson D. 371:83. Dr. William Briggs wrote to Fagon that he hoped to discover microscopically "la texture la plus fine et la plus delicate des liqueurs et des parties solides, qui composent le Corps humain." He intended to publish an English account dedicated to the English king, and a French translation dedicated to Louis XIV.

33. For Huygens's correspondence with Boyle, see Maddison,"Studies in the Life of Robert Boyle." For Huygens's correspondence with English acquaintances on matters relevant to botany, see his Oeuvres, 3: 311, 384; 4: 201, 358; 5: 4, 58, 75; 7: 39, 473, 506, 528; 8: 311, 317. Huygens also wrote to other nonacademicians about botany: ibid., 2: 468; 3: 347-48; 4: 279; 9: 147-48; 10: 304.

34. Huygens, Oeuvres, 8:38 (Oct. 1677); Dodart urged Huygens to express special gratitude to Leeuwenhoek, adding, "it seems to me that persons of this merit ought to receive a pension as external academicians." Leeuwenhoek became a corresponding member of the Academy in 1699.

35. AdS, Reg., 1: 248-49 (18 Jan. 1668).

36. See Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 87-93 (1 Aug. 1671), for example. Auzout's correspondence with Oldenburg covers little more than the period during which he was also an academician, perhaps because he conveyed news in a quasi-official capacity: Oldenburg, Correspondence, 2-5 (from January 1665 until January 1669); Histoire, 1: 11; A. R. Hall, "Henry Oldenburg et les relations scientifiques an XVIIe siècle," 297.

37. Bertrand, "Les Académies d'autrefois," 339; Roger, Sciences de la vie, 179, identifies the emergence of "la vérité officielle, celle qu'établissent à Paris Messieurs de l'Académie des sciences, à Londres Messieurs de la Société royale."

38. AdS, Reg., 1: 200: "On a aussy arresté que routes les choses qui seront proposées dans l'assemblée demeureront secrettes, que l'on ne communiquera rien an dehors que du consentement de la Compagnie" (19 Jan. 1667). Despite infractions, and recommendations during the 1680s that the Company publish extracts from its registers, the rule was not officially modified: ibid., 12: 19r (13 Nov. 1686).

39. Ibid., 12: 98v-99r (18 Aug. 1688). In 1691, however, when Pontchartrain asked the Academy to publish two articles a month, academicians found the burden too great, and were able to produce articles of sufficient merit for only two years before requesting a respite, on the grounds that they were too few to produce so much: ibid., 13: 71v-73r (19, 22 Dec. 1691); Saunders, Decline and Reform, 166-70; Stroup, Royal Funding, 50-51.

40. Brown, Scientific Organizations, 156.

41. Oldenburg, Correspondence, 4:29, 31. Justel himself both criticized and praised the Academy in the 1660s and 1670s: BN MS. 15189: 141r and passim.

42. Stimson, Scientists and Amateurs, 70-96; Purver, Royal Society, passim.

43. Rohault has sometimes been taken as the model for one of M. Jourdain's teachers in Molière's Le bourgeois gentilhomme; Clair, Rohault, 33-36, argues against that view.

44. See, for example, Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 253-54.

45. BN MS. fr. 1333: 1r-42v, contains Duclos's manuscript, 42v-44r, the committee's decision. As Duclos recalled the incident on his deathbed, Du Hamel had opposed publication: Nouvelles de la république des lettres 4 (Oct. 1685), 1152-55; Stubbs, "Chemistry at L'Académie," 24. The Royal Society also examined the books of its members, but its policy, as Moray construed it, was to verify the factual claims of the author without judging whether the book merited publication. Corroboration of the evidence might delay, but not prevent the appearance of a book; thus Moray explained to Huygens why Digby's discourse on vegetation had not been printed seven months after its author had read it at Gresham College: Huygens, Oeuvres, 3: 285 (1 July 1661).

46. AdS, Reg., 10: 28v-29r (10 July 1680).

47. Ibid., 12: 98v-99r (18 Aug. 1688).

48. Saunders, Decline and Reform, 125-26.

49. Historia, 6; Histoire, 1: 15-16; cf. Hagstrom, Scientific Community, 12-16.

50. Middleton, Experimenters, 300.

51. Histoire, 1: 15

52. Jean Marchant feared foreigners would copy the Academy's engravings of plants before the natural history could be finished: BN MS. fr. 22225: 62v.

53. BMHN MS. 89: dossier 2, draft of letter, probably late 1670s.

54. AdS, Reg., 12: 41v-42r (14 June 1687); cf. 22r, 23v, 45r (7, 14 Dec. 1686, 19 July 1687).

55. Purver, Royal Society, 13-14, 179.

56. Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 165-66, 213. Compare G. A. Borelli's and M. Ricci's sentiment that the Accademia del Cimento should reveal "the conclusions found and demonstrated by us ... withholding and keeping secret the arguments and demonstrations. In this manner ... we can be certain that ... priority ... cannot be taken away." Quoted in Middleton, Experimenters, 301.

57. Middleton, Experimenters, 289, 291-92, 295; Neveu, "Vie," 461.

58. Sarton, Six Wings, 265n. 16.

59. Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 91 (8 Sept. 1686); AdS, Reg., 10: 81v, 83v-85v (4, 5 Dec. 1681); Saunders, Decline and Reform, 89.

60. The death of the printer Cramoisy in June 1687 and La Hire's illness in the winter of 1687-1688 delayed publication: Huygens, Oeuvres, 9: 165-66, 262-63.

61. Articles by Huygens, Cassini, Mariotte, and Perrault were translated for the Phil. Trans., and the books of Perrault, Mariotte, La Hire, Du Verney, Duclos, Huygens, Blondel, Tournefort, Cassini, Charas, and Du Hamel were reviewed there. Hooke reviewed favorably the 1679 edition of Dodart's Mémoires des plantes in his Philosophical Collections, 1: 39-42.

62. Urban Hiärne referred to the Academy's chemical laboratory in reporting on his own research in the royal chemical laboratory in Stockholm, after learning about the size and quality of the Academy's laboratory from Erik Odhelius, who wrote from Dijon in 1692. Hiärne was familiar with Dodart's chemical work and cited Dodart's results where they differed from his own. See Hiärne's Actorum laboratotii Stockholmensis, 3, 31-34; and Lindroth, "Urban Hiärne och Laboratorium Chymicum," 55n. 7.

63. The works of Mariotte, Perrault, and especially Tournefort were known to the Swedish botanists. The Propagatio plantarum published in 1686 by Olof Rudbeck the younger is said to have been influenced directly by Mariotte and indirectly by Perrault, through the intermediary of Dedu's L'âme des plantes. Lars Robert, Magnus von Bromell, Jacob Ludenius, and others were influenced by Tournefort; Bromell attended Tournefort's lectures at the Jardin royal and joined his herborizations in 1702: Eriksson, Botanikens historia i Sverige, 80-81, 83, 113, 115-16, 124-29, 149, 160, 164, 166-69, 174-75. Tournefort's influence was also felt in Finland, where copies of his books have survived: Hjelt, Naturalhistoriens studium vid Åbo Universitet, 22, 66, 68, 90, 105, and Naturhistoriens studium i Finland

64. Sachs, History of Botany, 403 (1890 ed.). On Tournefort's influence, see Bodleian MS. Radcliffe Trust C. 2: 15r-v (letter from James Bobart to R. Richardson); Bodleian MSS. Lat. Misc. C. 11, D. 25, and E. 28 and 31 (English manuscripts based on Tournefort's Institutiones); Laissus and Monseigny, "Les Plantes du Roi," 209; BMHN MSS. 10, 16, 17, 18, 797, 1032, 1093, 1146; Marion, Recherches sur les bibliothèques privées à Paris; BN MSS. fr. 21773: 299, and n. a. fr. 4732; Boccone, Museo di piante, 2, 61-62.

65. To avoid embarrassment, the Academy reviewed works by lesser figures, as for example when Duclos assessed Pinault's Traité de jardinage: AdS, Reg., 6: 48r-57v (9 Mar. 1669); Histoire, 1: 85; or when Dodart proposed that Gardrois be allowed to dedicate a book on natural philosophy to the Academy: AdS, Reg., 8: 15r, 37v (20 Feb., 13 Mar. 1675); see also nn. 96 and 116, below. When the Jesuit Gouye dedicated his "Theses de mathematique en forme de livre" to the Academy in 1686, academicians held a special session: ibid., 12: 6r, 8r-v (8 June, 3 July 1686). Mathurin Dissés dedicated his analyses of the mineral waters of Granssac and Fenayrols to the academician Jacques Borelly in 1686 and 1687: Chabbert, "Jacques Borelly," 226-27. Pardies dedicated his Élémens de géométrie to the Academy in 1671. Leibniz dedicated his Hypothesis physica nova (London, 1671) to both the Royal Society and the Academy, and became a member of each two and four years later, respectively; his book was reviewed in PhiL Trans., 6: 22-23.

66. Evidence about the efforts of Leibniz, Hautefeuille, and Boccone is given in Stroup, "Louis XIV," n. 34. See also Michaud, Biographie universelle, 18: 556-57, and Locke, Travels, 250, on Hautefeuille; Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 173, 218-19, and Leibniz's correspondence during 1690s, on Papin and Leibniz; AdS, Reg., 8: 160r, 218v, on Boccone; and Boccone's works

67. AdS, Reg., 8: 183r (27 July 1678), printed in Huygens, Oeuvres, 22: 256; AdS, Reg., 11: 158v, 159r, 165v (6, 13 Feb., 6 Mar. 1686); 12: 3v, 5r, 7r, 14v-17v (22, 29 May, 15 June 1686); Histoire, 1: 448 (1685); 2: 14-15, 33-36, 110, 191 (1686, 1687, 1690, 1693); Historia, 256, 276-77, 337. The marine officer de Gennes brought "un modelle d'une machine pour faire de la toile par un simple mouvement des roües," probably the mechanical loom that he published in JdS the same year: AdS, Reg., 8: 172v-73r (18 May 1678); Daumas, ed., History of Technology, 2: 216-17; Ministère de la Culture, Colbert, 1619-1683, 172. Saint Hilaire and others proposed methods of desalinating water: AdS, Reg., 10: 75v, 76r-77r (30 July, 6 Aug. 1681); Histoire, 1: 320-21 (1681), Historia, 200-201; Colbert, Lettres, 3, 1: 238-39.

68. Videl de la Bavaniere, whose name was also given as de la Javaniere Videl, visited twice, the second time to discuss the tides of Saint Malo: Histoire, 1: 427 (1685), 2: 42 (1688). See also ibid., 1: 482, and Historia, 245 (1685), on de la Garouste or Carouze; Histoire, 1: 321-22 (1681), on Hubin.

69. Huygens, Oeuvres, 7: 253-54.

70. For remedies, see AdS, Reg., 13: 3r. For eclipses, see ibid., 14: 20r, and n. 85, below. For curious phenomena, see ibid., 13: 145v (26 Aug. 1693); Historia, 276, 310 (1692); Histoire, 2: 91, 140, 147 (1690, 1692). Academicians themselves were not exempt from the fascination for the curious: Dodart described the composition and appearance of floating islands at Saint Omer: AdS, Reg., 10: 47v (4 Sept. 1680). Perrault published a description of two unusual pears: ibid., 8: 40v (5 June 1675); JdS (1675): 166-67; Mémoires, 10: 552-54. This found its counterpart in an unsolicited letter to Sédileau describing a second such pear: AdS, Reg., 12: 89v-90r (12 June 1688). Thorndike, History of Magic, 8, chap. 30, emphasizes the enthusiasm for such reports of unrelated and bizarre phenomena during the seventeenth century; Daston and Park, "Unnatural Conceptions," show how that enthusiasm was transformed. For an experiment, see AdS, Reg., 10: 15r-v (3 Apr. 1678), which describes distillation of some matter from the bubo of a plague victim, and ibid., 8: 150r-v (1678), which gives a recipe for bread made with earth, sent by de Vinkeller.

71. As for example, the letter about a pear (n. 70, above) and a paper on ginseng (n. 93, below). A correspondent from Villefranche sent Borelly a paper "on the analysis of the nature of plants," recommending water of chalk (eau de chaux) as a solvent for extracting the sulphurous part of plants: AdS, Reg., 10: 21r (5 June 1680).

72. See tables 1 and 3-10 for payments made to these practitioners. On Deglos, Varin, and Des Hayes, see Colbert, Lettres, 5: 421, and n. 3; Wolf, Observatoire, 143-45; Olmsted, "Voyage of Jean Richer," n. 51.

73. Table 3; Stroup, Royal Funding, 43, 45n. 20, 56, 140-41.

74. Bodleian MS. Lister 3: 56-68; Wolf, Observatoire, 152, 154; Cassini, Anecdotes.

75. Ch. Perrault, Mémoires, 46. Charles Perrault unfairly includes Richer in this category, reflecting the Academy's disappointment with Richer after he returned from Cayenne. For a rehabilitation of this able astronomer, see Olmsted, "Scientific Expedition" and "Voyage of Jean Richer."

76. On Du Vivier, see AdS, Reg., 9: 110v (Aug. 1680-June 1681); Histoire, 1: 159, 199; Ministère de la Culture, Colbert, 1619-1683, 182.

77. Perrault, Mémoires, 47; for a summary of the duties of the usher (huissier) in 1714, see BA MS. 4624

78. Chazelles helped to measure the earth in 1683 (see table 4), was professor of hydrography in Marseilles, sent measurements of latitude and longitude in the Mediterranean to Cassini, and became an academician in 1695: Stroup, Royal Funding, 54, 55, 77-78.

79. Bertrand, L'Académie et les académiciens, 5.

80. Oldenburg, Correspondence, 5: 507 (11 May 1669); cited also by Brown, Scientific Organizations, 158. This was only shortly after Cassini's arrival in Paris; Vernon also reports that Cassini told him the Academy met on Wednesdays and Fridays, but in fact it met on Wednesdays and Saturdays. In June 1668, Lorenzo Magalotti wrote to Prince Leopold: "At the Royal Academy [of Sciences], which meets on Saturdays at the house of Monsieur Carcavi, His Majesty's librarian, I have found nobody who has offered to introduce me, and I have not recommended myself for admission at all, my ambition being extremely moderate in that direction." Quoted from Middleton, Experimenters, 32-33. Stubbs, "Chemistry at L'Académie," 27, says that visitors were not admitted until the 1670s.

81. Brown, Scientific Organizations, 159, states that Vernon was admitted to a meeting, but Vernon's letter of 12 June 1669 (Oldenburg, Correspondence, 6: 6) says only that he visited Huygens's apartment at the King's Library and while there had the chance to observe the dissection of a horse by Pecquet and Gaignan [sic for Gayant?], which Gallois recorded and Perrault drew. De Gennes described two experiments, one having to do with the vegetation of plants: AdS, Reg., 8: 172v-73r (1678); he later traveled to Africa and the Americas with Prozer, who showed the Academy drawings of plants the two had observed: Historia, 451 (1697); Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen, 225. The Academy might hold special sessions for visiting princes and dignitaries — AdS, Reg., 12: 22v (ambassadors from Siam, 7 Dec. 1686); and Histoire, 2: 103 (James II, 1690)F— thereby honoring both parties; Cosimo de'Medici seems merely to have visited the Library: Oldenburg, Correspondence, 6: 250 (1669)

82. Historia (1683, 1687); Histoire, 1:361 (1683, with Mariotte), and 2:20 (1687); AdS, Reg., 12: 60r-v (7 May 1687).

83. Historia; Papin had been a fellow of the Royal Society since November 1682.

84. Histoire, 2: 1-2 (1686)

85. Archives de l'Observatoire, Archives, B, 4, 9: 22, 28 June, 9 July 1694, 23 Nov. 1695, 18 May, 11 Nov. 1696, 7 Jan., 31 Oct. 1697, 16 Mar., 12 Apr., 27 Sept. 1699, 24 Feb. 1701. Letters from Gallet, Bonfa, and others are also found in full or summarized in AdS, Reg., from the 1680s, and in Histoire et mémoires ... 1699-1710.

86. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 125, 124, 143. Informants were to be acknowledged in the description: BMHN MS. 450: 77r: "de quila tenons nous? il ne faut jamais obmettre cela dans les plantes nouvelles." On ergotism and the remède des pauvres, see chap. 13, above. Bourdelin had a similar plan for encouraging physicians to send samples and information about mineral waters: BN MS. n.a. fr. 5133: 31.

87. AdS, Reg., 11: 114v-16v (16, 20 Dec. 1684, 17, 20 Jan. 1685).

88. Mémoires, 4: 325-33; 7, 2: 605-875.

89. Ibid., 10: 130. See also AdS, Reg., 13: 71v, 81v, 105v-6r; 14: 2v (15 Dec. 1691, 27 Feb., 12 July 1692, 21 Nov. 1693).

90. Colbert, Lettres, 5: 304, 314, 315-16, 320-21, 332, 336, 421, 425; AdS, Reg., 7: 255v (15 July 1679). Durasse, ambassador to Constantinople, wrote to Cassini in 1685 about "dactyles" he had seen in stones: ibid., 11: 128r (16 May 1685).

91. AdS, Reg., 10: 19v, 22r-25v (22 May 1680): letters from Antoine Galland to Dodart, written 24 Apr. 1680 in response to Dodart's request of 15 June 1679, and read by Perrault at a meeting. For an autobiographical sketch of Galland, see BN MS. fr. 15189: 78r-82r.

92. AdS, Reg., 16: 131v-32v (18 May 1697); Historia, 451; Prozer presented the drawings.

93. AdS, Reg., 17: 38r-39v (27 Nov. 1697); Historia, 451 (1697).

94. Nicolas Marchant, Descriptions de quelques plantes nouvelles, 247, 252, 256, 259, 276, 278, 284, 295, 309, 316, 321; AdS, Reg., 7: 234r; 8: 154v-55r; 10: 17r, 44r-v, 72r-v, 82v-83r, 109r; 11: 116v-17r, 124r, 125v; Huygens, Oeuvres, 8: 311, 317; Bodleian MS. Rawlinson C. 982: 27a and 28b. The plants Richer brought back are mentioned in AdS, Reg., 8: 40v, and 7: 124v.

95. Marchant, Descriptions de quelques plantes nouvelles, 245 ("Avertissement"): "These papers still lack several observations that the Company hopes to make this year [1676]. This delay may serve at least to provide able persons abroad with the time to send us their advice on all that we propose, before the Academy has produced anything."

96. Histoire, 1: 79 (1669); AdS, Reg., 8: 15r, 37r (13 Feb., 6 Mar. 1675, Needham); 10: 57v(8 Jan. 1681). G. A. Borelli's book on motion was selected for study: ibid., 14: 73v (12 Mar. 1695). Minor books reviewed during meetings included Pierre Le Givre's Le secret des eaux minérales (AdS, Reg., 1: 57-70; see Éloy, Dictionnaire de la médecine, 2: 104); see also n. 65, above. Surprisingly, the minutes do not mention Newton's Principia, and Newton's name appears there only rarely, once in connection with the visit of James II to the Observatory: Bertrand, "Les Académies d'autrefois," 427-28; Wolf, Observatoire, 129; see also Cohen, "Isaac Newton, Hans Sloane."

97. The translations cover the period from March 1668 to March 1670: Costabel, "Le registre académique 'Journaux d'Angleterre' et Mariotte," 321-25, in Mariotte, savant et philosophe.

98. Huygens, Oeuvres, 5: 283; 7: 11-12; 22: 700.

99. AdS, Reg., 4: 197r-v, 241r-46r, 252r-56v, 257r-59v, 295r-99r, 300r-309r, 318r-27v, 328r-32v; 6: 1r-6v, 7r-13r, 14r-20r, 21r-27r, 39r-47r (5, 12, 19, 26 Jan., 23 Feb. 1669); Histoire, 1: 79-81 (1669). BN MS. fr. 1333: 238r-62v, contains Duclos's "Remarques sur les Essais physiologiques de Boyle," with the date July 1668.

100. * Note: Due to information obtained after Stroup, Royal Funding was published, there are minor discrepancies between data in tables 1, 7, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17, and the figures in the earlier analysis of the Academy's finances.

101. For The Origine of Forms and Qualities, see ibid., 1: 93-104, 107-16, 204-5 (26 Mar., 2, 16 Apr. 1667); Histoire, 1: 23-24 (1667); Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistry, 305. For New Experiments Physico-Mechanical, see AdS, Reg., 4: 27r (19 May 1668): Duclos reported on Boyle's experiments with the vacuum, Picard discussed those reported by the Accademia del Cimento, and then "la Compagnie a jugé que la matiere du vuide avoit esté suffisamment examinée et quil falloit passer a quelque autre matiere." For the Aerial Noctiluca (on phosphorus), see ibid., 10: 58r, 61r, 64r-v, 73r (22 Jan., 26 Feb., 16 Apr. 1681, Aug. 1680-June 1681); BN MS. n. a. fr. 5147: 100v, 103v, 104v (7 June 1681, 30 Mar., 5 May 1682); Homberg revived the study of phosphorus in the 169Os: Bertrand, L'Académie et les académiciens, 39; Leibniz, Lettres, 98, 107, 211-12. For the dissertation on desalinization, see Histoire, 1: 387-89 (1684). For an essay in Phil. Trans., see AdS, Reg., 8: 77r (4 Mar. 1676), on the dissolution of copper by spirit of sal armoniac; 78v (18 Mar. 1676) on the increase of weight in certain substances. Du Hamel discussed Boyle in his De corporum affectionibus: JdS (1671): 614-16.

102. For individual experiments, see AdS, Reg., 11: 27r (1 Dec. 1683), on desalinating sea water; cf. AdS, Cartons 1666-1793, 1, 9: 89-91. In 1678 one of the proposals for future work was to investigate Boyle's experiments "dans les vaisseaux scellez hermetiquement": AdS, Reg., 8: 190v (23 Nov. 1678). Borelly analyzed Boyle's work on the hidden qualities of air: ibid., 10: 71r (Aug. 1680-June 1681).

103. Histoire, 1: 79 (1669); Historia (1698 ed.), 15. Partington, History of Chemistry, 2: 497, mistakenly assumes that Boyle's Sceptical Chymist was in question, but it was Certain Physiological Essays (Tentamina Chymica); see n. 99, above.

104. BMHN MS. 448: 40.

105. AdS, Reg., 8: 154v, 167v (30 Mar. 1678).

106. Mémoires, 10: 122, 124, 125; see chap. 11, above, for Tournefort's views. The Academy did not formally discuss Grew's Anatomy of Plants until 6 May 1699, when Geoffroy presented a copy of the book from Grew and read his own excerpt of it: AdS, Reg., 18: 274r. Correspondence at the Bodleian Library suggests Geoffroy's extensive English contacts; see n. 16, above.

107. Dodart, Mémoires des plantes, 241.

108. Phil. Trans., 2 (1667-1668): 455, 797-99; 3-4 (1669): 853-62, 913-16, 963-65; 5 (1670-71): 1165-67, 1199, 2067-77; 6 (1671): 2119-28, 2144-49. Cf. AdS, Reg., 12: 130r (23 Mar. 1689); Mariotte, Végétation; Perrault, Circulation.

109. For academicians' studies of plant germination, see AdS, Reg., 8: 151v (23 Mar. 1678); 7: 158r-v (14 May 1678); Historia, 170; Mariotte, Végétation, 128-29, 137, 139; Perrault, Circulation, 89, 106-8, 118-19, 123-24; cf. Grew, Anatomy of Plants; discussed in chap. 11, above.

110. The difficulty of distinguishing between plants and animals was keenly felt in attempts to identify kermes and cochineal. For academicians' views, see: Histoire, 2: 206-7, 280; Historia, 339, 420; AdS, Reg., 14: 8r (20 Feb. 1694); 17: 176r (16 Apr. 1698, La Hire, with information from Guatemala). For the views of Martin Lister, John Ray, R. Reed, and Verchant (an apothecary in Montpellier), see Phil. Trans. 1 (1666): 362-63; 2 (1668): 796-97; 6 (1671): 2133, 2165-66, 2196-97, 2254-57, 2284-85; 7 (1672): 5059-60; AdS, Reg., 14: 201r-v (23 Nov. 1695, Verchant). On kermes, see also Locke, Travels, 43-44, 94, 95, 99 100, 101; Locke knew Verchant during the 1670s, but another savant stimulated Locke's interest in kermes. Coral presented a similar problem: Méoires, 10: 123 (Tournefort); cf. Boccone, "Account of some Natural Curiosities," and Recherches, 1: 1-46, 2: 43.

111. Perrault, Circulation, 90-91, 92, 122; La Hire's claims about valves are reported in Histoire, 2: 184-86. Grew's Anatomy ... Begun was reviewed in Phil. Trans.,6 (1671): 3037-43.

112. Compare La Hire's paper of 1694 on the origin of springs, which examined Plot's work on the subject: Histoire, 2: 204; Mémoires ... 1703, 56-69.

113. Lister noticed how isolated French savants were from both England and Italy: Journey, 74-75, 97, but cf. 132. See also Roger, Sciences de la vie, 174-77, on French ignorance of English and Dutch developments.

114. Stimson, Scientists and Amateurs, 75; A. R. Hall, From Galileo to Newton, 138.

115. A catalogue of Tournefort's library during the late 1680s survives: BMHN MS. 253. For the library of Nicolas and Jean Marchant, see BMHN MSS. 447 and 2253.

116. One scholar, a Philippe Billemet or Billemot who sent his unpublished "petit traité d'astronomie" to the Academy, asked for protection from "nostre illustre compagnie," which he compared to "une cour souveraine dans la republique des lettres": AN M 849, no. 18: 1. Pardies compared the Academy to a Chinese court of judges in his Élémens de géométrie: Ziggelaar, Le physicien Ignace Gaston Pardies, 51.

1. Mariotte, Essai de logique, in Oeuvres.

2. Roche, "Milieux académiques," 98-108; reference to "personne morale," 107; confirmed by Duclos's comments in BMHN MS. 1278: 1v.

3. Stroup, "Louis XIV."

4. Bacon, Works, 4: 251; see also 265-70.

5. Greene, Landmarks; Sachs, History of Botany.