1. Traversing this long economic cycle were several subcycles (Gootenberg 1990, 28 ff.): (a) a moderate deflation (1800-1814) resulting from the lowering of prices caused by nascent British industrialization and the Bourbon political and commercial crisis; (b) a sharp inflation provoked by the struggles for independence (1815-1824), with a 40 percent increase in prices in 1822 (above all, on basic foodstuff items for domestic consumption); (c) stabilization and deflation (1835-1846). Prices stabilized and fell (on an average of 1 percent annually with 28 percent deflation from 1826 to 1846). The fall in prices affected internal agricultural production as much as it did imported goods. Until 1845 political and military instability brought about a profound economic recession, but the haciendas were able to substitute crops: from cotton and tobacco for export to foodstuffs for domestic consumption. Textile prices suffered most severely from this drop (down 50 percent). After the recession came a slow reflation between 1846 and 1854 with the start of guano exportation. The prices of agricultural products and livestock, nonetheless, remained low until the next crisis of 1854-1855. [BACK]

2. Cédula Real was issued in Aranjuez on 31 May 1789, reproduced in Clementi (1974, appendix). See also Rout (1977, 87). A case in which we find its application is Archivo General de la Nación (hereafter, AGN; for the remaining abbreviations please refer to the list that precedes the notes) RA,

CCR, L 140, C1727, 1818-1819. Autos seguidos por el Sr. Alcalde del Crimen, Conde de Vallehermoso, contra D. Fco. Gómez, propietario de la panadería del Sauce, a quien se le juzga por el excesivo castigo de azotar a sus esclavos negros Antonio y José (23n). [BACK]

3. After 1779 the slave traffic route through Panama lost importance and, with the abolition of the slave trade in 1808, slave shipments continued to enter through the port of Buenos Aires (which became the principal port of origin [Haitin 1986, 158]). [BACK]

4. The distribution of men and women on the haciendas was highly uneven, reflected in each unit of production. An average above this disparity indicated a ratio similar to the one described for the Pando hacienda (2:3). Despite the usual inequalities it is curious that for the three parishes on which we have information in 1792 and 1813, the ratio between men and women on the haciendas is almost even at the parish level and may explain the fluidity of relations between haciendas, which, as will be demonstrated, certainly existed. The statistics for the Pando hacienda come from the AA, Serie Estadística, L 2 (1790) and L 5 (1813). For statistics on the number of slaves on Lima's haciendas between 1826 and 1840, see Aguirre (1993, 51-52). [BACK]

5. CDIP, XXVII:3:227-235. On the haciendas we examined the average number of children per couple was 0.9; see discussion in chapter 2 of reasons for this very low indicator. [BACK]

6. On the haciendas whose records we examined, approximately 65 percent of the slaves were married and 58 percent were married to slaves from the same hacienda; see chapter 2. [BACK]

7. The censuses for the 1812 constitutional elections showed ownership of property as proof of citizenship; those for the parishes we mention noted the presence of castas (persons of European and African ancestry, a broad classification including more specific racial mixtures such as pardos or quarterones ) such as the overseers of the two estates. [BACK]

8. No legal stipulation obligated owners to sell slaves, although an owner's continual abuse was commonly considered the only justifiable reason for a change of ownership. But representatives of the judiciary and the Church disapproved if an owner rejected the sum offered by a slave for self-manumission. Also see Hart (1980, 147) for a discussion of differences between French and Spanish land holdings and enforcement of the Cédula Real. In Brazil slaves could purchase their freedom beyond the margin of their owner's authority only in 1871 (Nogueira da Silva 1988, 71). For a discussion on changing laws and perceptions in Peru see Blanchard (1992, 42 ff.). [BACK]

9. In some places this final stipulation translated into the creation of municipal licenses so that slaves could obtain permits to "day-labor" and—as Nogueira da Silva suggests was the case for Rio de Janeiro (1988, 22)—the

conversion of slaves into a "good public." But in other places (Lima, for example) these arrangements did not result in actions, and what tended to prevail was the direct master-slave relation. In this paragraph and throughout, translations from Spanish not otherwise identified are those of Alexandra Stern. [BACK]

10. Document cited in King (1953, 54). [BACK]

11. CDIP, IV:1:18. [BACK]

12. CDIP, IV:1:437-438. Report of the Constitutional Commission regarding the proposal of Señor Castilia, heard in the 11 September 1811 a meeting. [BACK]

13. Slavery was abolished without compensation for owners in the United States and Brazil (and evidently in Haiti) (Klein 1986). For Brazil see Karasch (1987, 335 if.). For a discussion on the pressures exerted by plantation owners in Peru see Blanchard (1992). [BACK]

14. Reclamación 1833. [BACK]

15. This relation between production on vast haciendas and labor on small-scale plots, as well as labor's adjustments to the extension of the lands of haciendas in response to the fluctuations of market conditions, corresponds to a model devised by Shane Hunt (1975) to explain the transformation of a traditional hacienda into a plantation with wage labor. [BACK]

16. See the case cited by Vivanco (1990, 49). AGN, L 83, C 1019, 1796. [BACK]

17. Balmori et al. (1984) describe this type of matrimonial bond (between members of the land-owning nobility and criollo merchants) as typical of "notable families." [BACK]

18. According to Burkholder (1972, 22, 33, 142), during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries the military corps had an essentially ceremonial function. This changed in 1765, with the creation of companies along racial lines. [BACK]

19. See, for example, the accounts of Sales (1974, 68), Vargas Ugarte (1984, 6: 165), and General Miller (1829, 1:214). [BACK]

20. Memoirs by Virrey Abascal and Alexander yon Humboldt cited in Haitin (1986, 118-119) discuss the demonstrations. [BACK]

21. Viceroy La Serna demanded—unsuccesfully because of the opposition of the Cabildo (the municipal council), which argued for peace—the delivery of 1,500 blacks to the royalist army to replace the lower ranks of the corps of Burgos and Arequipa (Vargas Ugarte 1984, 7:165): From 1810 on, under the promise of freedom for blacks, San Martín recruited pardos, morenos , and mulatos (Sales 1974, 68): according to General Miller (1829, 1:214), blacks from the Caucato hacienda in Pisco deserved the nickname "devils" for their skill at infiltrating the royalist troops and for the red caps they wore. These attributes, in addition to a hearty daily ration of meat, had awakened in them "a sincere and enthusiastic patriotic spirit." Conversely

Lima's black artisan population was finally receiving its owed daily wages despite the systematic seizures by royalist authorities. [BACK]

22. For rumors about Riva Agüero's plan see CDIP, XVI:344. Carta de Marcos de Neyra a un amigo. Lima, 1 de mayo de 1821. With the announcement of the independence of the Peruvian viceroyalty, on 28 July 1821, came these terms: liberty for all children of slaves born hereinafter, the gradual emancipation of those already born, the prohibition of traffic in black slaves (reiterating the measure already decreed in 1808 because of British pressure). An announcement on 11 November 1821 offered immediate freedom for all slaves belonging to Spaniards and to Peruvians who migrated to the Iberian peninsula as part of incorporation into the line of infantry; on 23 November 1821 one promised liberty for all slaves coming from a foreign land who set foot on Peruvian soil; on 27 November 1821 another threatened punishment by death to owners or traffickers who broke these laws.

1823: The Marquis of Torre Tagle decrees mandatory military service in the capital's military garrisons for artisans, menial laborers, students, and slaves living in Lima.

1834: The Council of Hacendados obtains ratification of the 14 October 1825 regulation that consolidates the pro-slavery status quo, prohibits slaves from using any weapons (including axes, machetes, and knives) or from entering towns next to the hacienda without documents signed by the owner, and leaves to the discretion of the owner the decision as to the validity of a previously promulgated manumission (Sales 1974, 103, 109n.). [BACK]

23. According to the protectorial decree of 1821, libertos differed from slaves in that slaves and their earnings remained the owner's property whereas libertos could claim a wage of eight reales weekly and were the owner's property "only" until they were fifty years old; see AGN, CS, CCI, L 569, 1854. For apprenticeship relations and patronage as transitional stages toward freedom, the Cuban case is particularly interesting (Scott 1985, 172-197). [BACK]

24. An example occurred in AGN, CCI, L 100, 1830 [s.t.]. [BACK]

25. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 26, C 421, 1813, Autos seguidos por Domingo Ordois contra D. José Arróspide sobre su libertad. [BACK]

26. AGN, TM, L4 (1826-1870), 1829, Expediente seguido por José María Leizon con su amo D. Mateo Gonzales sobre que se declare su libertad. [BACK]

27. CDIP, XV:1:127. [BACK]

28. Charles Walker (1990) asserts that several of these guerrilla groups acted as the armed support of liberal and conservative factions during the period of most political confusion between 1833 and 1836, before the formation of the Peruvian-Bolivian confederation. [BACK]

29. Twenty-three and twenty-five, for female and male slaves respectively, were the average ages of marriage in the decade of the 1830s. [BACK]

30. For an itemization of the varied labor performed by slaves and blacks in Lima see Patrón (1935, 28). For Brazil see Karasch (1987, 66-91). [BACK]