1. For a discussion of these figures—particularly the 1.6 million slaves who settled in the Spanish colonies—see among others Ianni 1976, 15; Mellafe 1973; and Fogel and Engerman 1974. [BACK]

2. For a detailed account of the different political episodes throughout the wars of independence, and of inconsistencies between law and reality, see Blanchard (1992, particularly 37-62). [BACK]

3. Fenoaltea states (1984, 653) that "given a sufficient number, slaves will be employed even in activities where they have no advantage over free men, and work side by side with them under similar conditions. One expects these to be activities in which the master's dependence on the worker's carefulness and good will makes rewards more profitable than pain incentives; and they appear to include most traditional crafts and trades, commerce and transport, administrative services and at least the nonskilled branches of factory production. These are the activities in which we find slaves living and working independently as if they were free, subject only to a quitrent to their owner." My analysis shows that the balance between pain incentives and rewards depended on very particular situations, rather than the number of slaves, and that bargaining was a part of daily coexistence. [BACK]

4. Genovese (1974, 450-455) summarizes the new research on slave families: "Largely following the pioneering work of E. Franklin Frazier, the [Moynihan Report] summarized the conventional wisdom according to which slavery had emasculated black men, created matriarchy, and prevented the emergence of a strong sense of family." And yet "almost every study of runaway slaves uncovers the importance of the family motive: thousands of slaves ran away to find children, parents, wives, or husbands from whom they had been separated by sale. From time to time a slave did prefer to stay with a good master or mistress rather than follow a spouse who was being sold away. In these cases and in many others in which slaves displayed indifference, the marriage had probably already been weakened, and sale provided the most convenient and painless form of divorce." My own findings corroborate these assertions for Lima.

For the southern hemisphere Chandler (1981, 112-113) offers evidence of the existence of slave families and their importance. In colonial Colombia "at least 60 percent of all adult slaves had been or were married, most living in nuclear family units, and another 6 percent were single parents who could be considered married, though they were apparently not living with the father of their children"; thus about 65 percent of all adult slaves were married or had a "family" experience. Craton found that 54 percent of English slaves in the Bahamas were living in nuclear family units, and Higman placed 70 percent of English Jamaican slaves in single family households, most of them nuclear units. Conrad found only 10.4 percent of Brazilian slaves married with little family life among them, and Bowser, using an earlier and much narrower sample of largely notarial records, concluded that less than 10 percent of Peruvian slaves were married, even fewer were living in family units, and that Spaniards in Peru actively sought to prevent slave marriages. Chandler concludes that "all these surprising findings challenge many previously held conceptions, not the least of which is that harsh English slavery usually prohibited family life and that benign Latin America slavery usually encouraged it." [BACK]

1. Traversing this long economic cycle were several subcycles (Gootenberg 1990, 28 ff.): (a) a moderate deflation (1800-1814) resulting from the lowering of prices caused by nascent British industrialization and the Bourbon political and commercial crisis; (b) a sharp inflation provoked by the struggles for independence (1815-1824), with a 40 percent increase in prices in 1822 (above all, on basic foodstuff items for domestic consumption); (c) stabilization and deflation (1835-1846). Prices stabilized and fell (on an average of 1 percent annually with 28 percent deflation from 1826 to 1846). The fall in prices affected internal agricultural production as much as it did imported goods. Until 1845 political and military instability brought about a profound economic recession, but the haciendas were able to substitute crops: from cotton and tobacco for export to foodstuffs for domestic consumption. Textile prices suffered most severely from this drop (down 50 percent). After the recession came a slow reflation between 1846 and 1854 with the start of guano exportation. The prices of agricultural products and livestock, nonetheless, remained low until the next crisis of 1854-1855. [BACK]

2. Cédula Real was issued in Aranjuez on 31 May 1789, reproduced in Clementi (1974, appendix). See also Rout (1977, 87). A case in which we find its application is Archivo General de la Nación (hereafter, AGN; for the remaining abbreviations please refer to the list that precedes the notes) RA,

CCR, L 140, C1727, 1818-1819. Autos seguidos por el Sr. Alcalde del Crimen, Conde de Vallehermoso, contra D. Fco. Gómez, propietario de la panadería del Sauce, a quien se le juzga por el excesivo castigo de azotar a sus esclavos negros Antonio y José (23n). [BACK]

3. After 1779 the slave traffic route through Panama lost importance and, with the abolition of the slave trade in 1808, slave shipments continued to enter through the port of Buenos Aires (which became the principal port of origin [Haitin 1986, 158]). [BACK]

4. The distribution of men and women on the haciendas was highly uneven, reflected in each unit of production. An average above this disparity indicated a ratio similar to the one described for the Pando hacienda (2:3). Despite the usual inequalities it is curious that for the three parishes on which we have information in 1792 and 1813, the ratio between men and women on the haciendas is almost even at the parish level and may explain the fluidity of relations between haciendas, which, as will be demonstrated, certainly existed. The statistics for the Pando hacienda come from the AA, Serie Estadística, L 2 (1790) and L 5 (1813). For statistics on the number of slaves on Lima's haciendas between 1826 and 1840, see Aguirre (1993, 51-52). [BACK]

5. CDIP, XXVII:3:227-235. On the haciendas we examined the average number of children per couple was 0.9; see discussion in chapter 2 of reasons for this very low indicator. [BACK]

6. On the haciendas whose records we examined, approximately 65 percent of the slaves were married and 58 percent were married to slaves from the same hacienda; see chapter 2. [BACK]

7. The censuses for the 1812 constitutional elections showed ownership of property as proof of citizenship; those for the parishes we mention noted the presence of castas (persons of European and African ancestry, a broad classification including more specific racial mixtures such as pardos or quarterones ) such as the overseers of the two estates. [BACK]

8. No legal stipulation obligated owners to sell slaves, although an owner's continual abuse was commonly considered the only justifiable reason for a change of ownership. But representatives of the judiciary and the Church disapproved if an owner rejected the sum offered by a slave for self-manumission. Also see Hart (1980, 147) for a discussion of differences between French and Spanish land holdings and enforcement of the Cédula Real. In Brazil slaves could purchase their freedom beyond the margin of their owner's authority only in 1871 (Nogueira da Silva 1988, 71). For a discussion on changing laws and perceptions in Peru see Blanchard (1992, 42 ff.). [BACK]

9. In some places this final stipulation translated into the creation of municipal licenses so that slaves could obtain permits to "day-labor" and—as Nogueira da Silva suggests was the case for Rio de Janeiro (1988, 22)—the

conversion of slaves into a "good public." But in other places (Lima, for example) these arrangements did not result in actions, and what tended to prevail was the direct master-slave relation. In this paragraph and throughout, translations from Spanish not otherwise identified are those of Alexandra Stern. [BACK]

10. Document cited in King (1953, 54). [BACK]

11. CDIP, IV:1:18. [BACK]

12. CDIP, IV:1:437-438. Report of the Constitutional Commission regarding the proposal of Señor Castilia, heard in the 11 September 1811 a meeting. [BACK]

13. Slavery was abolished without compensation for owners in the United States and Brazil (and evidently in Haiti) (Klein 1986). For Brazil see Karasch (1987, 335 if.). For a discussion on the pressures exerted by plantation owners in Peru see Blanchard (1992). [BACK]

14. Reclamación 1833. [BACK]

15. This relation between production on vast haciendas and labor on small-scale plots, as well as labor's adjustments to the extension of the lands of haciendas in response to the fluctuations of market conditions, corresponds to a model devised by Shane Hunt (1975) to explain the transformation of a traditional hacienda into a plantation with wage labor. [BACK]

16. See the case cited by Vivanco (1990, 49). AGN, L 83, C 1019, 1796. [BACK]

17. Balmori et al. (1984) describe this type of matrimonial bond (between members of the land-owning nobility and criollo merchants) as typical of "notable families." [BACK]

18. According to Burkholder (1972, 22, 33, 142), during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries the military corps had an essentially ceremonial function. This changed in 1765, with the creation of companies along racial lines. [BACK]

19. See, for example, the accounts of Sales (1974, 68), Vargas Ugarte (1984, 6: 165), and General Miller (1829, 1:214). [BACK]

20. Memoirs by Virrey Abascal and Alexander yon Humboldt cited in Haitin (1986, 118-119) discuss the demonstrations. [BACK]

21. Viceroy La Serna demanded—unsuccesfully because of the opposition of the Cabildo (the municipal council), which argued for peace—the delivery of 1,500 blacks to the royalist army to replace the lower ranks of the corps of Burgos and Arequipa (Vargas Ugarte 1984, 7:165): From 1810 on, under the promise of freedom for blacks, San Martín recruited pardos, morenos , and mulatos (Sales 1974, 68): according to General Miller (1829, 1:214), blacks from the Caucato hacienda in Pisco deserved the nickname "devils" for their skill at infiltrating the royalist troops and for the red caps they wore. These attributes, in addition to a hearty daily ration of meat, had awakened in them "a sincere and enthusiastic patriotic spirit." Conversely

Lima's black artisan population was finally receiving its owed daily wages despite the systematic seizures by royalist authorities. [BACK]

22. For rumors about Riva Agüero's plan see CDIP, XVI:344. Carta de Marcos de Neyra a un amigo. Lima, 1 de mayo de 1821. With the announcement of the independence of the Peruvian viceroyalty, on 28 July 1821, came these terms: liberty for all children of slaves born hereinafter, the gradual emancipation of those already born, the prohibition of traffic in black slaves (reiterating the measure already decreed in 1808 because of British pressure). An announcement on 11 November 1821 offered immediate freedom for all slaves belonging to Spaniards and to Peruvians who migrated to the Iberian peninsula as part of incorporation into the line of infantry; on 23 November 1821 one promised liberty for all slaves coming from a foreign land who set foot on Peruvian soil; on 27 November 1821 another threatened punishment by death to owners or traffickers who broke these laws.

1823: The Marquis of Torre Tagle decrees mandatory military service in the capital's military garrisons for artisans, menial laborers, students, and slaves living in Lima.

1834: The Council of Hacendados obtains ratification of the 14 October 1825 regulation that consolidates the pro-slavery status quo, prohibits slaves from using any weapons (including axes, machetes, and knives) or from entering towns next to the hacienda without documents signed by the owner, and leaves to the discretion of the owner the decision as to the validity of a previously promulgated manumission (Sales 1974, 103, 109n.). [BACK]

23. According to the protectorial decree of 1821, libertos differed from slaves in that slaves and their earnings remained the owner's property whereas libertos could claim a wage of eight reales weekly and were the owner's property "only" until they were fifty years old; see AGN, CS, CCI, L 569, 1854. For apprenticeship relations and patronage as transitional stages toward freedom, the Cuban case is particularly interesting (Scott 1985, 172-197). [BACK]

24. An example occurred in AGN, CCI, L 100, 1830 [s.t.]. [BACK]

25. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 26, C 421, 1813, Autos seguidos por Domingo Ordois contra D. José Arróspide sobre su libertad. [BACK]

26. AGN, TM, L4 (1826-1870), 1829, Expediente seguido por José María Leizon con su amo D. Mateo Gonzales sobre que se declare su libertad. [BACK]

27. CDIP, XV:1:127. [BACK]

28. Charles Walker (1990) asserts that several of these guerrilla groups acted as the armed support of liberal and conservative factions during the period of most political confusion between 1833 and 1836, before the formation of the Peruvian-Bolivian confederation. [BACK]

29. Twenty-three and twenty-five, for female and male slaves respectively, were the average ages of marriage in the decade of the 1830s. [BACK]

30. For an itemization of the varied labor performed by slaves and blacks in Lima see Patrón (1935, 28). For Brazil see Karasch (1987, 66-91). [BACK]

1. In the United States during the first decades of the nineteenth century the number of blacks, slave and free, in the urban areas increased but decreased after 1840 (see Curry 1981). For a theoretical model to explain this phenomenon see Goldin (1986). But the model is hard to apply to Lima because it supposes that slave owners controlled the allocation of slave labor. [BACK]

2. The census was recently uncovered and analyzed by Gootenberg (1991, 109-158). [BACK]

3. Clavero (1885, 48; original emphasis) added more detail about the area, "which forms three zones. The first including the area between the mountains and the river; the second between the Rimac valley and the boundary starting at the monument of the Dos de Mayo and ending at the Dos de Mayo Hospital; and the third between the supposed border and the southern end of the city, 'Circle 5.'" It is very risky to correlate space to population, given that—as Gootenberg also points out (1991)—there were "tricky boundary problems in Lima's censuses." Even so we need a rough idea of the spatial distribution to comprehend countryside-city relations. [BACK]

4. Haitin (1983, 140 ff.) summarizes the difficulties of specifying the number of production units in estimates of the number of hectares per hacienda. [BACK]

5. To calculate these figures, I divide the sum of male and female slaves by the sum of Spaniards (citizens of European ancestry) of both genders in barrios and on estates. Citizens (with or without occupations) included indigenous persons, some descendants of free blacks, and mestizos . [BACK]

6. Cushner (1972, 180) reveals that on the Jesuit haciendas, located in Lima's hinterland and stretching from Pisco to Huaura on the northern and southern coasts, the average number of slaves per hacienda between 1665 and 1767 grew gradually, from 98.8 to 256. For the total period Cushner (1975, 180) gives an average of 162.7 slaves per productive unit. Overall, the Jesuit haciendas relied on more slaves than Lima's haciendas. [BACK]

7. For 1839 a figure of 7,922 slaves was recorded for Lima, divided between 4,792 in Lima proper and 3,130 in the valleys (Aguirre 1990, 178). In these later and more global figures the proportion of urban to rural slaves is lower than the one found for San Lázaro in 1813. This discrepancy is difficult to resolve because of the geographic imprecision in all the censuses. We must

take the figures as rough indicators of long-term trends. Perhaps the San Lázaro parish had a higher concentration of slaves than other Lima parishes. [BACK]

9. The figures recorded for the Villa hacienda in 1813 contradict the statement its proprietor made after the struggles for independence. In fact this owner, Juan Bautista Lavalle, complained in a letter to Flora Tristán about seeing the number of slaves reduced, from no less than 1,500 to 900 (cited in Aguirre 1990, 144). We might wonder whom Lavalle wished to impress; what we have recorded before the wars of independence is a notable resurgence of the slave population, somewhere on the order of 300—not 900—slaves. Haitin (1983, 141) indicates that around 1773 Carabayllo, Surco, and Bocanegra were among the most productive areas, together producing 50 percent of the total production recorded for Lima. Magdalena, Maranga, and La Legua were the least productive areas, at the other extreme: some fared better than others, discrediting the exaggerations that owners often invoked to bolster the slave trade. [BACK]

10. For Magdalena's haciendas here are the numbers of married slaves (with percentages in parentheses):

San Cayetano: 12 out of 40 adult slaves (30.0)
Maranga: 58 out of 100 (58.0)
Matalechuzas: 22 out of 42 (52.4)
Desamparados: 2 out of 7 (28.6)
Mirones: 4 out of 8 (50.0)
Cueva: 26 out of 42 (61.9)
Oyague: 22 out of 36 (61.1)
Borda: 16 out of 18 (88.9)
Orbea: 20 out of 31 (64.5)
Concha: 22 out of 53 (41.5)
Pando: 4 out of 34 (11.8)
Ríos: 12 out of 36 (33.3)
Buena Muerte: 14 out of 23 (58.3)
Ascona: 2 out of 23 (8.7)

Of Magdalena's two remaining haciendas, Palomino had no female slaves and Aramburú no married slaves. These figures could not be reproduced for the haciendas of Miraflores: marital status was recorded but the slaves were enumerated in a continuous series. In the other parishes the name of one spouse was noted next to the name of the other.

On many haciendas an unmarried adult female slave population appeared, which indicates that the percentage of slave couples was underestimated. An evaluation of the ratio between the sexes, above all in geographic areas that extended beyond the borders of the hacienda, could suggest that, perhaps as a result of the abolition of the slave trade, escapes, and self-manumissions, slave owners on the haciendas tried to contain and augment an increasingly scarce labor force. [BACK]

11. The percentages of the male and female populations of Magdalena and Miraflores closely correspond to the figure from the census of 1792 that Haitin cites (1986, 167): Lima's hinterland had 4,402 slaves, 63 percent of them men. This statistic would indicate that the situation in Surco and Chorrillos represented an exception—a notorious exception, because within Surco and Chorrillos were the two largest haciendas, the Villa and the San Juan, on which even more female than male slaves worked, both in 1790 and in 1813. [BACK]

12. One annulment, involving illicit copulation (that is, sexual relations prior to marriage and between individuals of prohibited degrees of kinship) was AA, NM, L 59 (1810—1819), Hilaria Josefa y José Nasario, esclavos de la hacienda San Javier en San Juan Bautista del Ingenio perteneciente al General D. Tomás de Arias. Another case, of parental opposition, was AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), Juana Bordon, mulata libre, y Joaquín Lara, sambo esclavo del Director General de Reales Rentas Estancadas, 1803. In this case Juana's mother was the one who opposed the marriage. [BACK]

13. Several works point out the gradual transition from slave to free labor arrangements (Aguirre 1990, Burga 1987, Engelsen 1977; Flores Galindo 1984; Haitin 1986; Macera 1977). Perhaps the strongest evidence has been put forth by Gootenberg (1991). For Brabón see also the document cited by Vivanco (1990, 49): AGN, L 82, C 1007. In the 1837 listing eompiled by Aguirre (1993, 52), 58.6 percent of the haciendas have no slaves (Figure 1). [BACK]

14. AGN, CS, CCI, L 288, 1842, Josefa Aparicio contra su arno D. Manuel Aparicio por sevicia. Here, we may remember Manuelita's birth as a quarterona . [BACK]

15. This assertion refers to a reading of Lima's recorded wills in the AGN. [BACK]

16. For a study of differing treatment by size of the unit of production in Martinique see Tomich ( 1990, 243). For a Brazilian study that contrasts with my analysis see Schwartz (1985, 390). [BACK]

17. The data in Table 6 show that even in valleys adjacent to Lima (including the Rímac valley), small properties accounted for 53.4 percent of all properties (342), and large ones for 8.7 percent. [BACK]

18. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 16, C 255, 1809, Autos seguidos por Romualda Tavira contra Doña Elena Maldonado sobre su libortad. [BACK]

19. CDIP XXVII:3:227-235. [BACK]

20. In the 1820s one dollar was equivalent to one Peruvian peso. The annual income, 55,870 dollars, represented a huge fortune, though some dowries were twice as large; it equaled the purchase price of 186 slaves. [BACK]

21. The sale of illegitimate slave children would help explain why there were so few minors on the hacienda and also perhaps why some haciendas had fewer male than female slaves. [BACK]

22. Schwartz describes similar conditions on the properties of the Benedictines in Bahia between 1652 and 1710 (1985, 355-356); it is difficult to assess to what degree Stevenson's description or that of his informants (the hacendados ) reflects this widespread legal and moral code. Aguirre also discusses the treatment of slaves on Lima's haciendas (1992, 57-74). [BACK]

23. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 33, C 562, 1816, Autos seguidos por José Chala, en nombre propio y de los demás esclavos de Don Manuel Menacho, sobre sevicia y para que los venda. [BACK]

24. AGN, RA, CCR, L 95, C 1161, 1802, Causa seguida por Don Antonio Ramón de Paranas contra Doña Jacoba Rubio, instigadora de la sublevación de esclavos occurida en la hacienda Punta. Violación de domicilio y otros excesos. [BACK]

25. AGN, RA, CCR, L 92, C 1129, 1801, Cuaderno incompleto de la causa seguida contra Don Juan E. Theves por suponerle intervención en el suicidio (homicidio) del esclavo Gabriel. For several similar episodes see Aguirre (1990), Flores Galindo (1984, 1990), and Blanchard (1991, 1992). [BACK]

26. The wife of the administrator of Rentas Unidas in Andahuaylas was indigenous. She ordered a zambo to make some candles and out of carelessness he let the dog eat the wick and then replaced it with a stick. ''What the said angry zambo replied was that he did not have any reason to obey an Indian woman." Later he stole her jewelry, for which offense he was beaten to death (AGN, RA, CCR, L 97, C 1185, 1802, Causa seguida contra Don José de Campo, teniente administrator de Rentas Unidas de Andahuaylas por la muerte de su esclavo Gerónimo a quien mandó azotar hasta matarlo). [BACK]

27. With one exception, the administrators of the haciendas of Magdalena that recorded ethnic figures were nonwhites. [BACK]

28. In 1801 the priests of Nuestra Señora de la Buena Muerte declared themselves mined, despite the fact that they had several properties. One of these, the most important, the Quebrada hacienda (which the 1803 figures probably refer to), was in secular hands "and headed toward total collapse." In 1808 twenty-five priests remained in this order, and of this number only nine were not incapacitated, as the priests themselves said; this number was not sufficient to fulfill their essential duty of providing spiritual assistance to those dying in jails, hospitals, and private homes. Founded by San Camilo de Luis, the order had obtained an operating license from Gregory XIV and Clement VIII between 1590 and 1591. It appeared in the colonies in 1735 and apparently could never solve its economic problems; impoverishment also affected the order in La Paz, Arequipa, Trujillo, and Cuzco (AA, Sección Convento de la Buena Muerta, L7). [BACK]

29. AA, Buena Muerte, 1808-1819, letter written by Juan Sánchez Quiñones to the viceroy in Lima, 18 April 1809. [BACK]

30. AA, Convento de la Buena Muerte, L 7, 1809, Expediente promovido por el Superior Govierno por los PP. de la Buena Muerte sobre que se les conceda permiso para la elección canónica de un prelado interino según lo determinado en sus sagradas Constituciones, yen que incide la solicitud del Provisor Síndico General de la Ciudad de Arequipa sobre remición de quatro o seis Religiosos Agonisantes a dha. Ciudad para el cumplimiento en ella en su Santo instituto, y dos mas para la Ciudad de La Paz. Lima, Octubre de 1808. [BACK]

31. The slaves of Guaca acted as did many maroon slaves and others who had some "sin" or disobedience looming over their heads to forestall their master's punishment; similarly, Antonio contacted Manuela's former master after she had been put in the panadería . On the Gualcará case see AGN, RA, CCR, L 114, C 1382, 1808, Causas seguidas contra José Espinoza y otros salteadores de caminos, Cañete; AGN, RA, CCR, L 119, C 1446, 1810, Autos contra Gavino Zegarra, Juan el Portugez, esclavos del Sor. Marqués de Fuente Hermosa en la hacienda Gualcará, Villa de Cañete por vagos, ladrones y salteadores en el Partido de Cañete. [BACK]

32. See AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 36, C 588, 1817. In this case a slave couple fled from the Pativilca hacienda because of maltreatment by the owner, Doña Severina Alfaro. [BACK]

33. This case corroborates our observation (derived from analysis of the ethnic composition of owners, mayordomos and caporales on the haciendas of Magdalena and Miraflores) that the whiter and less remote a hacienda's owner, the tighter the mechanisms of control. [BACK]

34. AGN, EJ, CCI, L 96, 1830, Expediente que sigue Juan Castro con sus Esclabos Pedro José y otro pot cantidad de pesos. [BACK]

35. AGN, Cabildo CCI, L 5, C 51, 1802, Autos seguidos por Tiburcio María, esclavo de D. Vicente Salinas, sobre que lo venda. [BACK]

36. Reporting similar traffic in Brazil, Karasch (1987, 157) assures us that "some rural slaves moved between countryside and city as frequently as did their owners." [BACK]

37. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 22, C 369, 1811. The granddaughter of Augustina Carrión, slave of Don Fulgencio Guerrero and Vásquez, was Luisa Guerrero, slave of Doña Nicolasa Guerrero y Vásquez. Upon attempting to escape Luisa fell and the female owner, with some assistance, shackled and carried her to the Pescadería panadería . The judge decided that Luisa should return to her owner and not delay her owner's journey back to Ica. [BACK]

38. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 22, C 370, 1811, Autos seguidos por Tiburcio Arroserena, parda libre, contra D. José Martín de Toledo sobre procedimiento arbitario contra su hijo Juan Bautista, esclavo de Fr. Silvestre Durán. [BACK]

39. See Proctor (1825, 113). [BACK]

40. Blanchard (1992, 26) also quotes this passage. [BACK]

41. AGN, RA, CCI, L 70, C 720, 1807, Fransisca Suazo. [BACK]

42. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 11, C 143, 1806, Autos seguidos por Bernardina León, que rue esclava de D. Dámaso Jáuregui, sobre su libertad, dispuesta de su finado amo. [BACK]

43. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 19, C 310, 1810, Manuel Fuente, esclabe de Josefa Chabes solicita herencia de su padre natural Bartolomé de la Parra. [BACK]

44. AGN, CS, CCI, L 565, 1854, [s.t.]. [BACK]

45. Aguirre (1991, 122) notes that slave children were included in these averages, which helps explain the depreciation in slaves' value over the two decades before the abolition of slavery. [BACK]

46. This preference for female labor has also been noted by Reddock (1985, 64) for the Caribbean at the end of the eighteenth century and begining of the nineteenth, which she attributes to the higher mortality rate for males, as noted by Patterson (1967), Craton (1978), and Dunn (1972). [BACK]

47. See for example AGN, CS, CCI, L 162, 1835, Escrito de D. Fco. Chacón, albacea de D. Manuel Reyna y de su esposa Da. Mercedes Mori y tutor y curador de su hija Da. Petronila Reyna. [BACK]

48. See the proposals of Mintz (1979) and Scott (1985, 31), who interpret the system of day labor not as an indicator of the slave system's collapse but as successive contradictions within it. [BACK]

49. AGN, Notario Manuel Suárez, Protocolo 881, fs. 920, 1826. [BACK]

50. AGN, CS, CCI, L 578, 1854, Bartola Cisneros (esclava) contra Da. Isabel Bentín por su libertad. [BACK]

51. The difference—according to the protectorial decree of 24 November 1821—between patronage and slavery rested in the monthly payment of eight reales a slave received in patronato even though the slave was still property, as in slavery. [BACK]

52. AGN, CS, CCI, L 66, 1840, Patricio Negrón contra Da. Estefa Palacios y D. Carlos Relaysa por azotes inferidos en su persona. See also CDIP XV:1:173, sesión del 2 de noviembre de 1822. [BACK]

53. This dual situation was recorded for slaves in other coastal cities as well. See ADLL, Justicia Colonial, Intendencia, CCI, L 306, C 273, 1793. [BACK]

54. AGN, CS, CCI, L 576, 1854, Sebastiana García con el Síndico de la Molina sobre su libortad. For similar cases, see AGN, CS, CCI, L 574, D. Ignacio Palacios sobre libortad de su sobrina Francisca, 1854: AGN, CCI, L 560, Mariano Salazar, 1854: AGN, CCI, L 560, Lorenza García sobre la variación de dominio de su hija Fortunata, 1854. [BACK]

55. AGN, EJ, CCI, L571, 1854 [s.t.].

56. Ibid. [BACK]

55. AGN, EJ, CCI, L571, 1854 [s.t.].

56. Ibid. [BACK]

57. AGN, CS, CCI, L 569, 1854, Variación de dominio del esclavo Francisco Mansilla. [BACK]

58. Using the 1813 census of the district of Miraflores, we can check the possibilities that women would be the first to leave the hacienda. If we compare the numbers of married men and women to see which group was larger, we find among the collection of haciendas in Miraflores a surplus of fifteen married men and of seven married women. Thus the probability that married women would abandon the hacienda first was approximately 2:1. [BACK]

59. AGN, EJ, CCI, Autos seguidos per D. Manuel Esteban de Arsola sobre la propiedad de los esclavos Leandro y Ebaristo Arsola. Also of interest in this case is the mayordomo of Bocanegra's payment for the breast-feeding of children after the slave mothers had left the hacienda; it shows his determination to keep up the numbers of slaves on the hacienda and marks the boundaries between the responsibilities of master and slave concerning children. The November 1821 decree required owners to feed rather than pay wages to libertos during lactation (until they reached the age of three). [BACK]

60. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 35, C 578, 1817. [BACK]

61. AGN, EJ, L 92, 1830 [s.t.]. [BACK]

62. AGN, EJ, CCI, L 571, 1854 [s.t.]. [BACK]

63. These calculations are based on three charts preserved in the BN, D 8525, Cuerpos de Militias Provinciales Disciplinadas y Urbanas de Caballería

en el Virreynato del Perú con expresión de los partidos e Intendencias a clue pertenecen; D 8526, Cuerpos de Dragones de Milicias Provinciales Disciplinadas y Urbanas; D 8527, Cuerpos de Infantería Provinciales Disciplinadas y Urbanas, Lima 31 de diciembre de 1816. [BACK]

64. CDIP V:1:250-251, Oficio de Juan Delgado a Bernardo Monteagudo, Secretario de Guerra y Marina, Sayán, 3 de marzo de 1821. [BACK]

65. CDIP V:1:154-155, Circular enviada al comandante D. Francisco Aldao, Febrero de 1825. [BACK]

66. AGN, RA, CCR, L 106, C 1287, 1806, Autos de oficio seguidos contra Agustín Guerrero, Juan josé Ortiz y otros por los delitos de robo y asaltos en los caminos. [BACK]

67. AGN, RA, CCR, L 114, C 1382, 1808, Causa seguida contra José Espinoza y otros salteadores de caminos, Cañete.

68. AGN, RA, CCR, L 104, C 1263, 1805, Autos criminales seguidos de oficio por la Real Justioia contra el esclavo Antonio Caballero y otros por los delitos de haberles encontrado en su poder armas prohibidas y por ladrones en el camino de Chillón. [BACK]

67. AGN, RA, CCR, L 114, C 1382, 1808, Causa seguida contra José Espinoza y otros salteadores de caminos, Cañete.

68. AGN, RA, CCR, L 104, C 1263, 1805, Autos criminales seguidos de oficio por la Real Justioia contra el esclavo Antonio Caballero y otros por los delitos de haberles encontrado en su poder armas prohibidas y por ladrones en el camino de Chillón. [BACK]

69. Proctor (1825, 215-216). [BACK]

70. The notarial record books charted the methods of manumission and recorded how slaves had been acquired and where they had been born (and thus whether they had belonged to a hacienda). I consulted all the notarial record books in the AGN for 1830, 1840, and 1850; for 1840 I found only scanty documentation. It is possible that notarial record books were lost, or that during the period's usual political turbulences no notarial records were made; perhaps the transactions actually diminished, since at the end of the 1830s haciendas tried to reimpose control over the slave population. [BACK]

71. For 1836 the total number of slaves amounted to 5,971, and for 1845 it was estimated at 4,500 (Jacobsen 1974). [BACK]

72. Between 1560 and 1650, Bowser (1977, 363-364) notes, 33.8 percent of Lima's slaves were liberated unconditionally, and of this population, 92.2 percent were women and children under the age of fifteen. As we have seen, in 1850 (two hundred years later) this type of freedom accounted for only 9.1 percent of the cases of manumission, including conditional grants by owners. In all Latin American slave centers, self-manumission was central. For statistical evidence see Klein (1986, 221 ff.). [BACK]

73. The cases studied by Flores Galindo (1984) refer to the period 1760-1809, and those by Aguirre (1990) to 1836-1839. [BACK]

74. For rural-urban relations see the significant analysis by Fields (1985) in her work on nineteenth-century Maryland. [BACK]

75. Goldin (1976, 51 ff.) records movement in the United States between 1850 and 1860 but in the opposite direction, and largely determined by slave owners' interests. [BACK]

76. Haitin (1983, 177) claims that the archdiocese of Lima produced 37 percent of the tithes in the viceroy, and that tithes for Lima between 1774 and 1779 amounted to 126, 546 pesos per year, and 148, 886 pesos annually between 1790-1794. Despite the risks of using information about tithes, we must conclude that not all productive units followed the same destiny over the course of this long cycle. [BACK]

1. Available information on slaves' lives within monasteries is sparse, despite this statistic on the slave population there, and none of our cases refer to it. Here is a topic for future work. [BACK]

2. Colonial and, later on, republican authorities and census-takers counted "house entrances" to evaluate population density and exact taxes. Often one "entrance" was used only by slaves. [BACK]

3. Much debate surrounds the Atlantic trade, and the percentages noted depend on several variables, such as a voyage's size and date, the identity of the trader, and origin and condition of the slaves on departure. See Reynolds ( 1985, esp. 28-56) for a recent synthesis. [BACK]

4. Toplin describes this determinate duality (1981, xxiii): "A heritage of color prejudice was passed down, and so, too, was a tradition of economic inequality." [BACK]

5. Stevenson (1829, 1:304-306). Contemporaries spelled the names of tribal groups such as the Mondongos in various ways: from Stevenson's spelling, "Mandingos," and his burlesque tone, we might infer that he (or the scribe) had little interest in the matter. [BACK]

6. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 23, C 380, 1812, Autos seguidos por María Santos Puente contra Miguel Valdivieso y Manuela Quirigallo sobre que se le nombre reina de la Nación de los Congos Mondongos o se le restituya el dinero gastado. [BACK]

7. AGN, CS, CCI, L 717, 1859. [BACK]

8. On this case see AGN, RA, CCI, L 138, C 1684, 1817. For other significant examples of the nearly infinite civil suits about this topic, see AGN, AGG, CP, L 5, C 113, 1812, Autos seguidos por Ma. Rosa Manrique de Lara (negra libre), ama de Ma. Josefa Murga, su esclava contra el sargento N. pulpero de la calle Guadalupe por ser arno de María Dolores su esclava, por maltratos en agravio de la esclava María Josefa Murga; AGN, RA, CCR, L 94, C 1155, 1801, Angela Andrade; AGN, AGG, CP, L 5, C 116, 1813, Autos criminales seguidos por Da. Ma. Encarnación Valverde (parda), contra Pascual Baylón Frias, por maltratos y contuciones en su agravio cometido en su propio domicilio a donde entró violentamente. [BACK]

9. AA, Estadística 1809. [BACK]

10. In this special case the state was the owner; I therefore omit it from subsequent calculations. [BACK]

11. ADLL, CO, Expediente 165, L 301, 1790. See also AA, Particulares, L 2 (1840-1922), Carta de Gregoria Goyburu al Arzobispo. As early as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Bowser (1977, 147) notes, the receipt of daily wages from one slave could represent the difference between a poor owner's comfort or ruin. [BACK]

12. AGN, AGG, CCI, L 21, C 368, Baraona contra Chacón, 1817. Chapter 5 amply documents the reasons behind the Defensor's perception. [BACK]

13. ADLL, CO, L 301, Expediente 165, 1790; and AGN, RA, CCI, L 32, C 352, 1803, Autos seguidos por Petronila Sánchez, samba libre, contra Da. Lugarda Márquez, sobre la libertad de su hijo José Andrés. [BACK]

14. AGN, Notarios, Protocolo 881, fs. 573. [BACK]

15. AGN, AGG, CCI, L 21, C 368, 1817, Baraona contra Chacón. [BACK]

16. In the city as on haciendas, owners' wills might include a grant of freedom (total or conditional), and the higher population density made both wills and the notaries to ease their redaction more common. Although life was rather precarious and life expectancy very low, at times an ailing owner would get better and a slave's expectations of freedom would die. See for example, AGN, AGG, CCI, L 23, C 413, Encarnación Albarito, pardalibre, y Bravo Pando, contra la mujer legítima del Mariscal de Campo D. Manuel Gonzáles, sobre la liberación de sus dos hijos Micaela y María Urbana, esclavos mediante la venta por tasación de sus respectivos precios, 1819. [BACK]

17. AA, CN, L 36 (1817), Fr. Jose Aravjo ae Artobispo. [BACK]

18. AA, CN, L 35, 1804, Herrera contra Valenzuela. [BACK]

19. AGN, RA, CCI, L 103, C 1093, Rioja contra Rioja, 1811. [BACK]

20. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 19, C 324, 1801, Autos seguidos por Luciana Josefa, esclava de D. Paula Almogera, sobre su libertad. [BACK]

21. AA, LM, L 7 (1800-1809), 1806, Palacios contra Teruz. [BACK]

22. This sum of 12 pesos equaled the allowance that husbands furnished during the divorce process to wives who were relocated to beaterios . See chapter 4. [BACK]

23. Luciana—assuming she was born in 1753—had her first child at the age of eighteen in 1771. When she filed her case in 1810, the noted thirty-nine years had elapsed. In Catalina's case, her wedding in 1791 began the day-labor process of accumulation of fifteen years that ended with the filing of the suit in 1806; we must assume that her price and that of her husband came to 600 pesos. [BACK]

24. AGN, RA, CCI, L 132, C 1345, Breña contra Iturrizo, 1815. [BACK]

25. ADP, JC, Intendencia, CCI, L 307, C 317, 1793, Autos que sigue Mathias Sánchez, negra contra Da. Ursula Sánchez, sobre la venta de una samba, hija de dha. negra que disc ser nula. [BACK]

26. See for example AGN, CS, CCI, L 569, 1854, Vicenta Arzola, liberta con Melchora Barrera, morena libre, sobre la entrega de su menor hija Paula Saldonado, San Lázaro. This case is particularly interesting because it pitted a day laboring black liberta against a master who was a free morena , and because the new owner intervened on behalf of the liberta . [BACK]

27. AGN, CS, Juzgado Eclesiástico, RPJ 483 (1825-1836), Causa que por via de fuerza promovió la Madre Sor Isabel del Espíritu Santo y Paters, religiosa en el monasterio de Santa Clara de Lima contra el Señor Coronel Manuel Porras, a hombre de su madre D. Brigida Santoyo, sobre el recojo de una muchacha nombrada María Isabel, hija de Simón Alvarez y de Juana Porras, esclava de la última de aquella, que se halla en dicho convento y a quien pretende hacer esclava. [BACK]

28. AGN, RA, CCI, L 20, C 213, Pérez y Herrera contra Vidal Bravo, 1802. [BACK]

29. AGN, RA, CCI, L 159, C 1645, 1819, Da. N. Echenique contra N. Andrea Barrera, su esclava, sobre la esclavitud de los hijos de ésta última. [BACK]

30. AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), 1799, Isabel Sanchez y Baca. [BACK]

31. AGN, CS, CCI, L 278, 1841, Defensor General de Menores contra Da. Rosa Moreno por querer reducir a servidumbre a Rafael de 17 años, hijo de una esclava suya. [BACK]

32. AGN, EJ, CCI, 1840, Seguido por el Defensor de Menores con representación de María del Milagro Solórzano sobre libertad de su hija Micaela Bartola con la Señora Da. Juana Murga. [BACK]

33. AGN, RA, CCI, L 32, C 352, Petronila Sánchez, samba libre contra Da. Lugarda Márquez sobre la libertad de su hijo José Andrés, 1803. [BACK]

34. AGN, CS, CCI, L 261, 1840, Marcos Esquivel contra Da. Isabel Espinoza sobre que no venda a sus hijas y sobre el Patronato de las mismas. A similar case is AGN, EJ, L 252, 1840, Francisca Solano Palacios contra su ama Da. Manuela Marino. [BACK]

35. AGN, RA, CCR, L 125, C 1527, Expediente promovido en la vía penal, con el fin de poder esclarecer sobre el suicidio del negro bozal nombrado Antonio, esclavo de D. Ignacio Meléndez a quien se le encontró ahorcado en un árbol de la Alameda del Pino, 1812. On the conditions slaves experienced in the San Bartolomé and San Lázaro hospitals, see Mendieta Ocampo (1990, 20-25, 57-64). [BACK]

1. AGN, RA, CCI, L 103, C 1093, Rioja contra Rioja, 1811. [BACK]

2. Menefee (1981) documents the sale of wives in eighteenth-century England as a symbolic means husbands used to hand over adulterous women to their lovers. [BACK]

3. AGN, RA, CCI, L 110, C 1161, María Encarnación contra Centeno, 1812. [BACK]

4. Men's competition for a slave woman occasionally caused badly disguised demonstrations of jealousy, such as the worries of D. Agustín Valdéz (whom his female slave accused of"committing sin daily"): he requested that the slave be returned, because "she could die at the hands of one of those neglectful slaves, who would require her to come up with her own subsistence" (AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 33, C 561, Adrianzén contra Valdez, 1816). [BACK]

5. AGN, RA, CCI, L 33, C 368, Neyra contra Balada, 1803. [BACK]

6. AA, CD, L 87 (1815-1820), Teresa contra Torquera, 1817. [BACK]

7. AA, CN, L 36 (1816-1855), Juana Manuela Básquez, morena esclava del Señor Regidor del Ayuntamiento, Francisco Alvarado, 1817. [BACK]

8. Burkett (1975) discusses the experiences of women of all racial groups and the characteristics of their interaction. [BACK]

9. AA, CD, L 87 (1815-1820) Teresa contra Torquera, 1817. [BACK]

10. AA, CD, L 87 (1815-1020), 1819, Gutierrez contra Prio. [BACK]

11. AA, L 1, Comunicaciones, (1765-1818), 1816, Santa María contra Carrillo. [BACK]

12. AA, LM, L 7 (1800-1009), 1805, Baset contra Guiyón. [BACK]

13. AGN, RA, CCR, L 102, C 1247, 1804, Comín contra Lamas, C 1247. [BACK]

14. AA, CD, L 86 (1810-1814), Vargas Machuca contra Sánchez. [BACK]

15. These figures come from a reading of wills and marriage licenses, in the AGN and AA, respectively. [BACK]

16. I extrapolate percentages from Table 1, on methods of manumussion in rural and urban areas; see chapter 1. Aguirre (1991) examines cartas de libertad from 1840 to 1854 but considers only urban cases; hence my figures for manumission through purchase in 1840 and 1850 differ from his: 69.0 percent in 1840 and 70.0 percent in 1850 versus Aguirre's 58.7 percent and 81.7 percent (my cases for 1840 and 1850 are 139 and 106; his cases, 63 and 60). Aguirre's figures express even more clearly the acceleration of the process of self-purchase in the final decades of the slave system. The discrepancies may reflect different methods as well as areas.

For an assessment of similar indicators for an earlier period, see Bowser (1977, 363; 1984, 375); for a comparison with other Latin American cities, see Aguirre (1993, 218). Lima had the highest percentage of self-manumitted slaves. Aguirre states that of Lima's slaves, 26.2 percent were granted freedom between 1840 and 1854 and the rest made payments to owners (73.8 percent); his findings are close to my own: for 1830 31.3 percent, for 1840 36 percent, and for 1850 30 percent. [BACK]

17. Reddock (1985, 66 ff.) discusses recent work on the "buy or breed" dilemma by Craton (1978) and Patterson (1967). [BACK]

18. Islamic slave owners often liberated concubines who bore their children; the practice spread with Islamic expansion to become one of the most common characteristics of slave systems (see Lerner 1983, 188). [BACK]

19. AGN, RA, CCI, L 131, C 1343, Nuñez contra Dominguez, 1815. [BACK]

20. AGN, C5 CCI, L 662, Paniso contra Alvarado, 1857. [BACK]

21. We are dealing with a record in the AA I believe to be complete (see Table 10). Haitin (1983) also uses marriage licenses, and his figures complement my results. My subsequent comparison with the record books of the registry of marriages confirmed the reliability of the data. [BACK]

22. A caveat is in order here. Most likely, changes in archival criteria within the Archivo Arzobispal explain discrepancies between my figures and those in Haitin's thesis (1983, 217) on marriages during these years (in a graph that is difficult to read). Haitin counts roughly 300 marriages in 1800, 400 in 1810, 250 in 1820, 280 in 1830, and 250 in 1850; only in 1810 and 1820 do his estimates approach mine. Since Haitin's figures are older, I would guess that I have not seen all the records (through lack of opportunity but certainly not of will) but that our final interpretations of the relative importance of marriage between slaves and between slaves and free persons would not vary. [BACK]

23. The slaves in most of my case studies come from these two parishes: Santa Ana's census statistics in 1813 showed a high number of white residents; San Lázaro was the black parish par excellence and had strong ties to the rural sphere. After the parish of La Catedral (or Sagrario) with 19,619 inhabitants, Santa Ana and San Lázaro had the largest populations ( 11,432 and 9,711, respectively), followed by San Sebastián and el Cercado (5,444 and 5, 122). The record books in the Archivo Arzobispal had information on ethnic descent for blacks, mulatos, morenos, chinos, zambos, pardos, quinteronas , and quarteronas .

Of the three record books in the Archivo Arzobispal for the parish of Santa Ana, book 3 referred to pardos and morenos and recorded ethnic identity for both contracting parties in 93.3 percent of the eases (502 of 538), whereas the other two books listed only a total of fifteen slaves. For this reason I use only book 3 to refer to Santa Ana. Of the two books (nos. 7 and 8) in the Archivo Arzobispal for San Lázaro, only book 8 had information for the years I consider but included no more than four years, from 1817 through 1820. Information about the ethnic descent of both spouses existed in only 49.6 percent of the cases for Santa Ana, and 59.4 percent for San Lázaro. The archives for San Lázaro included a record book for marriages of Indians with members of casta groups (eleven marriages between Indians and slaves—three chinos , one zamba , and two mulatas ). Neither the record book for Indians nor that for blacks referred exclusively to a single ethnic group. [BACK]

24. Santa Ana's small sample of slaves married to members of other black ethnic groups coincides with the pattern Haitin (1986, 293) describes in a much bigger sample. [BACK]

25. These precepts found support in a royal warrant dated 31 May 1789, which ordered the encouragement of marriage among slaves, even if they belonged to different owners, and the display of owners' humanity in finding ways to unite spouses; it declared that slaves were to have the right of free matrimonial choice (Labarthe 1955, 9). [BACK]

26. AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), Barraza contra Arroserena, 1803. [BACK]

27. AA, Estadística, Parroquia de Santa Ana, 1808. [BACK]

28. Unfortunately we lack a similar residential census for San Lázaro from which we might infer owners' tactics of opposition. [BACK]

29. Haitin ( 1986, 233, 238) calculates 21.7 years as the average matrimonial age of slave women, the highest among all ethnic groups between 1820 and 1840, and 24.0 years as the average of slave men, the lowest among all ethnic groups. The relatively higher matrimonial age of slave women might reflect their attempt to save enough to buy freedom before marriage to a husband of higher social status. [BACK]

30. AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), 1813, Roxas contra Puente. In this case the man was the slave of the marqués of Villafuerte, which perhaps explains the meticulous argument on possible grounds for annulment of the marriage. [BACK]

31. My reading of all the cases that requested annulment of a marriage in Lima between 1800 and 1860 turned up only four decrees of annulment and none of these involved slaves. [BACK]

32. AA, LM, L 7 (1800-1809); CD, L 84 (1805-1807); NM, L 58 (1799-1809), Natallana contra Venegas. [BACK]

33. AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), 1808, Torres contra Astorga; emphasis added. [BACK]

34. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 23, C 376, 1812, Autos seguidos por Juan Abril, marido de Rosa Balenzuelos contra D. Alejandro Martínez, arno de la mencionada Rosa, sobre que se le extienda boleta de venta. Rosa was a "white mulata ," the wife of a black carpenter. [BACK]

35. AGG, CCI, L 16, C 246, San Miguel contra Salazar, 1810. [BACK]

36. AA, Particulares, L 1, 1605-1839, 1812. [BACK]

37. On panaderías and sales outside the city see AA, Particulares, L 2 (1840-1922), as well as some episodes noted earlier. On criminal charges see AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), Guerrero contra Astorga, 1808. On raising a slave's price see AA, CN, L 36 (1816-1855), Gusman contra Ramírez, 1820. And on reappraisal of a slave's price see AA, EM 1805, Escrito del esclavo José Diaz al Provisor. In this last case, José Diaz was the sponsor of the marriage of two slaves, Joaquín and Juana, and paid Juana's owners 12 pesos for the proceedings. Later he paid the owner 450 pesos for Juana's price, which the owner rejected because he wanted 526 pesos. Finally the godfather requested that the owner accept the money or sign his consent in the marriage license so that the couple could marry. Here again freedom and con-

sent were inextricably linked to a strategy designed to undo the arguments of owners. [BACK]

38. AA, CN, L 35, 1799-1814, Barrionuebo contra Casillas, 1799; AGN, RA, CCI L 71, C 1093; AGN, RA, CCI, L 66, C 670; AA, CN, L 35, (1799-1814), Mendoza contra Mendoza, 1811; AA, CN L 35, (1799-1814), Catalina contra Querejazu, 1806; AA, CN, L 35, (1799-1814), Vásquez contra Valdivieso, 1801. [BACK]

39. AA, CN, L 36, (1816-1855), Bellido contra Moles, 1817; AA, CN, L 35, (1799-1814), Encalada contra Mena, 1803; AA, L 36, (1816-1855), F. Jacoba contra Yayo, 1816. And in AA, L 35 (1799-1814), Barela contra Gutierrez, 1805, the owner's claim to ignorance of the marriage did not affect the judgment. [BACK]

40. AA, EM, Miranda contra del Carmen, 1816. [BACK]

41. AGN, RA, CCI, L 33, C 367, 1813, Autos seguidos por Da. Bárbara Tixero contra Da. Mariana Noriega, sobre la redhibitoria de un esclavo. [BACK]

42. AGN, CCR, [s.n.] 1854, Causa criminal contra José del Patrocinio por habérsele sorprendido oculto en la casa del Dr. D. Antonio Arenas. [BACK]

43. AA, Sección Comunicaciones, 1815, del Cristo contra Carabali. [BACK]

44. AA, CN, L 36 (1816-1855), Gusman contra Ramírez, 1820. [BACK]

45. AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), Tagle contra Tagle, 1814. [BACK]

46. AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), Espellier contra Marris, 1808. [BACK]

47. AA, CD, L 86 (1810-1814), —contra Iturrizaga, 1818. [BACK]

48. AGN, Cablido, CCI, L 6, C 62, Autos seguidos pot Manuel Góngora, marido de María Aparicio, contra D. Manuel Aparicio, arno de ésta, sobre que la venda, 1803. [BACK]

49. The cases refer to complete sets of the existing documentation from four documentary series (LM, CD, NM, and CN) for the years between 1800 and 1820 and between 1840 and 1860. After 1854 slaves became ''servants." [BACK]

50. Political turbulence probably overrode domestic conflicts, given that between 1840 and 1860, what we find is a diminution of marital conflicts in general, not only of those involving slaves. Between 1800 and 1820, marital conflicts for all of Lima amounted to 409, between 1840 and 1860, they fell to 213 despite demographic growth. [BACK]

51. AA, LM, L 7 (1800-1809), María Candelaria contra Rosales, 1808. [BACK]

52. AA, CD, L 86 (1800-1814), Luisa contra López, 1812. [BACK]

53. AA, CD, L 83 (1802-1804), Nieto contra Betbelem, 1803. [BACK]

54. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 29, C 476, Villaverde contra Bernal, 1814. [BACK]

55. AA, LM, L 7 (1800-1809), Matallana contra Venegas. [BACK]

56. AA, CN, L 35, 1799-1814, Juana contra Casanova, 1807; AA, L 36, (1816-1855), Marín contra Romero, 1818; AA, CN, L 35, 1799-1814, Martinez contra Tagle, 1799, in which the husband approved relocation, and AA, CN, L 83, (1802-1804), Nieto contra Bethelem, 1803, in which the woman did the same. [BACK]

57. For examples of economic arguments between slave spouses, see AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Notaría Julián de Cubillas, Libro 202 (1818-1820) and AA, LM (1810-1819), Texada contra Escobar, 1819. [BACK]

58. AA, LM, L 8, 1811, Casaverde contra Cuellar. [BACK]

59. AA, CD, L 86, (1810-1814), Luisa contra Lopes, 1812; AA, L 84, (1805-1807), de la Natividad contra Pacheco, 1807; AA, LM L 7, (1800-1809), María Candelaria contra Rosales, 1808. [BACK]

60. AGN, CS, CCR, L 116, 1851, Espinoza contra Larrosa (concubinos). [BACK]

61. Santa Ana's residential census of 1808 stated that only 17.3 percent of the registered slaves were married. Therefore, there was a significant correlation between the number of married slaves in an owner's household and the frequency of conflicts. [BACK]

62. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 6, C 61, Autos seguidos por Mariana Espinoza contra D. Faustino Guerrero, su amo, sobre que la venda, 1803. [BACK]

1. Such trials were common among other sectors of society, for example when women accused their husbands of abuse. Slave cases that typify these proceedings are found in AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 17, C 286, 1809, Autos seguidos por José Valentín Villegas contra su amo, D. Pedro Antonio López Vidaurre sobre sevicia; AGN, RA, CCI, L 10, C 114, Queja de la esclava Jacoba Rubio, perteneciente a Juan Bautista, sobre malostratos y para conseguir amo que le de mejor trato, 1801. [BACK]

2. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 21, C 353, 1811, Autos seguidos por Gregoria Santos, esclava de D. José Ignacio sobre que la venda. [BACK]

3. AA, Correspondencia, L 1 (1806-1816), Escrito de la esclava Manuela Balenzuela al Arzobispo Las Heras, [s.t.]. [BACK]

4. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 99, C 102, 1804, Autos seguidos por Da. Norberta Gallardo sobre insubsistencia del requisito en que fue comprada su esclava Jacoba Román para poder venderla fuera de la Capital. [BACK]

5. See also Aguirre (1993, 234-237). [BACK]

6. AA, Particulares, L 2 (1840-1922), Carta de Pablo Calero, esclavo de D. Mateo, residente en Lima al Arzobispo, 1814. [BACK]

7. An allegation of old age occurs in AA, Correspondencia L I (1806-1816), Carta de la esclava Manuela Balenzuela al Arzobispo Las Heras. [BACK]

8. AGN, CCI, L 14, C 211, 1808, Autos seguidos per Juan de la Cruz Zapata, esclavo de Da. Rufina Trevino, su area, sobre que lo venda a precio de su tasación. [BACK]

9. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 19, C 324, 1801, Autos seguidos por Luciana Josefa, esclava de Da. Paula Almogera, sobre su libertad. [BACK]

10. An example is AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 20, C 330, 1810, Autos seguidos por el R. P. Fr. Domingo Porras contra Da. Atanasia Soriano sobre la libertad de la esclava llamada Manuela. [BACK]

11. AA, CN, L 35 (1700-1814), Escrito de la esclava Plácida Laynes al Vicario, 17/03/1800. [BACK]

12. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 35, C 578, 1817, Autos seguidos por D. Marín Gonzales contra Da. Jacoba Centurión sobre redhibitoria de una esclava. [BACK]

13. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 17, C 289, 1809, Autos seguidos por Pedro Piélago, Chino esclavo de D. José Ignacio Palacios, sobre que le otorgue libertad, previo pago de los 200 pesos en que lo tasó su anterior ama. [BACK]

14. AGN, [s.i.], Expediente que sigue el Defensor General de Menores contra Da. Rosa de la Piedra y Lequerica (madre del Grl. Agustín Gamarra) sobre la venta de un esclavo. The case probably dates from 1830. [BACK]

15. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 10, C 121, 1805, Autos seguidos por José Gregorio, esclavo de Manuel Villarán, sobre que lo venda [Da. Manuela Gonzales is the wife of Manuel Villarán]. A similar (but less picturesque) case also shows that things did not change much from the beginning of the century until the abolition of slavery: AGN, CS, CCI, L 577, 1854, Da. M. Concepción Malpartida y Da. Manuela Sanz por redhibitoria de un esclavo. Here the former owner accused the new owner of not furnishing the water-carrying equipment she owed to the slave and thus causing the slave to flee, since he was unable to comply with the daily wage demands. The judgment favored the new owner, who got back the money she had paid for the slave; mean-while the slave had run away. [BACK]

16. Such a transaction occurred in a record dated 1800. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 11, C 140, Autos seguidos por J.G. de Herrera con D. Felipe Llanos, sobre que se le admita fianza por su libertad. Brokers functioned as intermediaries much as the cofradías did. [BACK]

17. AGN, RA, CCI, L 128, C 1308, 1815; AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 33, C 555, 1816. [BACK]

18. AGN, RA, CCR, L 108, C 1301, 1806. See also Córdova y Urrutia (1839, 47) and Mellafe (1973, 125). [BACK]

19. AGN, Prefectura, L 117, 1827. [BACK]

20. The tribunal's organization was described by the newspaper Gaceta del Gobierno , 22 April 1835; the military decree was issued by Colonel Miguel Angel Bujanda of the national army. [BACK]

21. BN, D 2218, 1854. [BACK]

22. Flores Galindo (1990, 63) also quotes the document, AGN, Superior Gobierno, L 26, C 774, 1976, which recorded the following ethnic distribution of a total of 59 prisoners: 15 whites, 12 mestizos , 7 mulatos , 5 zambos , 7 blacks, 7 chinos , 6 Indians, 2 cholos , and 3 unspecified. [BACK]

23. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 39, C 644, 1819, Autos seguidos por María Ana Murga contra D. Teodoro Murga, sobre que le extienda boleta de venta. [BACK]

24. Scott (1988, 36) asserts that in Cuba "individual planters often used rented slaves in order to mitigate the problem of fixed labor costs within the

system of slavery. Rental permitted the shifting of the existing slave labor supply to areas of greatest profitability; it did not necessarily weaken slavery as an institution or loosen the bonds of slavery." [BACK]

25. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 16, C 243, 1809, Autos seguidos por Apolinaria Ontañón contra Da. Ventura Espinoza, sobre clue le permita buscar ama. [BACK]

26. BN, Z 713, 1810 [s.t.]. [BACK]

27. AA, CN, L 35 (1799-1814), Petronila de León, 1801. [BACK]

28. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 16, C 242, 1809, Autos seguidos por José Llanos, padre de María del Carmen Marín, esclava de Da. María de la Daga sobre que no la venda para residir fuera de la Capital. [BACK]

29. AGN, CCI, L 584, 1855, Cuaderno 2do. de Its autos seguidos por Da. Fermina García con D. Juan Gualveto Herrero sobre la entrega de una esclava. [BACK]

30. Labarthe (1955, 7) quotes Mendiburu ( Revista de Lima , 5:513): "Y esta costumbre se extendió tanto que dichas casas, que no eran pocas, a veces no podían admitir ya más esclavos para conservarlos bajo prisiones." [BACK]

31. For additional information, see Aguirre (1988; 1993, 251). [BACK]

32. AGN, CS, CCR, L 124, Expediente iniciado por Manuela Aguirre, esposa libre de Esteban Ita, 1853. [BACK]

33. AGN, HA, CCR, L 95, C 1168, 1812, Queja de Liberata Sánchez, China esclava de D. José Fariña por defloración con violencia del Abastecedor Juan Espinoza y haberla tenido prisionera en su casa de Abasto. Esto, habiendo sido puesta por su ama en Panadería de Espinoza. [BACK]

34. AGN, HA, CCR, L 140, C 1727, 1818-19, Autos seguidos por el Señor Alcalde del Crimen, Conde de Vellehermoso, contra D. Francisco Gómez, proprietario de la panadería del Sauce, a quien se le juzga por el excesivo castigo de azotes de sus esclavos negros Antonio y José. [BACK]

35. As slave labor became more specialized, it brought greater mutual dependence between owners and slaves and suggested more opportunities for sabotage by slaves. On sugar plantations, for example, slaves who oversaw the refining process might add few drops of lemon juice that were enough to ruin the molasses and spoil a substantial share of the harvest (Tomich 1990, 224-225; 248-258). Slaves in a panadería could sabotage the production of bread for Lima's inhabitants for an entire day or perhaps longer. [BACK]

36. AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 23, C 374, 1812, Autos seguidos por Antonio Lara, esclavo de D. Juan Pérez contra D. Lucas Villa, Administrator de la Panadería de la Plazuela de Santa Ana, sobre sevicia. [BACK]

37. The "hidden dungeon" image occurs in AGN, Cabildo, CCI, L 21, C 355, 1811, Autos seguidos por María Antonia Jaime, negra liberta, mujer de José Andrés Garcés contra D. Joaquín Miguel de Arnaco, arno de su marido, sobre clue lo venda. That of misery and pain, in AGN, RA, CCR, L 105, C 1278, Autos criminales seguidos de Oficio por la Real Justicia contra

Francisco Herrera, negro esclavo de D. Luis de Herrera, por el delito de homicidio que ejecutó en la persona de Patricio, de igual casta y condición, hecho cometido en la panadería de las Animitas con cuchillo según dibujo de fs. 4, 1805. [BACK]

38. AGN, BA, CCR, L 115, C 1390, 1809, Autos seguidos ante la Real Justicia con motivo del alzamiento de los esclavos que trabajan en la Casa-Panadería de Santa Clara, asimismo se ordena su libertad de Francisco Maldonado, para que satisfaga la deuda que ocasionó su depósito en la Panadería de la calle de La Palma, comunicándolo a su administrator a fin de que si reincide deberá ser corregido severamente con costas; Deelaración de Agustín Arana, mulato esclavo de la panadería y de oficio Acechador. [BACK]

39. Aguirre (1993, 289-291) gives a more detailed description of the conspiracy. [BACK]

40. This case involved the Animitas panadería and, as in the previous one, alcohol influenced the slaves' behavior, AGN, RA, CCR, L 105, C 1278, 1805. [BACK]

41. AGN, CS, CCI, L 592, 1855. [BACK]

42. AGN, CS, CCI, L 627, 1856. [BACK]

43. AGN, CS, CCI, L 562, 1854. [BACK]

44. See thorough analysis of these events in Gootenberg (1982), Giesecke (1978), and Quiroz (1988). [BACK]

1. For a broader assessment of "legal" skin color differences also see Lanning (1944) and Moerner (1967). [BACK]

2. On the implications of these ideas in other areas see Moerner (1967) and Toplin (1981). [BACK]

3. Bowser comments on the frequency of marriage in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Our sources may not be comparable, but qualitative sources at least show that marriage in the nineteenth century was an important and ever-present argument for slaves. [BACK]

4. In an analogous interpretation for the United States, Fields (1985, 29-30) writes, "Much more than simple demography worked to keep free blacks in close relationship with slaves. The vagaries of manumission did so as well. Delayed manumission was a widespread practice, embracing just over half of manumissions between 1832 and just under half thereafter. That made for awkward and anomalous family situations. It could result in a famfly composed indiscriminately of slaves for life, slaves for a term of years, and free people." [BACK]

5. For a similar assertion in the Caribbean, see Morrisey (1989, 4). [BACK]

6. By contrast, a slave in the United States who hoped to manumit a relative usually had to obtain and secure property rights in his or her own name; only a freed person could purchase slaves (Genovese 1985). This difference may well explain very different rates of self-manumission in each hemisphere. [BACK]

7. For example, Schwartz (1982:67) found for the Reconcavo in Brazil that "many of the traditional artisan skills were practiced by the slaves. Engenhos often found it more profitable to train slaves as carpenters, smiths, or coopers rather than pay for the services of free artisans"; the argument suggests an economic rationale for the presence of slave artisans as well as an aversion to manual labor among whites and mestizos . [BACK]

8. Such a paradoxical relationship also occurs in Cuba and Brazil. In Brazil, where the hiring-out system was very prevalent, Mattosso (1986, 123) states, the "possibility of shifting large numbers of slaves from one occupation to another helped to stabilize a market in which demand varied with circumstances and competition.... The system was, thus, highly flexible." In Lima owners hoping to shift workers from urban to rural markets often met resistance from their slaves. [BACK]

9. Contrast the situation for Brazil, where Mattosso states "that it would have been difficult for the slave to save much of what he earned" ( 1986, 123). [BACK]

10. In the United States, the hiring-out system was forbidden even by law; nevertheless, it was continued by custom and tradition. "In the towns and especially in the larger cities, many slaves 'hired their own time' and lived away from the masters. Although these practices were generally illegal, they were sanctioned almost everywhere, by custom and in accordance with white business interests. Consequently, free Negroes, whose freedom always was precarious, interacted every day, socially and at work, with slaves who were close to being half-free. A certain amount of intermarriage occurred, and little in the social setting generated antipathy" (Genovese 1974, 406-407). [BACK]

11. 375 ÷ 3 = 125; 125 × 8 = 2,250 and 125 × 9 = 1,125. Decrease of the slave population between 1818 and 1836 = 2,798. 2,798:2,250 = 1.24. Similarly, for the second period (1836-1845), the slave population decreased 1,291. 1,219:1125 = 1.14. The simple average of the number of slaves for the three years for which we have censuses is 7,190 between 1818 and 1836 and 5,145 between 1836 and 1845; thus: 2,250:7,190 = 31.3 percent; and 1,125:5,145 = 21.9 percent. [BACK]

12. For the same period in the United States Hart (1968 [1906], 130 ff.) calculates that in 1850 one out of 2,181 slaves became free; in 1860 it was one out of 1,309. [BACK]

13. Other slave societies did not share this long-term tendency. In the United States, in the decades between 1820 and 1840 there were higher lev-

els of manumission than between 1850 and 1860. Between 1830 and 1860, "one state after another closed off manumissions altogether and insisted on the removal of freedmen from the state. In the 1850s the position of a free Negro in New Orleans and some other cities rapidly deteriorated through keeping coffeehouses or entering special fields of employment" (Genovese 1974, 399). Until the beginning of the eighteenth century, colonial French slaveholders could do as they pleased, including granting slaves freedom. But thereafter they had to seek special state permission to liberate a slave. In 1775 manumission was taxed, and manumitting a slave woman was doubly taxed (Wirz 1984, 126). Thus, whereas in Lima the process of manumission accelerated abolition, in other areas legal and moral devices hindered abolition. [BACK]

14. Following Patterson's scheme of analysis (1982), slave formations differ by the nature of their dependence on slavery and by the degree and direction of dependence—or, more simply, by who depended on slavery and what were the conditions and consequences of the relation. My analysis of the distribution of slave ownership shows that slaves occasionally reversed the terms of dependence. [BACK]

15. Also in Brazil, "hundreds and hundreds of families have one or two slaves on whose earnings alone they live" (Schwartz 1982, 68, based on research done by Ewbank in 1856). Schwartz goes further: "[about] one-third of the households in the urban centers of São Paulo and Ouro Prêto, for example, contained at least one slave. In São Paulo the percentage decreased between 1778 and 1836, but, even at the later date, 46 percent of the free households in the town held slaves. In Ouro Prêto, capital of the old mining district of Minas Gerais, the figure was 41 percent of the households in 1804. This level of diffusion in urban areas is borne out by a published census for the parish of São Pedro in the city of Salvador in 1775, where 47 percent of the households in that central parish contained slaves, The evidence is scattered, to be sure, but it supports the impression given by foreign travelers that slavery was an ubiquitous institution in the cities and towns of Brazil" (1982, 76-77). With less precise indications, something similar seems to have been the case in Costa Rica (Olien 1980). [BACK]

16. In Rio de Janeiro, state authorities were responsible for punishing slaves. Sometimes, this charge became a pretext to use privately owned slaves for public tasks; slave owners received payment for the slaves' work; but if slaves were sent to prison, owners were asked to pay for part of their upkeep (Nogueira da Silva 1988, 150 ff.; also see Algranti 1988). [BACK]

17. In this whole setting, Rout's (1977, 93) assertion that in Hispanic America manumission was a gift and not a right, and that those slaves who enjoyed liberty were basically lucky subjects, does not hold true for Lima. There slaves weakened the system and did so not through luck but through a complex set of attitudes and options that grew from their everyday experiences. [BACK]

18. In following this question, Lombardi (1974, 168, 170) echoes Harris, Elkins, and Klein. [BACK]

19. In a recent symposium at the University of California, San Diego, Viotti da Costa, Blackburn, and Scott (all 1991) provided new insights on this theme; see also Tomich (1990) and Toplin (1981). [BACK]