1. This distinction is based on Polanyi, Great Transformation , esp. chs. 4-6.

2. On core and frontier regions, see Schwartz and Lockhart, Early Latin America ; Cangas, Compendio histórico, geográfico y genealógico y político del Reino del Perú (1780), as cited by Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 79. Alistair Hennessy's notion of a "frontier of inclusion," in which "ethnic, cultural and economic facets of the indigenous society are absorbed within Westernized society," may be applied to eighteenth-century Azángaro; see his The Frontier , 19.

3. See, e.g., Spalding, De Indio a campesino ; Macera, Instructiones ; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas ; Macera, "Feudalismo colonial americano"; Golte, Bauern in Peru.

4. Cook, Tasa de la visita , 87-110.

5. During the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries proprietors of encomiendas in Azángaro or neighboring altiplano provinces held encomiendas and were owners of estates or prominent office holders in Cuzco; among them were Juan de Berrio, Martín Hurtado de Arbieto, Gerónimo de Costilla, and Doña Beatriz Coya, daughter of Inca Sayri Túpac. In all cases the primary power base was Cuzco. See Glave and Remy, Estructura agraria , 81-83, 112, 118, 120, 124, 128, 146-48; Cook, Tasa de la visita , 87-89, 107.

6. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:147-67; Glave and Remy, Estructura agraria , ch. 3; K. Davies, Landowners ; the most thorough discussion of elite landholding in colonial Peru is Ramirez, Provincial Patriarchs , esp. ch. 6.

7. For 1595: "Datos para un estudio monográfico," 3. For 1607: eight different manuscripts of visitas de estancias and visitas de ayllos , ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, año 1607, Nos. 5, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, and 20. For 1655: litigation about despojo from lands Acañani and Viscachani, Putina; ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, año 1759, No. 102. For 1717: litigation over deslinde of Hacienda Purina, dist. Asillo, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA.

8. REPC, J. C. Jordán, 1819/20, F. 132-35 (Nov. 16, 1819); Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 112.

9. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 118-19; litigation over deslinde of Hacienda Purina, dist. Asillo, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA.

10. See Jacobsen, "Livestock Complexes," 113-42. For peasant communities' use of livestock herds as a protective mechanism against Spanish land encroachments in central Mexico, see C. Gibson, Aztecs , 212, 262, 540 n. 33. Crotty ( Cattle, Economics, and Development , 87-88) ventures the fascinating speculation that the great vulnerability of the prehispanic American civilizations to European conquest may have had much to do with the almost total absence of conflict between pastoralists and crop-raising cultures in the Americas; this conflict had, of course, had a major impact on military development in the eastern hemisphere.

11. O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions , 53-57.

12. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 50.

13. Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 81-98. Most of these estancias do not appear in the report of Father José de Moscoso, parish priests of Azángaro, to Bishop Mollinedo in 1689.

14. Cf. Celestino and Meyers, Las cofradías , 149-56.

15. See the case of the powerful seventeenth-century kuraka Bartolomé Tupa Hallicalla of Asillo, analyzed in Glave, Trajinantes , ch. 6.

16. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 55.

17. On the Choquehuanca family history, see Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta ; Salas Perea, Monografía , 18-19; Torres Luna, Puno histórico , 183-203.

18. Account of the Services and Losses of the Choquehuanca family during the Túpac Amaru rebellion, ANB, EC año 1782, No. 57.

19. For the properties of Cristóbal Mango Turpo in 1741, see Salas Perea, Monografía , 20-21.

20. In Cuzco it was also the livestock-raising provinces--Canas y Canchis and Chumbivilcas--where the number of estates increased notably between 1689 and the 1780s, while in all other provinces it stagnated or declined. See Mörner, Perfíl , 32, table 17.

21. For example, Hacienda Ccalla, halfway between the pueblos of Azángaro and Arapa, in 1689 was said to belong to an Indian community, but by the late colonial period it was claimed by the Choquehuancas; see Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 115.

22. Roel, Historia social , 276-77; Viceroy José F. de Abascal y Sousa, in his Memoria de gobierno 1:286, affirmed that on the basis of this cedula much land was sold or confirmed by composition between 1754 and 1780.

23. Complaints against Diego Choquehuanca by Indios from ayllus Nequeneque, Picotani, and Chuquini, ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1762, No. 144.

24. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:170.

25. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 144-45.

26. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:170; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:321.

27. Golte, Bauern in Peru , 64; Santamaría, "La propiedad," 261-62.

28. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxii-cxv; Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:211.

29. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , lxvi-lxvii; evaluation of the formerly Jesuit livestock estancias of Llallahua and Titiri, parish of Santiago de Pupuja, of 1771, in ibid., cxlvii-cxlviii.

30. "Arancel de los jornales de Perú, 1687," in ibid., 145-46; see also "Obligaciones que han de tener los Indios Yanaconas de esta estancia [Camara, May 12, 1693]," in ibid., 74-75.

31. Ibid., xxi-xxii; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:295-96.

32. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxii-cxv.

33. For the Peruvian hacienda of the eighteenth century there exists to my knowledge no thorough analysis of the issue of debt peonage comparable to those by Herbert Nickel, Herman Konrad, and others on Mexico. During the 1740s Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa observed that Andean cattle ranches often strove to put their mitayos in debt in an attempt to retain them permanently on the estate. Pablo Macera surmises debt peonage on Peruvian Jesuit estates during the eighteenth century. He reports that debts were considered such an integral part of hacienda operations that they were counted with capital investments. Some estates employed guatacos to capture peasants for the estate and buscadores to round up escaped colonos. However, the 1702 instructions for the Jesuit livestock estancias Ayuni and Camara in Cuzco ordered that colonos should never be given more money or goods than they were due for work done, "because the Indian, when the owes, flees and the hacienda loses him." See Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:293-94; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , lxxxv, cix-cxi. On prerevolutionary Mexico, see Nickel, "Zur Immobilität," 289-328; Konrad, Jesuit Hacienda , 232. For a reinterpretation of credit to colonos, see Bauer, "Rural Workers," 34-63.

34. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , xci-xcii.

35. Ibid.

36. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , 76-102; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:296-97; Jacobsen, ''Land Tenure," 193-95.

37. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 77, 112; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; rent of Estancia Parpuma (Azángaro parish), REPC, J. C. Jordán, 1816-18, F. 384 (Mar. 3, 1818). In exceptional cases (very good pastures, sufficient water, plentiful permanent labor force) rental rates were higher by as much as one-fifth.

38. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 17.

39. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 112.

40. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:189.

41. Ponce de Léon, "Aspecto económico del problema indígena," 139-41; Spalding, Huarochirí , 48-53.

42. Spalding, Huarochirí , 156-67; Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples , 76-113.

43. Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain ; Cole, Potosí Mita ; Tandeter, "Trabajo forzado."

44. See, e.g., Sempat Assadourian, El sistema , 313; T. Platt, Estado boliviano , esp. ch. 1.

45. Kubler, "Quechua," 346.

46. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:182-83.

47. Ibid. 1:191-95; Spalding, Huarochirí , 183.

48. Costa, Colectivismo agrario en España 7:174; for enlightened Spanish notions on property, see Herr, Rural Change , esp. chs. 1 and 2; for use of such notions in the altiplano, see Jacobsen, "Campesions."

49. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 143; Spalding, Huarochirí , 205-8.

50. Spalding, Huarochirí .

51. Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Notícias secretas 1:318-19.

52. Santamaría, "La propiedad," 261.

53. Ibid.; Choquehuanca ( Ensayo , 16 n. 4) says that forasteros or sobrinos , as they were called in Azángaro after independence, were assigned "estancias in the places which the originarios did not occupy"; for a 1772 grant by the cacique of a plot of community land not used by any member, see "Documento para la historia de Azángaro," n.p.

54. Wightman, Indigenous Migration .

55. ANB, Año 1761, No. 102 (Sept. 5, 1761).

56. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 119-21.

57. RPIP, T. 2, F. 240, p. cv, A. No. 1, Dec. 15, 1900.

58. Personal communication from David Cahill, Feb. 1989. Indians holding land in fee simple were eager to maintain their status as members in communities in order to enjoy its protection and privileges.

59. Conjecture based on the surnames of affluent peasants in the early postindependence period.

60. Cf. Poole, "Qorilazos abigeos," 268-69.

61. Spalding, De Indio a campesino .

62. Santamaría, "La propiedad," 270-71.

63. On Sept. 9, 1779, the Audiencia of Charcas ruled accordingly; ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1779, No. 224.

64. Complaints against Cacique Diego Choquehuanca by Indians from ayllus Nequeneque, Picotani, and Chuquini, ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1762, No. 144.

65. J. Basadre, "El régimen de la mita"; and Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Notícias secretas 1:289-90.

66. J. Basadre, "El régimen de la mita," 334.

67. Kubler, "Quechua," 372-73.

68. Cole, Potosí Mita , ch. 2.

69. Golte, Bauern in Peru , 74.

70. Macera, Iglesia y economía , 29-30; for repartos de bienes by priests, see also Amat y Junient, Memoria de gobierno , 200.

71. Sánchez Albornóz, El Indio , 94.

72. See, for example, ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1762, No. 18; EC año 1762, No. 144; and EC año 1783, No. 76.

73. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 55.

74. Francisco Alvarez Reyes, "Descripción breve del distrito de la Real Chancillería de la Ciudad de la Plata" (Aug. 26, 1649), in Juicio de limites 3:216.

75. Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 279-316.

76. Ibid., 321.

77. This figure assumes between one and two adult male family members paying a tribute rate as originarios of between six and eight pesos per year.

78. Golte, Repartos y rebeliones , 105, calculated a per capita reparto of 9.92 pesos in 1754 for Azángaro province.

79. ANB, EC año 1771, No. 113.

80. For abuses of repartos in Azángaro, see Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 176, 203, 207, 222.

81. L. Fisher, Last Inca Revolt , 254.

82. Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 79.

83. Ibid.; on p. 184 the author speaks of the "alliance caciquecorregidor."

84. Informe by Diego Cristóbal Túpac Amaru, Oct. 18, 1781, in Angelis, Colección de obras 4:421.

85. ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1779, No. 224; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:232.

86. Similarly, in various parts of Europe many peasants had sufficient land resources but during the mid-eighteenth century, faced with rising rents, taxes, and fees, scarcely kept enough of their products for simple reproduction of their family. Cf. Harnisch, Die Herrschaft Boitzenburg , 219-21.

87. Amat y Junient, Memoria de gobierno , 193.

88. ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1783, No. 76; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 81-98; Lewin, La rebelión , 193; for intraelite conflicts between priests and kurakas in Coporaque, Cuzco, just before the Túpac Amaru rebellion, see Hinojosa Cortijo, "Población," 232-33, 255.

89. Vega, José Gabriel Túpac Amaru.

90. J. Fisher, Government , 78-79.

91. Ibid.

92. Ibid., 51; Fisher also lists (92-93) a case of abuses by Azángaro's subdelegado, Antonio Coello y Doncel, in 1801; Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 700-701; Cahill, " Curas. "

93. L. Fisher, Last Inca Revolt , 223; Sahuaraura Titu Atauchi, Estado del Perú , 7 n. 4.

94. Roel, Historia social , 372-76. Cf. Cahill, "Towards an Infrastructure."

95. ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1782, No. 57, and EC año 1783, No. 7; letter of Jan. 3, 1925, to Arequipa newspaper by Manuel Isidoro Velazco Choquehuanca in Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2; ibid., 81-98.

96. "Oficio del Señor Antonio Zernadas Bermúdez [Oidor of Audiencia of Cuzco] al Señor Gobernador Intendente de Puno," Feb. 18, 1791, in Cornejo Bouroncle, Pumacahua , 216-17; Salas Perea, Monografía , 22-23. For evidence of succesful legal battles by communities against newly imposed kurakas, see Walker, "La violencia."

97. But cf. Larson, Colonialism , 277.

98. Vega, José Gabriel Túpac Amaru , 29-30.

99. Lewin, La rebelión , 576. For rebel plans to distribute hacienda lands, see Vega, José Gabriel Túpac Amaru , 30-31.

100. Petition by parish priests of Orurillo and Santiago to Bishop of Cuzco, October 5, 1799, in Comité Arquidiocesano, Túpac Amaru , 368.

101. Roel, Historia social , 223.

102. "Expediente sobre la queja presentada por el pueblo de Azángaro para que el gobierno virreynal ponga término a los desmanes que comete el Subdelegado Escobedo," Apr. 2, 1813, BNP, MS. D 656.

103. Petition by parish priests, Oct. 5, 1799, in Comité Arquidiocesano, Túpac Amaru , 368.

104. Abascal y Sousa, Memoria de gobierno 1:286-87.

105. Ibid.

106. "Composición y venta de la Estancia Caiconi," Nov. 16, 1802, Archivo de la Prefectura, Puno.

107. ''Expediente sobre la queja presentada por el pueblo de Azángaro," Apr. 2, 1813.

108. Sallnow, "Manorial Labour," 39-56.

109. Enrique Mayer, "Tenencia y control comunal," 59-72.

110. Only in 1870, in a phase of rapid hacienda expansion, did Choquehuanca's descendants reclaim the land from the descendants of those Indian families. See Interdicto de adquirir of fundo Caluyo-Oque-Chupa, Sept. 3, 1920, AJA. For steep declines in the number of yanaconas in maize-producing haciendas of Larecaja, Bolivia, during the late eighteenth century, see Santamaría, "La estructura agraria," 589.

111. Sahuaraura Titu Atauchi, Estado del Perú , 15 n. 37.

112. Ibid., 12.

113. Ibid.

114. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 57, 59; for military recruitments in Azángaro, see "Expediente formado a consecuencia de la representación que los Indios de Pupuja hacen ante el Justicia Mayor de Azángaro para no volver a ser alistados para la expedición y dicho Justicia Mayor lo dirige original a la Exma. Junta Provincial," Cuzco, Oct. 9, 1813, BNP, MS. D 515.

115. Most intendants passed decrees against vagrancy. The intendant of Puno, Quimper, in his Bando de Buen Gobierno of December 30, 1806, imposed a punishment of a month's public work on vagrants; see J. Fisher, Government , 171.

116. L. Fisher, Last Inca Revolt , 358.

117. For Viceroy Amat y Junient's concern in the 1770s, see his Memoria de gobierno , 193-94. During the 1780s and 1790s mitayos from Azángaro stayed on in Potosí after the end of their term and established a small trade in tallow from their native province, despite new decrees obliging mitayos to return to their communities to prevent a further drain of scarce rural population. See Tandeter, "Trabajo forzado," 35.

118. Pablo José Oricain, "Compendio breve de discursos varios sobre diferentes materias y noticias geográficas comprehensivas a éste Obispado del Cuzco" (1790), in Juicio de limites 11:331.

119. For an opposing view see Cahill, " Curas. "

120. J. Fisher, Government , 88-89.

121. Ibid., 112-13.

122. Ibid., 111-14.

123. Report of Dec. 31, 1791, by Pedro Antonio Zernadas Bermúdez, oidor of the Audienca de Cuzco and president of the Comisión de la Caja General de Censos de Indios del Cuzco, entitled "Razón de los principales censos perdidos, unos por haberse arruinado las fincas sobre que estaban impuestos, otros por haberse oblado, y no vuelto a imponerse, y otros por haberse perdido en los pleitos de concurso de acreedores y de mas seguidos contra las fincas en que estaban impuestos"; BNP, MS. C 1274. According to Zernadas, communal properties valued at 50,489 pesos were totally lost; properties worth 120,138 pesos were in limbo and rent had not been paid for years; rental fees were currently paid only on further properties valued at 29,783 pesos.

124. José Victoriano de la Riva, Contaduría General de Puno, to Mariano Escobedo, Justicia Mayor of Azángaro, Puno, May 27, 1813, BNP, MS. D 456, about failure of subdelegado to collect "contribución provisional" after abolition of tribute in 1812. On the autonomy of peasants in Cuzco after the Túpac Amaru Rebellion, see Walker, "Peasants, Caudillos, and the State," chs. 2-3.