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6 The Avalanche of Hacienda Expansion

1. Recharte to Juan Bustamante, Azángaro, Feb. 17, 1867, published in El Comercio , Lima, Sept. 12, 1867, rpt. E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 301-3. [BACK]

2. For a discussion of the sources, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," ch. 5. [BACK]

3. Fuenzalida, "Poder, raza y etnía," in Fuenzalida et al., El Indio y el poder , 63-64. [BACK]

4. For annual land sales statistics, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," app. 4. [BACK]

5. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 51, place the peak of land sales in 1915. [BACK]

6. See the sale of Estancia Huilapata, ayllu Hurinsaya-Cullco of Azángaro district, by the forty-two-year-old widow Eugenia Umasuyo y Condori, a monolingual Quechua speaker living in the same ayllu, to Carlos Abelardo Sarmiento y Espinoza for 100 soles m.n. Umasuyo was shepherdess on Sarmiento's Finca Cullco and was indebted to her patrón over missing livestock. With an extension of one square kilometer, Huilapata would have brought considerably more if sold by a hispanized large landholder. See REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 363, No. 165 (Sept. 15, 1903). [BACK]

7. Konetzke, Die Indianerkulturen , 51-53. [BACK]

8. Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos , 63. For an unsatisfactory attempt to explain the switch from the term estancia to hacienda for the large estates in Chile's central valley during the eighteenth century, see Borde and Góngora, Evolución 1:58. Any explanation will have to deal with an apparent shift in the perception of the socioeconomic differentiation between various rural properties and their owners. For the conventional use of estancia for large estates during the eighteenth century in the altiplano, see deslinde of Estancia San Francisco de Purina, Asillo, by Mateo de Suero y González, Juez Visitador de Tierras, of June 23, 1717, contained in Expediente Judicial on Deslinde of San Francisco de Purina, Juez de Primera Instancia J. A. Pacheco Andia, Azángaro, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , 21-25. For the early use of term hacienda , see accusations against Cacique Joséf Choquehuanca, Dec. 1, 1782-Jan. 3, 1783, Materias Sobre Tierras e Indios, EC Año 1783, No. 76, ANB. Particularly striking is the persistent use of hacienda for Azángaro's estates during the early postindependence years in Choquehuanca, Ensayo . [BACK]

9. For example, on June 23, 1855, Juan Paredes mortgaged his "Estancia Huancarani" in Azángaro, the same estate that ten years earlier in an evaluation had already been referred to as an hacienda. REPA, año 1855 Oblitas (June 23, 1855); evaluation of Hda. Huancarani, Azángaro, Apr. 12, 1845, MPA. For other late applications of the term estancia to properties soon to be referred to only as haciendas or fincas , see REPA, año 1855 (Jan. 22, 1855); REPA, año 1855, Manrique (Aug. 23, 1855); REPA, año 1859, Manrique (June 12, 1859). [BACK]

10. Bustamante, Apuntes , 17-19. [BACK]

11. Recent reports by governmental or international organizations tend to view "estancia" as a minimal settlement nucleus, below the level of "aldea," "pueblo," or nonnucleated "comunidad.'' See Comité Interamericano de Desarrollo Agrícola, Tenencia de la tierra , 128 n. 23. This use of the term first appears in the 1940 national population census. See Dir. de Estadística, Censo nacional [1940] 8:88-119. [BACK]

12. Juan Chávez Molina, "La comunidad indígena," Lanas y Lanares , nos. 8-9, 1947, reproduced in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 165. [BACK]

13. Zea, "Constatación." A property that had passed from a peasant to a member of Azángaro's elite did not immediately cease to be an estancia. See the use of the term estancia for denoting the constitutive parts of Hacienda Rosario, Potoni district, in REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 53, No. 26 (Apr. 25, 1899). Well-established sectors of haciendas are called cabañas or tianas in the altiplano but estancias in Cuzco; see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 21. [BACK]

14. Use of the terms inmueble and fundo became common after the establishment of the Registro de la Propiedad Inmueble in Puno in the late 1880s. [BACK]

15. The distinction between fincas and haciendas was blurred in contemporary usage, but fincas tended to be small estates. [BACK]

16. For a definition using size as the criterion, see V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 10-12; for a definition based on minimal livestock capital, see Quiroga, La evolución jurídica , 68 n.; for a definition based on production, see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 150 n. 3. [BACK]

17. François Bourricaud noted that in Puno "the size of the hacienda varies, the very hacendado as social type is far from being homogeneous, and the agricultural activities to which the hacienda dedicates itself also vary"; Cambios en Puno , 128. [BACK]

18. Favre, "Evolución," 347; see also M. Vásquez ( Hacienda , 9-10), who stresses the large extension of haciendas. [BACK]

19. For the opposite view--that is, that the War of the Pacific strengthened the position of gamonales vis-à-vis the peasantry in the southern sierra--see Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 116-24. [BACK]

20. REPA, año 1881, González Figueroa, F. 140, No. 73 (Sept. 10, 1881); REPA, año 1876, Zavala, F. 7, No. 5 (Aug. 24, 1876). [BACK]

21. Hobsbawm, "Peasant Land Occupations," 151. [BACK]

22. Jean Piel claims a general inverse relation between the conditions of peasants and hacendados; see "Place of the Peasantry," 119-20. [BACK]

23. This period coincides with one of the peak periods of land transfers from peasant communities to haciendas in the department of La Paz, Bolivia; see Grieshaber, "La expansión," 33-83; Rivera Cusicanqui, "La expansión del latifundio." [BACK]

24. See Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 36; Bertram, "Modernización," 7; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 20; Appleby, ''Exportation and Its Aftermath," 42-43; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 117-18; Chevalier, "Temoignages litteraires," 824-25. Chevalier erroneously believed that the main phase of hacienda expansion followed World War I. [BACK]

25. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 36. [BACK]

26. The year-to-year correlation (Pearson's r ) between prices for Peruvian sheep wool in soles m.n. at British ports of importation and the number of land purchases by hispanized large landholders from indigenous peasant from 1855 until 1910 is r = .66 and r 2 = .44 (significant at the .00001 level); for the same period the correlation between the same measure of prices for Peruvian sheep wool and the value of the same category of land purchases is r = .63 and r 2 = .40 (significant at the .00001 level). Oscillations appear stronger for hacendado land purchases than for wool exports, particularly after 1895. Perhaps hacendados did not attempt to fine-tune their expansion strategy to a particular level of economic conjuncture, attempting instead to acquire as much pastureland as possible when demand for livestock products increased. Under opposite economic conditions, when falling wool prices or export volumes reduced their income and credit became tighter, individual hacendados perhaps did not consider slowly reducing their land purchases but halted them altogether, at least as far as they involved immediate outlays of cash. [BACK]

27. Although during 1914-15 a slump in the quantity of wool exports through Mollendo is not noticeable, apparently wholesalers reduced their purchases in the production zone, and credit--in contrast to the classical cycle in industrialized capitalist nations--became tight. See Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 34. [BACK]

28. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 139-50; D. Mayer, "La historia," 291-92; Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad"; Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos . [BACK]

29. Spalding, "Estructura de clases," 26. For the general model of a class alliance between the national oligarchy and the provincial serrano elites, see Cotler, Clases , 128-29, 158-60, and Mallon, Defense of Community , 134-35; for Azángaro, see Avila, ''Exposició," 13; for the case of La Paz, see Grieshaber, "La expansión," 42-53. [BACK]

30. For a debate of Spalding's ideas, see Jacobsen, "Desarrollo económico"; for an alternative to the dependency-class alliance model of Peru's political regime during the "Aristocratic Republic" (1895-1919), see Miller, "La oligarquía costeña," 551-66. [BACK]

31. "Memoria del Subprefecto," 74-65. [BACK]

32. Frisancho, Del Jesuitismo al indianismo ; on Frisancho's life, see Frisancho Pineda, Album de oro 4:153. [BACK]

33. Frisancho, Del Jesuitismo al indianismo , 31-32. [BACK]

34. Ibid., 29, 38. [BACK]

35. Such a military man was Lieutenant Colonel Juan Manuel Sarmiento, born in Tacna, who was purchasing land in San José during the early 1890s. See, e.g., REPA, año 1891, Meza, F. 12, No. 6 (Feb. 3, 1891). In another case, César Rubina had apparently arrived in the province during the War of the Pacific, married the Azangarina Bernardina Hermosilla, and purchased land during the early 1880s. In 1883 or 1884 Rubina left Azángaro in the division of Colonel Remigio Morales Bermúudez, with whom he marched to Lima. After having received no information as to his whereabouts for several years, in 1888 Bernardina Hermosilla successfully petitioned for the right to act independently in legal matters. See REPA, año 1888, González Figueroa, F. 66, No. 34 (Sept. 28, 1888). [BACK]

36. Peru, Registro electoral [1897] . [BACK]

37. Often renters had to pay a lump sum ( juanillo ) at the beginning of the contract period, a nonrefundable deposit amounting up to several annual rental fees. This deposit has not been considered in calculating average rental rates. For methodology of arriving at this index see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 431-32. [BACK]

38. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 427, table 5-21. [BACK]

39. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 84-85, quotes average rental rates for different classes of estates as follows: First-class fincas: 15 percent on productive stock and 6 percent on excess carrying capacity. Second-class fincas: 12 percent on productive stock and 5 percent on excess carrying capacity. Third-class fincas: 10 percent on productive stock and 4 percent on excess carrying capacity. [BACK]

40. See the lease of Hacienda Cuturi, districts Arapa and Santiago, at 9 percent (in soles m.n.), REPP, año 1911, González, F. 543, No. 221 (Sept. 16, 1911); and the lease of Hacienda Cututuni, also Arapa district, at 8 percent (in soles m.n.), REPP, año 1917, Aramayo González, F. 235, No. 106 (July 8, 1917). [BACK]

41. In some cases rental rates did decline during the 1870s. The prospective tenant of Hacienda Huatacoa, in Santiago de Pupuja, wrote in 1871: "If for six or seven years past there has been some increase in the rent of fincas in view of the increase [in the price] of their products, presently, since [the price of their products] has decreased again, . . . it is clear that the only reason that could . . . justify the increased rental rate has disappeared." He suggested, and was granted, a reduction of the rental rate to 10 percent (in pesos; 8 percent in soles m.n.); see REPP, año 1871, Cáceres (May 17, 1871). [BACK]

42. Larger estates seldom appeared on the rental market after 1890. [BACK]

43. REPP, año 1913, González F. 224, No. 75 (Apr. 23, 1913); Jacobsen "Land Tenure," 439, table 5-23. [BACK]

44. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 440. [BACK]

45. The decline and subsequent stagnation of the sales price for Hacienda Cala-Cala in Chupa, a large estate since colonial times, from the late 1860s to 1900 may be due to transactions between brothers and sisters, but decay of livestock capital and buildings and installations cannot be ruled out. [BACK]

46. Slatta, Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier , 143, reports a jump of land prices of 250 percent in the vicinity of Buenos Aires from 1852 to 1860 in response to rising wool prices in England; see also Sabato, Agrarian Capitalism , 53-56. [BACK]

47. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 448, table 5-26. [BACK]

48. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 801, No. 320 (Apr. 24, 1908). [BACK]

49. REPP, año 1888, Cáceres (June 22, 1888); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 127, No. 48 (Mar. 27, 1907). [BACK]

50. REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 711, No. 306 (June 25, 1910), and F. 790, No. 340 (Aug. 13, 1910). For an even larger speculative gain on peasant lands, see the string of property exchanges ( permutas ) transacted by Ildefonso González, a gamonal and livestock trader from Arapa, with peasants; Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 450-51. [BACK]

51. "Partido de Lampa . . .; Estado que manifiesta . . ."; Lampa, May 23, 1808, BNP; Juan Medrano to Juan Paredes, Caira, Nov. 1857, MPA. [BACK]

52. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; REPP, año 1853, Cáeres (Oct. 5, 1853). [BACK]

53. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 53, No. 18 (Apr. 22, 1863). [BACK]

54. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 458, table 5-28. [BACK]

55. For the formation of Finca Santa Clara, see the sale of twenty-two different plots in parcialidad Chejachi of district Saman by some sixty to seventy peasants to Ildefonso González Abarca for a total of 1,229 soles m.n., REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 631, No. 245 (Jan. 19, 1904). On Finca San Juan of Mariano Abarca Dueñas, see RPIP, T. 6, F. 52, p. clxxiv, A. 1 (June 8, 1914); although San Juan does not appear in the "Matrícula de contribuyentes de predios rústicos" for Azángaro of 1897, it does appear in that for 1902. The above-cited 1914 anotación preventiva in RPIP refers to a demarcation proceeding between San Juan and adjoining peasant properties of July 5, 1901, precisely during the interval between the two matrículas. This conflict and Abarca Dueñas' delay in having the judicial demarcation entered in the property register until 1914 suggest that the formation of San Juan involved usurpation of lands. [BACK]

56. Frisancho, Del Jesuitismo al indianismo , 39; Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales , 33; Mariano Abarca Dueñas seems to have been one of the main instigators of the clashes with peasants; see Francisco Chukiwanca Ayulo, "Relación de los hechos realizados en Azángaro el 1 de Diciembre de 1915," El Deber Pro-Indígena, Boletín Extraordinario , no. 40 (Jan. 1916), rpt. Reátegui Chávez, Documentos , 23. [BACK]

57. Salas Perea, Monografía , 165. [BACK]

58. See Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 480, table 5-33. [BACK]

59. As population increased, communities split into several new ones. One and the same community name appearing in various notarial contracts might refer to different entities. See Hobsbawn, "Peasant Land Occupations," 126, 143. For methodological problems, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 483. [BACK]

60. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 487, table 5-35. [BACK]

61. Florencia Mallon has demonstrated the impact of such local factors on communities in the Mantaro valley in her study The Defense of Community . [BACK]

62. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memorial , 8. See also the apologia of José Luis Quiñones, a hacendado and deputy for Azángaro in congress, against accusations of brutal and selfish repression of peasant demands in the wake of the so-called Bustamante rebellion; El comercio , Sept. 14, 1867, reprinted in E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 305-6. [BACK]

63. Lora Cam, La semifeudalidad , 132; I am indebted to Gordon Appleby for excerpts of this thesis. For the same view, see Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 63. [BACK]

64. Cf. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 55. [BACK]

65. REPP, año 1888, Cáceres (Apr. 17, 1888); Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 141-42. [BACK]

66. José Rufino Echenique, the later president, mentions Sollocota as belonging to his family in 1834; see his Memorias 1:90. [BACK]

67. REPA, año 1871, Patiño, F. 399, No. 186 (Apr. 26, 1871). [BACK]

68. REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 631, No. 231, and F. 636, No. 232 (both Apr. 12, 1902). [BACK]

69. REPP, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 48, No. 22 (Feb. 6, 1903). Increasingly indebted, the Riquelmes had become impoverished, and the livestock capital of Quimsacalco declined from 4,000 OMR in 1860 to 1,000 in 1881 and to zero by the time of the sale to Urquiaga and Echenique. REPP, año 1867, Cáceres (June 27, 1867); REPA, año 1881, González Figueroa, F. 120, No. 61 (June 4, 1881); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 66, No. 27 (Feb. 9, 1903). [BACK]

70. We possess only a reference to a "recognition" of the division of their property from 1925, concluded between Arias Echenique and heirs of Urquiaga; see Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Subdirección de Reforma Agraria, Expediente de Afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur. [BACK]

71. This size was recorded by Leopoldo Lasternau in 1925; according to a measurement by Victor Molina A. and Sergio Dianderas L. from 1958, San José covered only 9,973 hectares. Although 40,000 hectares would make San José extraordinarily large for regional standards, the smaller measurement could be a deliberate underestimation due to a dispute with several Indian communities; see ibid. [BACK]

72. Ibid. [BACK]

73. In the north coast valley of Jequetepeque, estates newly founded between the 1850s and 1890s also tended to remain small; see Burga, De la encomienda , 196. [BACK]

74. Compare the case of Hacienda Checayani (Muñani) expanded by José Albino Ruiz; Hacienda Picotani (Muñani), one of the vast colonial estates of the Choquehuanca family, owed its twentieth-century importance partly to the incorporation of Haciendas Toma and Cambría--with 3,500 and 5,600 hectares respectively--between 1898 and 1920. [BACK]

75. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 37. [BACK]

76. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 778, No. 311 (Apr. 20, 1908). [BACK]

77. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 814, No. 324 (Apr. 25, 1908). [BACK]

78. REPA, año 1858, no No. (Apr. 26, 1858); Avila, "Exposición," 16-23; REPA, año 1868, Patiño, F. 189, No. 96 (Mar. 12, 1868). [BACK]

79. REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 299, No. 120 (Aug. 28, 1909). [BACK]

80. REPA, año 1893, Meza, F. 12, No. 8 (Jan. 18, 1893). [BACK]

81. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 40; Avila, "Exposición," 16-23. [BACK]

82. See, e.g., REPA, año 1907, Aparicio, F. 14, No. 9 (Sept. 11, 1907). [BACK]

83. REPA, año 1867, Patiño, F. 181, No. 91 (Dec. 16, 1867). [BACK]

84. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 57. [BACK]

85. REPP, año 1899, Toranzos, No. 74 (Oct. 16, 1899). [BACK]

86. For a case of land donation by a peasant to an hacendado, see REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 761, No. 329 (prot. of an escritura privada of 1895); for a legacy by a peasant to an hacendado, see will of Carmen Hancco, REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 60, No. 27 (Apr. 25, 1899). [BACK]

87. Avila, "Exposición," 16-23; Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales , 17. [BACK]

88. In 1906, for example, Alejandro Cano, a superior court judge in Puno and a rather ruthless land grabber, had induced Mariano Condori to sell him his Fundo Charquismo in the parcialidad Titire of District Santiago de Pupuja. Fourteen months later Condori decided to sell Charquismo to a third person, Juan Gualberto Dianderas Bustinza, a descendant of an old hacendado family from Santiago, and declared: "A year ago Sr. Dr. Cano had me come to him and in a deceptive way gave me forty-four soles q.b. and made me sign a document about the sale of the shares of Charquismo that I am selling today. Since I received that money against my will and in order to avoid reclamations and litigation by the said Dr. Cano, I promise to pay that money back to him without charging rent for that part of the property which he [Cano] has used for pasturing livestock and sowing crops." Nevertheless, Cano had the original document protocollized and instituted a series of legal procedures through which Azángaro's judge of first instance, Federico González Figueroa, granted him judicial possession of Charquismo on October 23, 1907. Although in the sales contract with Dianderas the sales price was listed as 448 soles m.n., a sum probably never paid, Cano paid only 230 pesos (166 soles m.n.); see REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 71, No. 31 (Mar. 1, 1907), and F. 527, No. 208 (Oct. 23, 1907). [BACK]

89. See, e.g., REPA, año 1873, Patiño, F. 43, No. 70 (Jan. 28, 1873). [BACK]

90. The protocollizations of a few notaries are lost. [BACK]

91. REPA, año 1871, Patiño, F. 389, No. 180 (Mar. 28, 1871); REPA, año 1881, González Figueroa, F. 132, No. 69 (Aug. 29, 1881); RPIP, T. 9, F. 497, p. cmiv, A. 1 (Aug. 10, 1921). [BACK]

92. See transfer of anticresis on Estancia Moccopata Villacollo, parcialidad Llaulli, district Potoni, bordering on Hacienda Lourdes, to Adoraida Gallegos, REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 756, No. 327 (July 23, 1910). [BACK]

93. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 536, table 6-4. [BACK]

94. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 156-70. [BACK]

95. "Matrícula de contribuyentes de predios rústicos para el año de 1897, provincia de Azángaro," BMP. [BACK]

96. REPA, año 1889, González Figueroa, F. 16, No. 7 (Jan. 29, 1889). [BACK]

97. REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 25, No. 14 (Mar. 27, 1899). [BACK]

98. REPA, año 1870, Patiño, F. 330, No. 150 (Oct. 13, 1870). [BACK]

99. Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales . [BACK]

100. Ibid., 8-17. For the use of judicial and administrative trickery in the appropriation of lands from frontier settlers in Colombia, see LeGrand, Frontier Expansion . [BACK]

101. Ibid., 14, 19. [BACK]

102. See, e.g., Mariátegui, "El problema del Indio, su nuevo planteamiento," in his Siete ensayos , 36-37; Golte, Bauern in Peru , 102. [BACK]

103. Cf. Mallon, Defense of Community , 157. [BACK]

104. Memoria del año judicial de 1893 , 4. [BACK]

105. REPA, año 1888, Giraldo, F. 89, No. 44 (Nov. 27, 1888). [BACK]

106. REPA, año 1880, Torres Nuñez, F. 66, No. 39 (Aug. 31, 1880). [BACK]

107. RPIP, T. 2, F. 337, p. vii, A. 6 (Jan. 5, 1907). [BACK]

108. For details on these procedures, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 551-60. [BACK]

109. Memoria leida en la ceremonia de apertura del año judicial de 1913 , 11. [BACK]

110. See, e.g., judicial possession of Fundo Condoriri, district Potoni, by Paulina Portillo vda. de Santos and her five children, and the subsequent registration of her property title in RPIP, T. 8, F. 481, p. dclxxi, A. 1 (Apr. 22, 1919). [BACK]

111. For an example of successful resistance, see the Expediente Judicial of May 13, 1920, AJA. [BACK]

112. Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales , 17. [BACK]

113. Avila, "Exposición," 22. [BACK]

114. For litigation about the invasion of land by a neighbor's livestock, see suit brought by the owner of Hacienda Chictani, Manuel E. Rossello, against Julia Paredes de Cantero, owner of Hacienda Huancarani, Expediente Judicial of Dec. 4, 1918, AJA; for litigation on cattle theft, see the case between Celso Ramírez, colono of Hacienda Ocsani, and Simon Segundo Huanca, quipu (foreman) on Hacienda Sollocota, Expediente Judicial of Oct. 4, 1922, AJA; for litigation on looting and destruction of peasant huts, see power of attorney given by Indians from the ayllus Caroneque and Choquechambi, district Muñani, to Juan Manuel Martínez against the owners of Hacienda Muñani Chico, REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 157, No. 67 (Dec. 23, 1863); Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 242-43. [BACK]

115. See suit by Manuel E. Jiménez against various Indian peasants from the district (formerly parcialidad) Salinas concerning the plots Huancarani Llustaccarcca, Expediente Judicial of May 9, 1932, AJA. [BACK]

116. See power of attorney by peasants from the parcialidad Chacamarca, district Saman, to sue "the Indians from parcialidad Titihui, Huancané, for the crimes of breaking into houses, destruction of more than thirty huts, damages, theft of equipment and household furnishings and destruction of planted fields"; REPA, año 1882, Torres Nuñez, F. 25, No. 13 (Mar. 22, 1882). [BACK]

117. Only the most affluent and powerful hacendado families could acquire land from fifteen, twenty, or even fifty peasants at once. In 1908 José Angelino Lizares Quiñones bought twenty-nine different properties from forty-three peasants and one hispanized landholder in a single contract for 3,068 soles m.n.; it was noted that all these parcels "today form Hacienda Huancané." REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1275, No. 504 (Dec. 29 1908). [BACK]

118. Interview with Agustín Román, born 1892, Azángaro, May 15, 1977. [BACK]

119. Ibid.; inventory of the goods of Isabel Mango, REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 963, No. 303 (Feb. 16, 1906). [BACK]

120. REPA, año 1892, Meza, F. 360, No. 202 (Dec. 27, 1892). [BACK]

121. REPA, año 1900, Jiménez, F. 566 (Aug. 3, 1900). [BACK]

122. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 330, No. 121 (June 28, 1907), and F. 476, No. 187 (Sept. 18, 1907). [BACK]

123. REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1203, No. 384 (June 30, 1906). [BACK]

124. For a vitriolic account of the Lizares's land-grabbing practices, see the anonymous Biografía criminál ; see also Lora Cam, La semifeudalidad , 150-53. [BACK]

125. REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 107, No. 48 (July 27, 1895). [BACK]

126. On the formation of Hacienda Cangalli/Esmeralda, see REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 879, No. 341 (Nov. 6, 1902). [BACK]

127. José Angelino Lizares Quiñones had, according to his own claims, become colonel of the regular army by 1895 and professed to be an ardent Cacerista until the end of his political career in 1930, against accusations branding him as a political opportunist; see his flier "J. A. Lizares Quiñones se presenta." Nicómedes Salas was named Capitán del Batallón Azángaro No. 9 of the Guardia Nacional by the Cacerista president Remigio Morales Bermúdez on August 23, 1890. Although Salas was Pierolista in 1895, some ten years later both families continued to have close ties. See G. Salas, Razgos biográficos , 6. [BACK]

128. Lizares Quiñones, "J. A. Lizares Quiñones se presenta." [BACK]

129. Favre, "Evolución," 243. [BACK]

130. Manuel Isidro Velasco Choquehuanca, for example, claimed that his father Hilario and he himself had been reconstituting Hacienda Nequeneque-Mallquine in Muñani since the 1840s, an estate granted through composition by the crown to their ancestors, the Caciques Choquehuanca, in 1596 and disintegrating through the misfortunes befalling the family after the Túpac Amaru Rebellion. Velasco's declaration, published in an Arequipa newspaper on Jan. 3, 1925, is reprinted in Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2. [BACK]

131. Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 284; Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 132-37. [BACK]

132. See the antícipo de legítimo on one half of José María Lizares Quiñones's estate, contracted between his wife, Dominga Alarcón, and her children; REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1427, No. 473 (Oct. 14, 1906). Dominga Alarcón's will is in REPA, año 1905, Jiménez, F. 517, No. 206 (Oct. 4, 1905). [BACK]

133. Lavrín and Couturier, "Dowries and Wills," 287. [BACK]

134. RPIP, T. 3, F. 278, p. lxxxiii, A. 1 (Oct. 27, 1905); REPP, año 1855, Cáceres (July 23, 1855). [BACK]

135. See the wills of Carmen Piérola, REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 275, No. 32 (Apr. 4, 1894), and Pedro José Paredes, REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 882, No. 342 (Nov. 14, 1902); Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," app. 5. [BACK]

136. For the deterioration of the large Hacienda Tarucani during its leases in the 1880s and 1890s, see REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 893, No. 350 (June 4, 1908, prot.). [BACK]

137. Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 52; on peasant and shopkeeper women, see Escobar, "El mestizaje," 159. [BACK]

138. I cannot say with statistical certainty whether property sales by female heirs occurred more frequently than did those by male heirs. During the late seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries landed property of the English aristocracy inherited through the female line tended to be sold more frequently than did property that passed to male heirs. But English inheritance was not bilateral, and mortgages on estates inherited by daughters were higher. See Clay, "Marriage," 503-18. Two of the many examples from Azángaro are the sale of Picotani by Juana Manuela Choquehuanca in 1893 and of the Aragón estates in San Antón by Manuela Lasteros around 1910. [BACK]

139. REPP, año 1870, Cáceres (Nov. 7, 1870). For a convincing picture of the bases of gamonal authority, see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 104-13. [BACK]

140. According to Bourricaud, women tended to dominate economic affairs in altiplano families of hacendados and shopkeepers during the mid-twentieth century; Cambios en Puno , 185. [BACK]

141. Paredes, "Apuntes," 64. [BACK]

142. Lavrín and Couturier, "Dowries and Wills," 286. [BACK]

143. See, e.g., the mejora granted by Luis Choquehuanca to his son José in recompense for valuable services in his old age; REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897). [BACK]

144. REPA, año 1905, Jiménez, F. 204, No. 78 (Apr. 3, 1905). [BACK]

145. The inheritance of illegitimate children recognized by their father depended primarily on the family constellation (number of legitimate children, social distance between mother and father) and the whims of the father. Law prescribed that illegitimate children should receive one-fifth of their parent's estate. But in practice an illegitimate child might receive everything (as in the case of Santiago Riquelme's illegitimate and only daughter, Natalia) or just a minimal monetary bequest. REPA, año 1892, Meza, F. 337, No. 177 (Nov. 22, 1892); REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 148, No. 62 (Aug. 19, 1895). Cf. Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 43. [BACK]

146. See the judicial deposit of the estate of Cipriano Figueroa in the late 1860s. The trustee immediately leased out Figueroa's four fincas in Putina (Canco, Huancarani, Mihani, and Antacollo); REPA, año 1869, Patino, F. 130, No. 65 (Aug. 14, 1869), and F. 138, No. 65 (Aug. 15, 1869); REPA, año 1872, Patiño, F. 9, No. 31 (Sept. 2, 1872). By 1910 Fincas Huancarani, Mihani, and Antacollo had become property of Puno's Beneficencia Pública, apparently because of inconclusive intestate procedures; see Memoria del Director de la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública [1910] . [BACK]

147. Diana Balmori and Robert Oppenheimer have considered such declining birthrates among the second generation of the consolidating Chilean and Argentinian oligarchies as an indicator of social distancing against outsiders; "Family Clusters." Replacement rates for twenty-nine hacendado testators from Azángaro between 1854 and 1909 were 1.9 for the total number of children (2.24 during the period 1854 to 1878 and 1.67 from 1892 to 1909) and 0.85 for the number of children surviving at the time of the will (1.03 from 1854 to 1878 and 0.73 from 1892 to 1909). But this includes single testators. I included all spouses for testators married more than once as well as the partners of productive extramarital relations in the ratio parents/children. [BACK]

148. Will of Juan Paredes, Dec. 8, 1874, in MPA. [BACK]

149. Cf. Balmori and Oppenheimer, "Family Clusters," 245-46. [BACK]

150. REPP, año 1893-94, Toranzos, No. 156 (Sept. 3, 1893). [BACK]

151. REPP, año 1893-94, Toranzos, No. 337 (July 11, 1894). [BACK]

152. Salas Perea, Monografía , 75. [BACK]

153. REPP, año 1900, González, No. 218 (Nov. 12, 1900); REPP, año 1904, González, F. 148, No. 56 (Mar. 11, 1904); REPP, año 1905, González, F. 364, No. 137 (May 30, 1905); REPP, año 1905, González, F. 894, No. 324 (Dec. 12, 1905). [BACK]

154. Salas Perea, Monografía , 75. [BACK]

155. On Gadea's importance for Puno's educational institutions, see Romero, Monografía , 375. [BACK]

156. REPP, año 1904, González, F. 254, No. 91 (Apr. 20, 1904); REPP, año 1917, González, F. 191, No. 94 (July 2, 1917). [BACK]

157. See the anticresis contract on the part of Hacienda Collpani of Nov. 12, 1900, listed in note 153; lease of Finca Loquicolla Grande, REPP, año 1902, González, F. 658, No. 233 (Oct. 11, 1902) and renewal of that contract, REPP, año 1910, Garnica, F. 714, No. 331 (May 13, 1910); acquisition of Loquicolla Grande, REPP, año 1913, González, F. 363, No. 118 (June 6, 1913). [BACK]

158. REPP, año 1904, González, F. 148, No. 56 (Mar. 11, 1904) and F. 254, No. 91 (Apr. 20, 1904); REPP, año 1905, González, F. 894, No. 324 (Dec. 12, 1905); REPP, año 1917, González, F. 191, No. 94 (July 2, 1917); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 399, No. 180 (Oct. 10, 1903); Julio Solórzano leased Finca Mihani in Putina, one of the fincas administered by his father Mariano as trustee of Cipriano Figueroa's estate, at least between 1909 and 1930; see REPP, año 1909, González, F. 179, No. 79 (May 14, 1909), and Memoria leida por el director de la Beneficencia Pública [1930] . [BACK]

159. Solórzano to Guillermo Ricketts in Arequipa, Putina, Dec. 31, 1898, unnumbered Lb., AFA-R. [BACK]

160. "Matrícule de contribución industrial para el año de 1902, provincia de Azángaro," BMP. [BACK]

161. See, for example, the family agreement about Haciendas Carasupo Grande and Jayuni, district Muñani, between Trinidad and Juan Indalecio Urviola Riveros, REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 605, No. 264 (Apr. 30, 1910). [BACK]

162. Jacobsen, ''Land Tenure," 861-70, app. 5. [BACK]

163. On the central Peruvian sierra, cf. Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 42. [BACK]

164. For a property history of Checayani, see RPIP, T. 1, F. 145, and T. 3, F. 142, p. xc, A. 4 (Aug. 10, 1904), and subsequent asientos. [BACK]

165. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 778, No. 331 (Apr. 20, 1908). [BACK]

166. Interview, Martín Humfredo Macedo Ruíz, Azángaro, July 1976. For similar cases of reunited property titles, see property histories of Hacienda Calacala, RPIP, T. 1, p. cxxi, F. 191-92, and T. 7, F. 428-29; and Hacienda Huasacona, Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Puno, Subdirección de Reforma Agraria, Expediente de afectación, Huasacona, 1969. [BACK]

167. For the sale of Catacora, see REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1296, No. 422 (Aug. 10, 1906); for Puscallani, see REPP, año 1897, González, No. 157 (Sept. 20, 1897); for Picotani, see RPIP, T. 3, F. 278, p. lxxxiii, A. 1 (Oct. 27, 1905). Luis Choquehuanca, in his 1894 will, claimed ownership of three fincas. In fact he was in possession of none of these, maintaining his title claim through an unending stream of legal suits, mostly against his own relatives; REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 405, No. 196 (Nov. 21, 1894). For important new documentation on the Choquehuancas, see Ramos Zambrano, José Domingo Choquehuanca . [BACK]

168. Torres Luna, Puno histórico , 190; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 27; REPA, año 1861, Manrique, F. 150, No. 71 (Nov. 8, 1861); REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897); REPP, año 1862, Cáceres (Mar. 7, 1862); REPA, año 1896, Meza, F. 316, No. 136 (Mar. 10, 1896). Particularly interesting is the unending litigation of Hilario Velasco and his son Manuel Isidro against all other descendants of Diego Choquehuanca; both claimed rights to all family estates, even those no longer property of the Choquehuancas, such as Hacienda Checayani. See REPP, año 1871, Cáceres (May 29, 1871); account by Manuel Isidro Velasco in Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2; RPIP, p. cv, A. 1 of Oct. 25, 1909, in T. 4, F. 374-76; A. 2 of Jan. 31, 1940, in T. 4, F. 376; A. 3 of Apr. 29, 1943, in T. 4, F. 376-78; A. 4 of July 1, 1943, in T. 4, F. 379; A. 5 of June 25, 1948, in T. 21, F. 307-8; A. 6 of Nov. 17, 1949, in T. 21, F. 307; A. 8 of Dec. 16, 1949, in T. 21, F. 308-11; A. 9 of Oct. 15, 1956, in T. 21, F. 311-12; A. 10 of Jan. 21, 1957, in T. 21, F. 312, and T. 29, F. 476; REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 758, No. 302 (June 9, 1904). [BACK]

169. In a codicil to his will of Oct. 21, 1897, Luis Choquehuanca declared that attorney Melchor Patiño was to receive one-third of Hacienda Ccalla in payment of his legal services in the ongoing litigation over the estate; see REPP, año 1897, González, No. 183 (Oct. 21, 1897). In 1892 Juana Manuela Choquehuanca, daughter of Colonel Manuel Choquehuanca, sold small Finca Chosequere in Azángaro district in order to finance litigation against her son-in-law Rafael Aguirre; see REPA, año 1892, Meza, F. 342, No. 180 (Dec. 3, 1892). In order to finance litigation over Hacienda Puscallani, Luis Choquehuanca took out loans totaling more than 4,000 pesos from Juan Paredes some time between 1865 and the early 1870s, of which he still owed 2,300 pesos (Paredes's heirs claimed the figure was 2,905 pesos) by the late 1890s; see Choquehuanca's second will of Feb. 7, 1897, REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897); Juan Paredes' will of Dec. 8, 1874, in MPA; and the sale of a share of this credit by heirs of Paredes to J. S. Urquiaga and B. Arias Echenique, REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 14, No. 9 (Mar. 10, 1899). [BACK]

170. Only one descendant, Manuel Isidoro Velasco, still owned a large estate, Hacienda Nequeneque-Mallquine in Muñani; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2. [BACK]

171. There is no evidence suggesting that the Choquehuancas had been granted an entail. It does not appear in the proceedings to prove the family's nobility pursued by Gregorio Choquehuanca in 1792; see ''Extracto de las pruebas." Much of their land may have been considered tierras de oficio , appurtenances of the office of cacique, which passed into possession of the heir assuming the office without being divided. [BACK]

172. The Choquehuancas may still have enjoyed informal recognition as caciques among peasants of their parcialidad during the mid-nineteenth century. [BACK]

173. Cf. the fate of the cacique family Apoalaya y Astocuri of Jauja, one of the wealthiest landholding clans of the central Peruvian sierra during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in Celestino, La economía pastoral , 48. [BACK]

174. Following are all relevant notarial contracts on parts of Finca Chocallaca: REPP, año 1853, notary not given (Aug. 26, 1853); REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 404 (Nov. 9, 1894, prot.); REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 153, No. 63 (Aug. 28, 1895, prot.); REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 892 (Aug. 6, 1904, prot.); REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 270, No. 128 (Aug. 2, 1862); REPA, año 1855, judge not given (Jan. 22, 1855); REPA, año 1855, Calle (Jan. 15, 1855); REPA, año 1870, Patiño, F. 218, No. 116 (May 21, 1870); REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 891 (Aug. 6, 1904, prot.); REPA, año 1874, judge not given (Sept. 4, 1874, date of contract minutes); REPA, año 1884, Miranda, F. 64, No. 35 (Sept. 18, 1884); REPA, año 1885, Miranda, F. 178, No. 86 (Aug. 2, 1885); REPA, año 1887, Rodríguez, F. 138, No. 65 (June 3, 1887); REPP, año 1900, González, F. 438 (Sept. 17, 1900, prot.); REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 543, No. 188, and F. 545, No. 189 (Jan. 18, 1902); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 113, No. 49 (Mar. 5, 1903). Attempts to reunite the estate within the family remained feeble and, undertaken only in the third generation, came too late. [BACK]

175. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 339, No. 135 (July 5, 1907); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 416, No. 161 (Aug. 10, 1907); REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1145, No. 454 (Sept. 23, 1908, two prots.); REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1150, No. 457 (Oct. 13, 1908); REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 378, No. 160 (Oct. 23, 1909); REPP, año 1909, Garnica, F. 407, No. 199 (Nov. 12, 1909, prot.); "Matrícula de contribuyentes [1897]," BMP. The national census of 1876 still referred to Carasupo Chico as a hacienda, that of 1940 labeled it an estancia, and in the 1961 census it appears as a parcialidad; see Dir. Nacional de Estadística y Censos, Censo de 1961 4:125. [BACK]

176. Favre, "Evolución," 108-17; Favre does not distinguish between intra- and extrafamily sales. [BACK]

177. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 658, table 6-13. [BACK]

178. Will of Rufino Macedo, REPA, año 1865, Patiño, F. 35, No. 19 (May 22, 1865); appraisal of Posocconi from Dec. 1912 by Facundo Gilt, REPP, año 1915, González, F. 394, No. 154 (June 26, 1915). [BACK]

179. REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (June 7, 1853); first will of José Mariano Escobedo, REPAr, año 1870-71, Cárdenas, F. 811 (Aug. 17, 1846). [BACK]

180. Second will of José Mariano Escobedo REPAr, año 1870-71, Cárdenas, F. 811 (Oct. 24, 1859). [BACK]

181. Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Puno, Subdirección de Reforma Agraria, Expediente de afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur, vol. 1, Property Title History of Hacienda Posocconi, Oct. 17, 1967. [BACK]

182. REPP, año 1915, González, F. 394, No. 154 (June 26, 1915). [BACK]

183. Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Expediente de afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur, vol. 1, Property Title History of Hacienda Posocconi, Oct. 17, 1967. [BACK]

184. Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 38-39. [BACK]

185. Delgado, Organización , 28. [BACK]

186. REPP, año 1914, Garnica, F. 496, No. 245 (Apr. 23, 1914); Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 650, table 6-12. [BACK]

187. REPA, año 1890, Meza, F. 35, No. 41 (Oct. 13, 1890), and F. 39, No. 43 (Oct. 14, 1890). [BACK]

188. In 1870, for example, the parish priest of Saman accepted 700 pesos as payment in full for a debt of 2,700 pesos owed by Manuela Urbina vda. de Toro on church livestock, presumably because the debtor could not pay more; REPP, año 1870, Cáceres (Nov. 7, 1870). [BACK]

189. Delgado ( Organización , 27) claims that estates of Cuzco convents were usually leased to relatives of the treasurer ( síndico ) of the institution. [BACK]

190. Ampuero, an ultramontane cleric, seems to have been concerned with the expansion of Catholic education in the altiplano. He revitalized the seminary school of San Ambrosio in Puno and advocated the establishment of a "workshop school" for the "rehabilitation of the Indian woman through religion, morals, work, and hygiene." He maintained an active Catholic press. See Robles Riquelme, ''Episcopológia de Puno," 87. Such activities, which required increased church finances, have to be seen in the context of Ampuero's violent campaign against the educational work of Adventist missionaries from Argentina and the United States in the altiplano since 1911. See Hazen, ''Awakening of Puno," 39. Small fincas leased out for short terms, bringing meager income every year, were becoming bad investments. Another institutional landholder, Puno's Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública, solicited authorization from the government to sell its five small fincas in Azángaro province in 1926, "because they produce minimal rent"; see Memoria leida por el director de la Beneficencia Pública [1928] , 13-14. [BACK]

191. REPP, año 1913, González, F. 478, No. 156 (July 12, 1913). [BACK]

192. Bauer, "Church," 70-98. [BACK]

193. Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 38-39. The prohibition against creating new censos or emphyteutic landholdings was reiterated in the 1911 consolidation law; see Espinoza and Malpica, El problema , 207. [BACK]

194. The chaplaincy on Picotani was redeemed in 1904; see RPIP, T. 3, F. 379, p. lxxxiii, A. 2 (Sept. 29, 1906); Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 660-62. [BACK]

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