1. Choquehuanca, Ensayo . [BACK]

2. Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 241-42. On the land market in Cuzco during the early republican era, cf. Mörner et al., Compraventas , esp. 42, table 6. [BACK]

3. Hacienda Purina in Asillo, for example, passed from the heirs of Asillo's encomendero into the hands of the church sometime between 1717 and 1828; Expediente judicial, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA; RPIP, T. 5, F. 453, p. clii, A. No. 1 (Mar. 9, 1914). [BACK]

4. "Regimiento de Dragones del Partido de Azángaro, provincia de Puno," Oct. 6, 1806, BNP; information for midcentury based on my index of persons participating in transactions over land in notarial contracts since 1852 and on 1862 population census of province of Azángaro, BMP. [BACK]

5. Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 1:222; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 27, 56-64. [BACK]

6. Cf. Ramirez, Provincial Patriarchs , 136, on the north coast during the seventeenth century. Sabato ( Agrarian Capitalism , 61) finds the same preponderance of officeholders and merchants among owners of livestock estates in Buenos Aires during the 1830s. [BACK]

7. Information taken from a portrait of Francisco  Lizares  in the possession of Sr. Armando Dianderas, Arequipa. [BACK]

8. Will of Francisco  Lizares's  daughter, María Dolores  Lizares  Montesinos, of July 4, 1904; REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 837, No. 319. Emphyteusis contracts for Fincas Huntuma and Cuturi: REPP, año 1913, González, F. 54, No. 20 (Jan. 14, 1913), and F. 224, No. 75 (Apr. 23, 1913). [BACK]

9. Amiable settlement concerning land of Hacienda Nequeneque (district Muñani) between Hilario Velazco and José María  Lizares  Quiñones, Dec. 4, 1854; REPA, año 1854, Calle. For a vicious description of Josefa Quiñones and her descendents, see the vitriolic pamphlet by an anonymous author (thought to be Luis Felipe Luna), Biografía criminal , 4-11. [BACK]

10. REPC, años 1823-25, Jordán, F. 328 (July 5, 1824); on earlier sale of Huasacona by aristocratic Cuzqueño families, see REPC, años 1819-20, Jordán, F. 132-34 (Nov. 16, 1819). [BACK]

11. Estévez had taken out large loans from his brother Pedro, a merchant in Tacna, to come up with the considerable purchase price for Huasacona and two smaller estates on the peninsula of Capachica close to Puno; REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (July 8, 1853), and año 1854 (July 7, 1854). [BACK]

12. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (Feb. 17, 1854). [BACK]

13. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:261; see also J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:182. [BACK]

14. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 158. [BACK]

15. J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:171-72; Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 158. [BACK]

16. REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (June 7, 1853); for the early history of the Escobedos in Azángaro, see Wibel, "Evolution," 189-90. [BACK]

17. A decree issued by President Ramón Castilla on August 6, 1846, facilitated the return of church estates, expropriated during the Orbegoso and Santa Cruz administrations, by the present owners to the original proprietors; see Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 172-73. [BACK]

18. Echenique, Memorias 1:94. [BACK]

19. The significant exception was the sale of the church hacienda Pasincha by the state on March 2, 1836, for 1,500 pesos to Juan Antonio de Macedo, a partisan of Santa Cruz. [BACK]

20. Between 1843 and 1850 nearly all newly listed estates were small, marginal fincas with between 600 and 1,000 OMR. [BACK]

21. "Padrón de contribución de predios rústicos . . . de Lampa, 1843"; "Padrón de contribuciones prediales . . . de Lampa, 1850" (both AGN). [BACK]

22. Romero ( Monografía del departamento de Puno , 436) apologetically points out that "the extension of a hacienda is not always a sign of wealth and prosperity." Puno's latifundism, according to him, was a necessary consequence of the scarcity of pastures. [BACK]

23. Brading, "Hacienda Profits," 33. [BACK]

24. See, e.g., rent of Hda. Calacala, distr. Chupa, by Martina Carpio vda. de Urbina to Bonifacio Ramos in 1853, REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (Oct. 5, 1853). [BACK]

25. For those estates operated by their owners, the state levied rural property tax at 4 percent of assessed gain from hacienda operation. If operated by renters or emphyteutic holders, an additional 2 percent tax was levied. However, only in a few cases did the 1843 and 1850 tax lists from Lampa explicitly enter 50 percent more gain for haciendas held by lease or emphyteusis, i.e., a ratio of gain:livestock capital of 1.5:10. [BACK]

26. This estimate assumes a ratio of gain:livestock capital of 2:10, allowing for an equal share of income for owner and tenant. [BACK]

27. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 60. [BACK]

28. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (July 7, 1854). [BACK]

29. Escobedo to Paredes, Arequipa, Apr. 11, 1862, MPA. [BACK]

30. Rivero, Memorias , 9. [BACK]

31. The mean value per topo of land in the department of Cuzco increased briefly during the early 1830s and declined from the late 1830s to the early 1850s; see Mörner et al., Compraventas , 27-32, graph no. 1, 35. The greater short-term volatility of land prices arises in Cuzco's cereal and sugar growing areas. [BACK]

32. See, e.g., sale of estancia Carpani, distr. Muñani; REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 58, No. 18 (Apr. 22, 1863). Evaluation of Llallahua in 1771, in Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; evaluation of Huancarani, Azángaro, Apr. 12, 1845, MPA. [BACK]

33. REPP, año 1869, unnamed judge (Feb. 15, 1869). [BACK]

34. Cf. Burga, De la encomienda a la hacienda , 111-12 for the north coast during the seventeenth century. [BACK]

35. Cf. Manrique, Mercado interno , 86. [BACK]

36. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (Jan. 24, 1854). [BACK]

37. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 411, table 5-15. [BACK]

38. The exact number of rented haciendas in Lampa province in 1843 belonging to corporate holders cannot be determined because of lack of information on the owners of fifty-five rented haciendas. [BACK]

39. Rivero, Memorias , 43. [BACK]

40. For sale of an estancia because the owner lived far away and saw no way of managing it profitably, see REPP, año 1857, Cáceres (Nov. 10, 1857). [BACK]

41. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (June 3, 1854). [BACK]

42. For long-term failure to replenish the stock of Hda. San Francisco de Pachaje, Putina, see REPP, año 1858, Cáceres (Sept. 29, 1858); REPP, año 1859, Cáceres (Apr. 5, 1859); "Matrícula de predios rústicos, provincia de Azángaro, año de 1902," BMP. [BACK]

43. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 871-81, app. 6. [BACK]

44. During the 1750s Azángaro's human population was only one-third that of 1825-29. Assuming the same mean number of OMR per estate and the same ratio between livestock in the estate and peasant sectors as in 1825-29, and estimating the number of estates in the province during the 1750s at 70, an increment of 23 over the number for 1689, the ratio between livestock and human populations for the 1750s might have been as high as 30:1. The associated estimate for the province's livestock population for the 1750s is 414,697 OMR. These are lower range estimates, since they do not account for the considerable herds of cattle and sheep belonging to the church and private members of the elite pastured on community lands. The human population estimate for the ratio is based on 8 percent provincial population being white or mestizo, above the Indian population calculated from the tribute recounts for 1758-59. [BACK]

45. Rivero, Memorias , 43. [BACK]

46. Thompson, Mosley-Thompson, Bolzan, and Koci, "A 1500-Year Record"; the authors suggest below-average precipitation beginning in the 1720s and lasting until 1860. [BACK]

47. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 62. [BACK]

48. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 222, table 3-6. [BACK]

49. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 57. [BACK]

50. Ibid., 62. [BACK]

51. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 230, table 3-8. [BACK]

52. REPA, año 1860, Manrique (Aug. 24, 1860); REPA, año 1865, Patiño (May 22, 1865). [BACK]

53. Trazegnies, La idea de derecho , 188; García Jordán, "La iglesia peruana," 19-43. [BACK]

54. During the late colonial period apparently a larger number of chaplaincies consisted only of livestock herds, without land. Personal communication from David Cahill, July 1988. [BACK]

55. In the Intendency of Arequipa chaplaincies and loans played an important role at least until 1840 and were considered by landholders as a dangerous drain on their income; see Wibel, "Evolution," 114-15, 353. [BACK]

56. On Loquicolla Grande, see REPP, año 1856, Cáceres (Oct. 31, 1856); REPP, año 1859, Cáceres (Jan. 10, 1856); REPP, año 1913, González, F. 363, No. 118 (June 6, 1913); on Picotani, see REPA, año 1879, Torres Nuñez, F. 25, No. 53 (May 7, 1879); REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897); RPIP, T. 3, F. 379, p. lxxxiii, A. No. 2 (Sept. 29, 1906); on Huasacona, see contracts listed in notes 10 and 11. [BACK]

57. Piérola, Anales . [BACK]

58. Properties that carried encumbrances from church loans in the archdiocese of Lima during the seventeenth century, with a few exceptions, lay close to the city; see Hamnett, "Church Wealth in Peru." [BACK]

59. Abascal y Sousa, Memoria de gobierno 1:175-80. Originarios in this context probably means the autochtonous population. The crown had reintroduced tribute in 1815, but it may not have been implemented in Peru by the time Abascal wrote his report in 1816; in the remaining quinquennium before the occupation of Lima by the patriot troops its collection never recovered pre-1812 levels. [BACK]

60. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 145-46; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:170-71. [BACK]

61. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 147-48; T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 21. [BACK]

62. Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 1:272; Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , 36-43. [BACK]

63. Ibid. 1:277-78; Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 148. [BACK]

64. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:281-82. [BACK]

65. Circular of February 1827, as cited in Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 152. [BACK]

66. Ibid., 149. [BACK]

67. Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 2:136; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:227. [BACK]

68. REPA, año 1859, Manrique (May 10, 1859). [BACK]

69. Choquehunaca, Ensayo , 72. [BACK]

70. Ibid. [BACK]

71. See Langer, "El liberalismo," 59-95, on early republican land legislation in Bolivia. [BACK]

72. Min. de Hacienda, Memoria [1847] , 3-4. See also the circular of Prefect Ramón Castilla to five subprefects of the department of Puno, Dec. 5, 1834, in Instituto "Libertador Ramón Castilla," Archivo Castilla 4:183. [BACK]

73. See, for example, T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 22; Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 102; and Mariátegui, "El Problema de la tierra," in his Siete ensayos , 75. [BACK]

74. Macera, Las plantaciones azucareras , cl, speaks of "equilibrium" in the "secular conflict between the Indian communities and haciendas" from the 1780s to the 1850s. [BACK]

75. For similar interpretations on Mexico, see Coatsworth, "Railroads," 48-71; Tutino, From Insurrection to Revolution , ch. 6; González Navarro ( Anatomía , 142-47) demonstrates that attempts by national, state, or provincial governments and by local authorities to privatize Indian community lands in Central Mexico failed before 1855 against unrelenting peasant opposition. [BACK]

76. T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 21. [BACK]

77. Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 210ff. [BACK]

78. J. Basadre, Historia de la república 3:1309. [BACK]

79. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 159. [BACK]

80. REPA, año 1892, Meza (Dec. 21, 1892, prot. of original proceedings of Feb. 23, 1844). [BACK]

81. See, for example, Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 159, specifically on Puno's communities. [BACK]

82. Hünefeldt, "Poder y contribuciones." [BACK]

83. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 143. [BACK]

84. "Infracciones de la Constitución en el Departamento de Puno manifestadas por la representación departamental," Dec. 1828, in Puertas Castro, José Domingo Choquehuanca , 22-27. [BACK]

85. Ibid., 28. [BACK]

86. Paul Marcoy in 1860 encountered a group of Indians chanting and dancing "kacharparis," the parting ceremony for mitayos during the colonial period. The ceremony was intoned for "Indians from Pujuja [ sic ] or Caminaca who the subprefect of Lampa [ sic ] has sent to work in some mine in the Raya [a mountainous border area between the altiplano and Cuzco department]"; Marcoy, Travels 1:113. [BACK]

87. M. Basadre y Chocano, Riquezas peruanas , 144. [BACK]

88. J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:178; Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 121; Jacobsen, "Taxation," 311-39. [BACK]

89. Jacobsen, "Taxation," 325, table 2, where I estimate per capita tribute collection to have declined from 1.35 pesos in 1795 to 1.04 pesos in 1850, a drop of 23 percent. [BACK]

90. Mean tribute collection for the Intendency of Puno during the 1790s (190,691.2 pesos) calculated from the gross intake of the cajas reales of Carabaya and Chucuito, given by TePaske and Klein, Royal Treasuries 1:99-101, 2:97-99. The number of tributarios in Puno in 1793 was estimated as follows: according to "El Obispado del Cuzco Visitado por su actual Diocesano el Y. N. D. D. Bartholomé Maria Heras . . . que lo exercía el dho. Sr. pr. todo el [ sic ] en 5 años contínuous y se dio a luz el año de 1798," reprinted facsimile in Mörner, Perfil , between pp. 132 and 133, the percentage of Indians in total population of the three altiplano partidos belonging to the bishopric of Cuzco was 86.85 percent. To arrive at total Indian population in the Intendency of Puno, I applied this percentage to total population for the intendency according to the census of Viceroy Gil y Lemos of 1793 (186,682), given by Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 225; I divided the total Indian population by the conventional factor 4.5 to arrive at the number of tributarios (36,030) in the intendency. Values for 1846 were calculated as follows: according to "Estado que manifiesta el valor anual de la contribución jeneral de indíjenas y sus gastos con distinción de lo que satisfacen los poseedores de tierras y de lo que pagan los que no las tienen," in Min. de Hacienda, Memoria [1847] , 53,612 Indian tributaries were registered in the latest rolls for the Indian head tax in Puno, who were supposed to pay a total 306,926.25 pesos in 1846. But according to "Cuenta general de la administración de las rentas de la república," drawn up by the Sección de Valores of the Tribunal de Cuentas, also appended to the Memoria [1847] , by May 1847 88,073 pesos and 2.5 reales of all direct taxes owed for 1846 were still not paid (although they were to be collected during the year of assessment). The likelihood that they would have been paid in subsequent months seems remote, as the treasury of Puno also listed debts of some 480,000 pesos on direct taxes from prior years. The overwhelming part of these "quiebras,'' or tax debts, had to stem from unpaid contribución de indígenas, as it accounted for more than 95 percent of total direct taxes in the department. Even if we assume that not one real was paid on all other direct taxes owed in Puno for 1846, the debt on the Indians' contribution for that year would still have amounted to 80,493 pesos and 4.25 reales. I subtracted this sum from the amount owed according to the matrículas and arrived at the sum of 226,432 pesos 5.75 reales actually paid in contribuciones de indígenas in Puno during 1846. Dividing that sum through the number of tributaries listed in the matrículas rendered the mean Indian contribution paid per tributary. [BACK]

91. Sánchez Albornóz, Indios , 43. [BACK]

92. In Azángaro the ratio of originarios to forasteros stood at 1:6.6 in 1786, 1:4.5 in 1825-29, and 1:7.3 in 1843. [BACK]

93. Renewed decline in Azángaro's ratio between originarios and forasteros from 1825-29 to 1843 is responsible for the declining mean per capita tax rate owed from 1825-29 to 1843. [BACK]

94. Macera, Tierra y población 1:257-66. Uros were the remnants of an ancient altiplano ethnic group. Sacristanes (sextons) and yerbateros (collectors of fodder or herb?) were apparently community peasants whose families traditionally held certain offices. [BACK]

95. As early as the 1790s Tadeo Haenke considered the distinction between originarios and forasteros as "ridiculous" because the forasteros "today are as originarios as those that carry that label and possibly more well off"; Haenke, Descripción del Perú , 111. [BACK]

96. For precise figures and sources, see n. 90. Cf. Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , chs. 3-4, for the case of Cuzco. [BACK]

97. Circulars, Ramón Castilla to five subprefects of department of Puno, Oct. 18, 1834 and Nov. 17, 1834, in Instituto "Libertador Ramón Castilla," Archivo Castilla 4:146, 169. [BACK]

98. By January 31, 1835, four former subdelegados or subprefects of Azángaro owed 28,703 pesos on unremitted taxes; this figure did not include debts considered uncollectable; Ramón Castilla to Ministro de Estado en el Departamento de Hacienda, Puno, Feb. 6, 1835, in ibid. 4:223-25; for the instability and contested nature of local administration, see Hünefeldt, "Poder y contribuciones." [BACK]

99. See Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 60-61, on collection procedures. [BACK]

100. Porras Barrenchea, Dos viajeros franceses , 53 n. d, 55; Markham, Travels , 177. Recruitment caused such horror among peasants that some young men committed suicide to escape; see Bustamante, Apuntes , 90-93. [BACK]

101. Mariátegui, "El problema de la tierra," in his Siete ensayos , 69. [BACK]

102. For the case of Cuzco, see Walker, "Peasants, Caudillos, and the State," chs. 5-6, and Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , 67. [BACK]

103. Min. de Hacienda, Memoria [1849] , 8. On the typhoid epidemic of the mid-1850s, see ch. 1. [BACK]

104. M. Basadre y Chocano, Riquezas peruanas , 144. [BACK]

105. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 7-8; Urquiaga Vásquez, Huella histórica de Putina , 28-29, 46. [BACK]

106. According to a "Padroncillo de confesiones de la doctrina del pueblo de Putina" from 1809, at least 117 españoles lived in the parish; see Urquiaga Vásquez, Huella histórica de Putina , 57-59. The vecindario (Spanish citizens) of Azángaro amounted to only eight families in 1813; see "Expediente sobre la queja presentada por el pueblo de Azángaro para que el gobierno virreynal ponga término a los desmanes que comete el subdelegado [Ramón] Escobedo," Apr. 2, 1813, BNP, MS. D 656. [BACK]

107. "Expediente sobre la queja"; Putina had creole mayors at least since 1792; Urquiaga Vásquez, Huella histórica de Putina , 104. [BACK]

108. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 15 n. 1. [BACK]

109. Ibid., 15-52; the mean value for "complete houses" in the late 1820s was 417 pesos, and 24 pesos for "incomplete houses" (one-room peasant cottages). [BACK]

110. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 17 n. 2; Sallnow, "Manorial Labour," 39-56. [BACK]

111. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 65; for similar observations on a ranching community in mid-nineteenth century Mexico, see González, Pueblo en vilo , 104-5. [BACK]

112. "Regimiento de Dragones del Partido de Azángaro, provincia de Puno," Oct. 6, 1806, BNP. [BACK]

113. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 16 n. 1, 60. [BACK]

114. Ibid., 68. [BACK]

115. Ibid., 60. Choquehuanca's implicit estimate of the size of the "class" of pobres --basically one-third of the Indian population--is high. Included in this group were truly landless peasants--less than 10 percent of Indian peasants according to my estimates--and colonos on estates, although it is difficult to see why their livelihood should have been any less secure than that of middling community peasants. But according to my estimates, these two groups together amounted to only some 23 percent of the Indian peasantry. If Choquehuanca's estimate of the province's poor population is not simply too high--a distinct possibility--perhaps the poorest of the "new proprietors" also suffered periodic life-threatening scarcities. Following are my estimates of Azángaro's Indian peasantry (excluding Poto, Taraco and Pusi) according to land tenure status and tax categories between 1826 and 1835: Colonos on estates, 13.8%; originarios, 22.3%; forasteros with land, 54.7%; forasteros (excluding colonos) without land, 9.1%. For sources and method of estimation, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," pp. 834-41, app. 2. [BACK]

116. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 15-48. [BACK]

117. "Contribución general de industria, Padrón de contribuyentes del Pueblo de Vilcapaza, Capital de la Provincia de Azángaro que empieza a regir desde el semestre de San Juan de 1850," private archive of Augusto Ramos Zambrano, Puno; for priests' life-styles in the altiplano around 1850, see Herndon and Gibbon, Exploration 2:88; Mörner, Andean Past , 133. [BACK]

118. Altamirano, "La economía campesina," 93-130, suggests a preponderant role of artisanal production for peasant subsistence. [BACK]

119. See Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 2:134; Calle, Diccionario 3:324-26. [BACK]

120. "Contribución general de industria," private archive of Augusto Ramos Zambrano, Puno. [BACK]

121. See Orlove, "Urban and Rural Artisans," 209. [BACK]

122. On a mountain road Clements Markham encountered an "active young vicuña hunter, well mounted, and provided with a gun," who claimed to be on a wool-purchasing expedition for "the cacique Choquehuanca of Azángaro"; Travels , 196. [BACK]

123. For example, the Zecenarro Mamanis' Estancia San Antonio de Lacconi, Azángaro district, in 1862 had 100 cows, more than 1,000 sheep and a "substantial string of horses and mules." REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 332, No. 159 (Oct. 31, 1862). [BACK]

124. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 67. During the mid-nineteenth century established families in that city kept Indian "pages," young boys serving the lady of the house and admired as something exotic. They were "purchased for a few piastres and a supply of cocoa [ sic ] and brandy" from their families in the highlands; Marcoy, Travels 1:43-44. [BACK]

125. For very similar rates of rural labor employed on estates in the department of Cuzco in 1845, see Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , 60-61. [BACK]

126. Bustamante, Apuntes , 19; "Cuaderno de la Hacienda Quimsachata que corre desde primero de Agosto de 1841 a cargo del Mayordomo Manuel Machaca," MPA. [BACK]

127. Taylor, "Earning a Living," 103-4. For multiple artisanal occupations within one family, see Herndon and Gibbon, Exploration 2:69; Mörner, Historia social latinoamericana , 187-233. [BACK]

128. See, e.g., Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 192. [BACK]

129. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 65. [BACK]

130. "El Obispado del Cuzco . . . año de 1798," in Mörner, Perfíl , between pp. 132 and 133; Dir. de Estadística, Resumen del censo [1876] , 93-109; "Censo de población de 1862, provincia de Azángaro," BMP. [BACK]

131. On mestizos in early republican Cuzco, cf. Remy, "La sociedad," 451-84. [BACK]

132. On "exclusionary" liberalism in Peru, cf. Gootenberg, "Beleaguered Liberals"; for Argentine debates, see Halperin Donghi, "Argentina." On consumption as a determinant of social status in nineteenth-century Latin America, see Bushnell and Macaulay, Emergence of Latin America , 52-53. [BACK]

133. Bustamante, Los Indios del Perú , 19-20. [BACK]

134. See the bond posted by the affluent peasants Francisco Zecenarro for Manuel E. Rosello, REPA, Manrique, año 1859 (Feb. 26, 1859); and Francisco Puraca for Antonio Chávez, REPA (minutes), Patiño, año 1863, F. 72 (Nov. 11, 1863). [BACK]

135. Calle, Diccionario 1:268, 3:633. [BACK]

136. Echenique, Memorias 2:181. [BACK]

137. Leubel, El Perú , 233; ''Censo de población de 1862, provincia de Azángaro," BMP. [BACK]

139. Cf. Trazegnies, La idea de derecho , 30-36, 285-340. [BACK]