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1 Introduction  Why, Where, and How Many?

1. ¿He vivido en vano? 38-39. [BACK]

2. Ibid., 55-61. [BACK]

3. Ibid., 67-68. [BACK]

4. This type of cultural explanation, quite popular among Latin Americanists as late as the 1960s, underlies even the influential North American interpretation, ostensibly written from the dependency perspective, by Stanley and Barbara Stein, Colonial Heritage . [BACK]

5. D. Platt, "Dependency," 113-31; Gootenberg, Between Silver and Guano ; Mathew, "First Anglo-Peruvian Debt," 562-86. [BACK]

6. Bushnell and Macaulay, Emergence , ch. 13; Lewis, Evolution . [BACK]

7. Bagú, Economía ; Frank, Capitalism ; Wallerstein, Modern World System . [BACK]

8. Stavenhagen, Social Classes in Agrarian Societies ; de Janvry, Agrarian Question ; Bartra, Estructura agraria ; Duncan and Rutledge, Land and Labour ; Bergad, Coffee ; Roseberry, Coffee ; Seligson, Peasants ; Sabato, Agrarian Capitalism . For Peru, see Mallon, Defense of Community ; Burga, De la encomienda ; Piel, Capitalisme agraire ; Gonzales, Plantation Agriculture ; Macera, Las plantaciones azucareras ; Caballero, Economía agraria . [BACK]

9. On different systems of markets, not all of which are associated with capitalism, see Polanyi, Great Transformation . [BACK]

10. For Latin America, see Bauer, "Industry." On Spain's path of agrarian transformation, see the magisterial work by Herr, Rural Change , esp. 712-54. On the persistence of ancien régime features after the presumed twin "revolutions," bourgeois and industrial, see A. Mayer, Persistence ; Weber, Peasants into Frenchman . On the specificity of each and every path of development, see Blackbourn and Eley, Peculiarities . [BACK]

11. For an eloquent recent statement, see Roseberry, Histories and Anthropologies . [BACK]

12. Cf. Veliz, Centralist Tradition . [BACK]

13. This is not to deny the truism that dominant trends during a given epoch benefit or hurt the interests of one social group in relation to another social group, a crucial element in my assessment of the cycles in altiplano development. [BACK]

14. See Jacobsen, "Between the 'Espacio Peruano' and the National Market." [BACK]

15. Cf. Trazegnies, La idea de derecho , esp. part 3. [BACK]

16. The issue has recently been taken up by Gootenberg, Between Silver and Guano , from the perspective of Lima, and for the immediate postindependence decades. For interior regions as the altiplano it remains significant after the consolidation of the liberal guano state, and even as late as the 1920s. [BACK]

17. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , esp. ch. 2. [BACK]

18. Knight, "Mexican Revolution," 19. [BACK]

19. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 75-76; C. Smith, "Central Andes," 266; Romero, Perú , 188-91. [BACK]

20. Romero, Perú , 212-13; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 99-101. [BACK]

21. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 138; Salas Perea, Monografía , 168; Rossello Paredes, Murales de Azángaro , 5-6. [BACK]

22. Martínez, Las migraciones , 17. [BACK]

23. The lake may have covered a considerably larger surface in prehistoric times; see Romero, Perú , 190, 218. [BACK]

24. Ibid., 218; Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 27:12. [BACK]

25. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 27:11; Romero, Perú , 218; Dollfus, Le Pérou , 37. [BACK]

26. Dollfus, Le Pérou , 36. [BACK]

27. Romero, Perú , 207; Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 27:5. [BACK]

28. Romero, Perú , 209-11. [BACK]

29. Some authors suggest that severe droughts occur in five- or seven-year cycles; see ibid., 211. Dollfus ( Le Pérou , 37) describes the effects of the most devastating droughts in recent history, those of 1955-57; the massive development study of southern Peru from the late 1950s (the Plan regional , published by the Ministerio de Hacienda y Comercio) was undertaken in reaction to the economic, social, and demographic dislocations caused by the droughts. For the devastating effects of a drought from 1814 to 1816, see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 59. [BACK]

30. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 62. [BACK]

31. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 408. [BACK]

32. Pulgar Vidal, Geografía , 92; Romero, Perú , 220. [BACK]

33. Although leguminous pastures are rare in the altiplano, the cloverlike layo (Trifolium amabile) has been used as animal fodder in Azángaro at least since the early nineteenth century; see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 11; Romero, Perú , 220; Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 74-75. I would like to thank Marcel Haitin for pointing out this last work to me. For more information on grasses and pastures, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 21-22. [BACK]

34. Romero, Perú , 219; C. Smith, "Central Andes," 269. In 1831 Choquehuanca ( Ensayo , 11) mentioned as important grasses quisna, huaylla, sicuya (used not only for fodder but also for thatches of roofs), carhuayo (particularly fitted as fodder for llamas), and sora , flourishing in humid spots of the pampas. I have not found any mention of these grasses in modern works. [BACK]

35. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 236-37; for other semiaquatic plants not identified in modern works, see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 11. The famous totora ( Malacochete totora ) is only rarely used as fodder because of its great versatility; it is used for constructing boats, mats, and roofs and is also a delicious food for humans. [BACK]

36. On the relation between agriculture and livestock raising in the Andes, see Golte, La racionalidad ; Figueroa, Capitalist Development ; Caballero, Economía agraria ; see also Crotty, Cattle, Economics, and Development . [BACK]

37. For Azángaro's crop production, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 24, table 1-3. [BACK]

38. Romero, Perú , 218; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 15-55. [BACK]

39. The potatoes are spread in an open field during the time of sharp frosts in June to July. After exposure to night frosts for about eight days, they are stepped on to squeeze out liquids, left for a few more days to freeze overnight, and are then ready for long-term storage. A more desired and expensive variety of chuño , called moraya , is placed into running streams for a few days between frost treatments; see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9-10. [BACK]

40. Pulgar Vidal, Geografía , 97-98. [BACK]

41. Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo 1:161-62; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9, 15-55; Romero, Perú , 222; Pulgar Vidal, Geografía , 95-96. [BACK]

42. Romero ( Perú , 221) reports that barley was widely grown during the colonial period as forage for the large mule herds. Yet as late as the 1650s it was hardly planted at all in the altiplano because people believed that it would not withstand the region's harsh climate; see Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo 1:161. [BACK]

43. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9. [BACK]

44. A rather unreliable account of agricultural production for the early 1950s claims higher production of barley than of quinua and canihua; see Guevara Velasco, Apuntes , vol. 1. [BACK]

45. Cobo, Historia 1:162; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 412-13. [BACK]

46. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 246-49; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 12. [BACK]

47. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 247, 250, 436. [BACK]

48. Dollfus, Le Pérou , 37; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 247. [BACK]

49. Ibid., 252-53, 438; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 13. [BACK]

50. Ibid., 14; Erickson, "Archaeological Investigation." On Alan Kolata's work at Tiwanaku, see Obermiller, "Harvest from the Past." [BACK]

51. Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo 1:163. [BACK]

52. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 114-15. [BACK]

53. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:359; Tschudi, citing Juan Domingo Zamacola y Tauregui, a late eighteenth-century priest from Cayma near Arequipa, speaks of an implausible population decline from 23,000 to 2,000 in the doctrina of Azángaro. Choquehuanca ( Ensayo , 57-58) says that the 1719-20 epidemic reduced the province's population by two-thirds. Wightman, Indigenous Migration and Social Change , 42-44, 67-73. [BACK]

54. Personal communication from David Cahill, February 1989. [BACK]

55. An analysis of parish registers for the parish of Yanahuara, near Arequipa, rendered a 2.4 percent natural population increase annually between 1738 and 1747; see Cook, "La población," 33. [BACK]

56. On the drought of 1803-5, see Tandeter, "Crisis in Upper Peru"; Macera and Márquez Abanto, "Informes geográficas del Perú colonial." [BACK]

57. Gootenberg, "Population and Ethnicity." [BACK]

58. Miller, "Reinterpreting the 1876 Census"; C. Smith, "Patterns," 77-78. [BACK]

59. Kubler, Indian Caste , 28, 34. [BACK]

60. On Azángaro's index of masculinity as a gauge for migratory patterns, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 38, table 1-7. [BACK]

61. In 1887, for example, Petrona Mamani and her husband Antonio Poma from Arapa sold their land, since they had permanently moved to Patambuco, in the ceja de la selva of Sandia; see REPA, año 1887, Rodríguez, F. 136, No. 64 (May 24, 1887). [BACK]

62. In 1861 an old peasant woman, the widowed Petrona Quispe from Muñani, gave her Estancia Chichani to hacendado Juan Antonio Iruri because her only surviving son, Pedro Nolasco Luque, had left with the army long before and nobody knew his whereabouts or whether he was still alive; REPA, año 1861, Manrique, F. 169, No. 79 (Nov. 30, 1861). [BACK]

63. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:210-11. [BACK]

64. Grandidier, Voyage , 196; report by British Consul Wilthew about Islay trade in 1856, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:102. [BACK]

65. On the ley del terror , see J. Basadre, Historia de la república 4:1653; E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 190-92. [BACK]

66. On recruiting practices in Azángaro province and countermeasures by haciendas, see Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, July 25, 1909, AFA-P. [BACK]

67. Martínez, Las migraciones , 79-90, 115-17. [BACK]

68. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 456, No. 178 (Sept. 3, 1907). [BACK]

69. ''Informe del médico titular de Azángaro,'' Aug. 10, 1920, cited in Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 284-85. [BACK]

70. "Memoria del médico titular de las provincias Azángaro y Ayaviri para el año de 1908," in Memoria del Presidente de la H. Junta Departamental , app. 21, 99-103; on the closure of the port of Mollendo for two months in 1903 because of the outbreak of bubonic plague, see Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:57; for the epidemic on Haciendas Checayani and Caravilque, see REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 597, No. 235 (Jan. 9, 1904). [BACK]

71. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 44, table 1-9. [BACK]

72. This assessment follows Brading, Haciendas , 50-53. [BACK]

73. Cf. Gootenberg, "Population and Ethnicity"; Glave, "Demografía." [BACK]

74. Van Young, Hacienda and Market . [BACK]

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