8 Gamonales, Colonos, and Capitalists
1. Between 1920 and 1940 some newly formed haciendas disappeared, and others lost land and shepherds. For the 1829 estimate, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 837, app. 2. The figures for 1876 and 1940 are calculated from national population censuses. [BACK]
2. See the case of Hacienda Achoc in Achaya; REPP, año 1869, unnamed judge (Feb. 15, 1869). [BACK]
3. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 29, 1909, AFA-P. [BACK]
4. REPA, año 1867, Patiño, F. 109, No. 51 (May 19, 1867). [BACK]
5. "Lista de pagos de los alcances de los empleados y pastores de la Finca Picotani de Setiembre 1908 al mismo de 1909," Picotani, Sept. 30, 1909; "Plan general del recuento general de ganado de la Hacienda Picotani, Toma y Cambría," Picotani, Aug. 31, 1924; both in AFA-P. [BACK]
6. Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 38-39; Avila, "Exposición," 39; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 57. [BACK]
7. Cf. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82. [BACK]
8. See legal action in 1869 by ten community peasants from Acora, Chucuito province, whose estancias lay contiguous to Hacienda Sacuyo of José María Barrionuevo and who fought against being forced to render labor services for the estate; REPP, año 1869, unnamed judge (Apr. 3, 1869). [BACK]
9. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82. [BACK]
10. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones . [BACK]
11. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 10-12; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36. [BACK]
12. REPA, various contracts, 1903-10. [BACK]
13. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36. [BACK]
14. Santisteban to Pérez, Arequipa, Mar. 27, 1925, AFA-P. [BACK]
15. Pedro Balero to Juan Paredes, Toma, Oct. 14, 1874, MPA. [BACK]
16. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 28-29; Tauro, Diccionario enciclopédico del Perú 3:21. [BACK]
17. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 31; "Propuestas que hase [ sic ] el suscrito [Genaro Nuñez] para la administración de la Hacienda Picotani y sus anexos Toma y Cambría," Arequipa, Sept. 20, 1924, AFA-P. On some estates further categories of subaltern positions existed, such as jatun quipu and quipillo . [BACK]
18. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36. [BACK]
19. "Lista de pagos," Picotani, Sept. 30, 1909, AFA-P; for Cuzco haciendas, see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28-29. [BACK]
20. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones ; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 99-112; Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:329-30; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 20-33; Bustamante, Apuntes , 17-18; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36; Ponce de León, "Situación del colono peruano," 98-121; Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo"; Pacheco Portugal, "Condición." [BACK]
21. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 26-32; Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 26-27; Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 97-103, 205-7; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 13-14, 31-32; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani." [BACK]
22. For exceptional written labor contracts in 1920, see Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 286-88. [BACK]
23. Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 13. [BACK]
24. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani"; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 33. [BACK]
25. Burga and Flóres Galindo, Apogeo , 39; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 37; Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 17-18. [BACK]
26. Cf. the estates of César Salas Flores, discussed in ch. 6; see also Avila, "Exposición," 34. [BACK]
27. Formally landless peons who accumulated a modest affluence through their own livestock operations confounded Azángaro's tax commissioners. They assessed some of them for property taxes, whereas others had to pay contribución industrial . See "Matrículas," 1897, 1902, 1907, 1912, BMP; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32; Avila, "Exposición," 34, 39; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani." [BACK]
28. Maccagno, Los auquenidos , 33-34. [BACK]
29. In some cases communities formally existed within southern Peruvian estates; cf. Plane, Le Pérou , 64-65; Reátegui Chávez, Explotación agropecuaria , 13-17. [BACK]
30. "Arancel de los jornales del Perú, 1687," in Macera, Mapas coloniales de hacienda cuzqueñas , 145-46. [BACK]
31. Markham, Travels , 190; El Nacional (Lima), May 16, 1867, cited in E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 347; Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 88ñ-88o. [BACK]
32. It is unclear whether the length of service refers to the time the colono actually had a flock or merely to the time of his or her physical presence on the estate. [BACK]
33. T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 63. [BACK]
34. "Cuaderno de la Hacienda Quimsachata," MPA. [BACK]
35. "Lista de pagos," Picotani, Sept. 30, 1909, AFA-P; accounts of the shepherds of Hacienda Santa Fé de Sollocota, Sept 9. 1918, AFA-S. [BACK]
36. Accounts of the shepherds of Sollocota, Sept 9. 1918, AFA-S. [BACK]
37. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani"; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 37. [BACK]
38. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32. [BACK]
39. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 20 and Oct. 9, 1908; "Planilla de fallas de Setiembre de 1907 al mismo de 1908," Aug. 1909; all in AFA-P. [BACK]
40. "Planilla de los saldos de lana que adeuda la indiada de la Finca de Picotani al 1 de Octubre de 1909," AFA-P. [BACK]
41. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 30 and Sept. 20, 1908, AFA-P. [BACK]
42. Medina to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 11, 1907, AFA-P. [BACK]
43. Cf. Bauer, ''Rural Workers in Spanish America." [BACK]
44. On hacienda stores in Cuzco, see Anrup, El taita , 128-29; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 124-28. [BACK]
45. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 103. [BACK]
46. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 35. [BACK]
47. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 102; "Planilla de los saldos de lana," AFA-P. [BACK]
48. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 115. [BACK]
49. Contract between Mullisaca and administrator Julio La Rosa Galván, Picotani, Nov. 30, 1909, AFA-P. The patronym "Mullisaca" appears limited to Muñani district and the ayllus around San Juan de Salinas; perhaps both groups of Mullisacas derived from one clan that had established use rights in different ecological zones. Benito Mullisaca might have maintained rights to entradas de sal or exchanged the salt against livestock products with distant relatives from his ancient clan in Salinas. [BACK]
50. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Apr. 12, 1908, AFA-P. [BACK]
51. Cf. the classic portrayal of paternalism by Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll . [BACK]
52. On Andean notions of reciprocity in late nineteenth-century haciendas of Bolivia's Chuquisaca department, see Langer, Economic Change , 60-61; in Peru such notions remained more powerful in some of the large, mixed pastoral-agricultural estates of Cuzco's Quispicanchis province than they did in the altiplano; cf. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28-31; Plane, Le Pérou , 65; Anrup, El taita , esp. ch. 5. [BACK]
53. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 109. [BACK]
54. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 25-35; various letters, 1907-11, AFA-P. [BACK]
55. Gamarra, "La mamacha," 26-30. [BACK]
56. Ponce de León, "Situación del colono peruano," 105. On violence as constitutive of gamonal power, see Poole, "Landscapes of Power," 367-98. [BACK]
57. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 112-13. [BACK]
58. Quoted in Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el altiplano , 228. [BACK]
59. Quoted in Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28 [BACK]
60. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll , 96-97. [BACK]
61. Scott, Weapons of the Weak , esp. 279-86. [BACK]
62. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Jan. 10, 1909, AFA-P. [BACK]
63. Quoted by Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28. [BACK]
64. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:330; Declerq, "El departamento"; Min. de Fomento, Dir. de Fomento, La industria lechera ; V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes ; Barreda, "Carneros," reprinted in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 156-61; Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección 2:244-45; Bustamante, Apuntes , 17-18. [BACK]
65. Declerq, "El departamento," 186. [BACK]
66. León, Cartilla de ganadería , 42-43; León, Lanas, pelas y plumas , 11-12. [BACK]
67. According to one description, the cattle were small, with disproportionately large bones, "hardly [had] udders and completely lack[ed] any of the characteristics of good milk cows." During a short period of lactation of four to six months they produced only one to two liters of milk per day. But the quality of the milk was considered high. In the case of cattle, meat was the more important product. Cattle was sold on the hoof to cattle traders for supplying fresh meat in Puno, Juliaca, or as dried meat ( cecinas ), both for consumption on the estate and for sale throughout the altiplano and in the ceja de la selva, in Cuzco, La Paz, and Arequipa. But the animals produced little meat, which was "far from being tender and tasty." Declerq, "El departamento," 193; Min. de Fomento, Dir. de Fomento, La industria lechera , 19-20; Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 88; Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:367-68. [BACK]
68. "Libro de cargo y descargo de ganado lanar de los pastores de la Hda. Santa Fé de Sollocota para los años 1905 y 1906"; "Planes de existencia de ganado ovejuno, vacuno, de llamas y alpacas y de caballos de la Hda. Sollocota . . ., recontados el 1o. de Agosto de 1927 y el 1o. de Setiembre de 1928"; both AFA-S. [BACK]
69. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 15-16; I have subtracted lambs from the total number of sheep; I also subtracted 65 quintales from the estate's 1909 wool crop (588.11 quintales), an estimate for wool from colonos' huaccho herds acquired by the estate. [BACK]
70. Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 131-32; V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 82; Declerq, "El departamento," 183. [BACK]
71. Bringing alfalfa from Arequipa to the altiplano was deemed too expensive; the barley planted by some hacendados was reserved for cattle, mules and horses; Declerq, "El departamento," 185. [BACK]
72. "Libro de cargo y descargo de ganado lanar . . ., 1906-1907," AFA-S. On the "ruin" of riding horses in Picotani because of drought, see Galván to Castresana, Picotani, Nov. 7, 1909, AFA-P. [BACK]
73. See, for example, extension of irrigation in Hacienda Potoni by Rufino Macedo, REPA, año 1865, F. 35, No. 19 (May 22, 1865). [BACK]
74. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418-26. [BACK]
75. Esteves to Castresana, Picotani, July 3, 1911, AFA-P. [BACK]
76. Perú, Min. de Fomento, El mejoramiento del ganado nacional , 3. [BACK]
77. Barreda, "Carneros," rpt. in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 157. [BACK]
78. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:361-62; for more optimistic figures, cf. León, Cartilla de ganadería , 34; for even lower estimates, see Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 21-34. [BACK]
79. Harris, Mexican Family Empire , 181, table 6; Hultz and Hill, Range Sheep , 63. [BACK]
80. Possibly the reproductive capacity of both ewes and rams was low because of malnutrition and disease. Altiplano ranchers calculated 10 rams to serve 100 ewes, whereas in sheep-ranching areas of the United States, Argentina, and Australia 1 to 3 rams per 100 ewes sufficed to procure larger lambing crops. Cf. Hultz and Hill, Range Sheep , 57; H. Gibson, History , 108. [BACK]
81. Walle, Le Pérou économique , 205-6; Declerq, ''El departamento," 189. See V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 9, for somewhat lower mortality rates. [BACK]
82. Esteves to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 8, 1911; C. Luza to Eduardo López de Romaña, Picotani, Oct. 3, 1924, AFA-P; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32. [BACK]
83. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:361; Declerq, "El departamento." Four lambing seasons were still described as the norm in V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 7-8. [BACK]
84. Ernst to Eduardo Lopez de Romaña, Picotani, Nov. 21 1924, AFA-P; Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 55. [BACK]
85. Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 55; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418-26. [BACK]
86. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:360. [BACK]
87. REPA, Jiménez, año 1906, F. 1119, No. 352 (May 18, 1906), referring to livestock recount from 1896. [BACK]
88. V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 13-14. [BACK]
89. Cf. Kula, Teoría de la economía feudal . [BACK]
90. This is one of the methodological problems of studies on Latin American businesses before 1900 that rely exclusively on price theory to "explain" their performance as well as entrepreneurial decisions of the owners. Obviously, prices of output, input, labor, transactions, and capital are important for understanding the conjunctures of haciendas, just as they are for obrajes, mines, or commercial enterprises. But how are we to come up with meaningful "market prices" for these factors if different actors have to pay different amounts for the same amount of land, labor, and inputs, depending on the power they can bring to bear and on their particular networks of clients and kin groups? In an economy like that of the Peruvian altiplano, market prices can be calculated as an aggregate mean for large numbers of producers over the median and long term, but such figures render confusing results in analyzing the performance of individual producers from one year to the next. "Externalities" consistently exert a large influence here. For a methodologically consistent application of price theory, see Salvucci, Textiles and Capitalism in Mexico . Burga and Flores Galindo ( Apogeo , 27) point out difficulties with that approach. [BACK]
91. Walle, Le Pérou économique , 206. [BACK]
92. In 1893 Picotani was sold for 41,000 soles to Colonel José Maria Ugarteche; REPAr, J. M. Tejeda, año 1893, F. 539, No. 361 (Aug. 5, 1893); an approximate doubling of the estate's value until 1909 takes the incorporation of additional lands into account. According to Aramburú López de Romaña ("Organización," 16), Picotani sold 588.11 quintales of wool in 1909. Again I have subtracted 60 quintales bought from colonos at market prices. The average price for sheep wool placed in Arequipa, 16.70 soles per quintal in 1909, is taken from Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 208, table 6; I have subtracted 1.50 soles per quintal as the cost of transportation from Estación de Pucará to Arequipa. [BACK]
93. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 24. [BACK]
94. Barreda, "Carneros," in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 156-61. [BACK]
95. Cf. Hunt, "La economía," 7-66; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 27; Florescano, "Formation." [BACK]
96. Cf. calculation of production costs and net revenues of average altiplano stock estate in Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 21-34. [BACK]
97. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 203-4. [BACK]
98. Stordy, "Breeding," 118-32; Bertram, "Modernización," 8-9. [BACK]
99. Maccagno, La producción , 9-15. [BACK]
100. Villarán, "Condición legal," 1-8. See also Mariano Cornejo's juxtaposition of property as "simple source of rent" and "as instrument of labor" in his Discursos políticos , 235. [BACK]
101. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 196. [BACK]
102. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:330. [BACK]
103. "Huacahuta Sheep Ranch," West Coast Leader , Mar. 16, 1926, cited in Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 22 (my own retranslation into English). [BACK]
104. "Lista de pagos," Sept. 30, 1909; Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, May 3, 1908; Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 6, 1908; all AFA-P. [BACK]
105. Esteves to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 8, 1911, AFA-P. [BACK]
106. Cited in Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 106. [BACK]
107. Ibid., 106-7; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 49-51, app. 6, 87-89. [BACK]
108. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 54-58, table 14, 71-72. [BACK]
109. Ibid., 54, 62; Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Puno, "Informe técnico de afectación, Picotani," Sept. 5, 1969; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 105. [BACK]
110. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 28. [BACK]
111. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 103, 108. [BACK]
112. Ibid.; "Lista de pago," Sept. 30, 1909, AFA-P. [BACK]
113. Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , 224-27. [BACK]
114. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 124-29; Bertram, "Modernización," 5. [BACK]
115. Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 26-27; Pacheco Portugal, "Condición," 84-94. By the late 1950s wage levels on altiplano livestock estates had become widely differentiated, ranging from a minimum of 0.40 soles to a maximum of 3 soles per day. It is not clear that estates paying the highest wages were the most modern, capitalintensive enterprises. See Diaz Bedregal, "Apuntes," 83-84, app. Correspondence between Sindicato Unico de Trabajadores de la Hacienda Posoconi, the management of the Sociedad Ganadera del Sur and the Director of ONRA (Oficina Nacional de Reforma Agraria), Zona Puno, about labor conditions on Hacienda Posoconi, May 12, 1968-May 29, 1968, Expediente de Afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur, vol. 1. [BACK]
116. In contrast, wage labor predominated on Argentine sheep ranches as early as the mid-nineteenth century, and no later than the 1880s something approaching a free labor market was in place; see Sabato, Agrarian Capitalism , ch. 3. [BACK]
117. Bustamante, Apuntes , 18; Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:360; Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 88ñ-88o; Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Discurso académico , 21-23. Burga and Reátegui ( Lanas , 90-93) stress the success of stock selection between 1900 and 1930, in my view exaggeratedly. [BACK]
118. Avila, "Exposición," 34; Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 203; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 14. For greater advances on a few larger estates in the central sierra, see Walle, Le Pérou économique , 203-7, and León, Cartilla de ganadería , 42-43. [BACK]
119. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 71-72, table 14. [BACK]
120. "Explicaciones para la administración de Picotani i anexos," Are-quipa, Sept. 12, 1924, AFA-P. [BACK]
121. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 42; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 27; Declerq, "El departamento," esp. 190-91; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 90-91. On most estates sheep were sheared with broken bottles; see Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418-26, 435-36. [BACK]
122. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 105; Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 119-21. Cf. Wilson, "Conflict," for the impact of trucks on peasant commercialization in the central sierra. [BACK]
123. For the dramatic change in ideal-typical accounting methods during the early twentieth century, compare the first and second handbooks for altiplano livestock haciendas. V. Jiménez's volume of 1902, Breves apuntes , represents a summary of the most efficient traditional stock-raising practices, replete with conventional methods of measuring, classifying, and recording. Cazorla, El administrador (1930), lectures the rancher with the authority of modern science on new forms of accounts and livestock-raising techniques. [BACK]
124. Arturo Arias Echenique, son of the notorious founder of Hacienda San José, was an exception. See his "La ganadería en la provincia de Azángaro." [BACK]
125. Gadea, "Informe"; Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 69; Dir. de Fomento, La industria lechera ; Declerq, "El departamento." [BACK]
126. Bertram. "Modernización," 7. [BACK]
127. Bertram, "New Thinking"; Hunt, "La economía"; Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros . For a review of historical hacienda studies up to the early 1970s, see Mörner, "Spanish American Hacienda." [BACK]
128. Bertram, "New Thinking." [BACK]
129. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 109. [BACK]
130. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82-90. [BACK]
131. Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 18-22; Romero ( Monografía del departamento de Puno , 173-74) judges the situation of community peasants as more favorable than that of colonos. A classical statement of the deteriorating social and economic position of Andean community peasantry through the advance of "feudal latifundism" is Mariátegui, "El problema de la tierra," in his Siete ensayos , 50-104. For an orthodox view of colonos as dependent serfs, see M. Vásquez, Hacienda , esp. 26-36. An early, original exception to this orthodoxy, written as an apology for altiplano hacendados, is Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , which portrays the multifaceted exploitation of community peasants compared to a great degree of autonomy and economic well-being of colonos. For later apologetic pamphlets with low analytical value see, for example, Drapoigne, La verdad ; for a revisionist interpretation of hacienda social relations, see Bauer, "Rural Workers in Spanish America," 34-63. [BACK]
132. Avila, "Exposición," 39. In 1952 Roberto Mendoza observed that "in the small estates the fluctuation of shepherds is constant and this is caused by the fact that pastures scarcely suffice for the livestock of the hacienda and beyond this the shepherd inevitably tends to overstock the pastures; thus in the long run the situation becomes critical and the livestock mortality obliges the shepherd . . . to emigrate [i.e. to leave the estate] in search of better sites"; Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 39. [BACK]
133. Lehman, "Dos vías desarrollo." [BACK]
134. This argument follows that made for slaveocrats of the antebellum southern United States by Genovese, Political Economy , esp. 17-18, 34-35. [BACK]
135. S. Miller, "Mexican Junkers," 263. [BACK]
136. M. Jimenez, "Travelling Far." [BACK]