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7 Communities, the State, and Peasant Solidarity

1. For important recent contributions, see Mallon, Defense of Community ; Grieshaber, "Survival," 223-69; T. Platt, Estado boliviano ; Hünefeldt, "Poder y contribuciones," 367-407; Contreras, ''Estado republicano," 9-44; and the forthcoming study by Luis Miguel Glave about the Canas of southern Cuzco. [BACK]

2. Finca Mihani, for example, was described as being located "in the ayllu Cura of district Arapa," REPP, año 1907, Gonzales, F. 238, No. 105 (May 20, 1907); as argued below, the terms ayllu and parcialidad were often used interchangeably. [BACK]

3. REPA, año 1869, Patiño F. 32, No. 21 (Mar. 8, 1869); REPA, año 1910, Murillo, F. 218, No. 127 (Feb. 1, 1910). In rare cases one and the same peasant estancia was referred to as belonging to different parcialidades. For the view that parcialidad as moiety survived into the twentieth century, see Mostajo, "Apuntes," 752. [BACK]

4. On the postindependence desarticulation of various "functions" of communities in Morelos, Mexico, see Warman, Y venimos a contradecir , 315. [BACK]

5. Paradigmatic is Castro Pozo's Del ayllu al cooperativismo socialista. See also his Nuestra comunidad indígena , 16, where the author asserts that "all comunidades that I had the opportunity to observe to a smaller or greater degree rest on the foundation of common property of the land." [BACK]

6. Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 122. [BACK]

7. Ibid., 123; Yambert, "Thought and Reality," 70. [BACK]

8. T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 117; Handelman, Struggle in the Andes , 31-33. [BACK]

9. Handelman, Struggle in the Andes , 32. For the Mantaro valley, see Winder, "Impact of the Comunidad ," 209-40. [BACK]

10. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 227-28; Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 111; for the district of Cuyocuyo, Sandia province, largely settled by peasants from Putina, Chupa, and Muñani, see Nalvarte Maldonado, Cuyocuyo , 30-31. [BACK]

11. REPA, año 1867, Patiño, F. 120, No. 57 (June 14, 1867). [BACK]

12. Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 112. [BACK]

13. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:38; L. Gallegos, "San José," 11. [BACK]

14. See Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 112, on the disappearance of communal tenure in the aynocas by the 1950s. Land parcels in the lihua of parcialidad Cayacaya in Putina were freely sold by individual peasants to noncommunity members during the early twentieth century; see, for example, REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1219, No. 482 (Nov. 19, 1908). See also Perú, Ministerio de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:38. [BACK]

15. Litigation over plot Huancarani-Llustaccarcca, Azángaro, May 9, 1932, AJA; a masa is the amount of land that a work party of three men can plow, sow, or harvest in one day; see Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 418-19; for the area of a masa as 760 square meters in Azángaro, see Avila, "Exposición," 43; L. Gallegos, "San José,'' 11. [BACK]

16. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 233; for the 1870s, see Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 40-41. For community parcels reserved for the church and the municipalities in Cuzco department, see Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 421. I have found no evidence for common land property of religious lay brotherhoods in Azángaro's communities. For their importance in the central Peruvian sierra, see Celestino and Meyers, Las cofradías , 161-62, 186. [BACK]

17. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 11-15. [BACK]

18. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 480, No. 189 (Sept. 19, 1907); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 193, No. 61 [an error; should be 71] (Apr. 19, 1907). Many community schools in the border area between Huancané and Azángaro provinces during the mid-1960s at times owned extensive yanasis plots, which prior to the schools' establishment had been administered by the Caja de Depósitos y Consignaciones. See Martínez, Las migraciones , 28. [BACK]

19. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 11-12. [BACK]

20. For examples of appurtenances ( servidumbres ), see REPP, año 1909, Deza, F. 24, No. 11 (Feb. 10, 1909); REPA, año 1909, Aparicio, F. 48, No. 226 (July 23, 1909); REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 279, No. 113 (Aug. 25, 1909). [BACK]

21. REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 564, No. 220 (Dec. 21, 1903). [BACK]

22. During the following two decades several hacendados gained direct access to Salinas's salt deposits through the acquisition of entradas de sal from community peasants; see REPA, año 1900, Jiménez, F. 379 (Jan. 9, 1900); REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 126, No. 51 (Apr. 29, 1909). On the state salt monopoloy and rebellions against it, see Kapsoli, Los movimientos , 19, 32-35; Husson, "1896--La revolte du sel"; Husson, De la guerra a la rebelión , pt. 2; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 43-48; Memoria del Sr. Prefecto [1901] , 31. In 1920 the community peasants who continued to exploit the salt from Lake Salinas had still not accepted the state Compañía Salinera; see Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 246. [BACK]

23. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 159, 169 (my emphasis); Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 227-28. For estimates of pasture commons in 1959, see Perú, Ministerio de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:38. [BACK]

24. REPA, año 1871, Patiño, F. 391, No. 181 (Mar. 29, 1871). [BACK]

25. See forfeiture of rights in Fundo Japutira, parcialidad Cayacaya-Pichacani of district Putina, by heirs of Ambrosio Mamani for failure to participate in the cost of legal defense, REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 68, No. 26 (Feb. 12, 1909). [BACK]

26. Resumen del censo [1876] , 103. Number of families based on estimate of five persons per family. [BACK]

27. REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 55, No 19 (Apr. 25, 1863); my emphasis. [BACK]

28. REPA, año 1872, Patiño, F. 30, No. 17 (June 22, 1872). [BACK]

29. Delgado, Organización , 14; Ponce de León, "Aspectos económicos del problema indígena," 139-41. [BACK]

30. Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model," 45-46; Orlove, "Native Andean Pastoralists." It is important to differentiate strictly between these geographically isolated herders, found at elevations between 4,200 and 4,800 meters above sea level, and the peasantry of the altiplano proper. [BACK]

31. For moyas (dry-season pastures) and hilltops held by individual peasant families, see REPA, año 1897, Paredes, F. 20, No. 10 (Jan. 26, 1897); REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1222, No. 483 (Nov. 19, 1908). [BACK]

32. At times descent groups jointly using the family land purchased the share of a female coheir married to an outside peasant; see REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 279, No. 113 (Aug. 25, 1909). [BACK]

33. For a typical conflict within peasant families between minor orphans and an uncle, instituted as their guardian, see REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 332, No. 159 (Oct. 31, 1862). [BACK]

34. On legal battles between related peasants, see Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 116-17; Martínez, "El indígena," 182. [BACK]

35. Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 421. [BACK]

36. Guía general , 211; Malaga, "El problema social," 32-34. [BACK]

37. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:6. [BACK]

38. Cf. Grieshaber, "Survival," esp. 242, 262. [BACK]

39. This estimate of growth is deflated, since the 1876 census likely undercounted population by some 15 percent, as suggested in chapter 1. [BACK]

40. This could not have been the case, however, for Muñani's other surviving community, Chijos, located high in the cordillera, where relatively affluent livestock herders continued to own extensive property well into this century. [BACK]

41. REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1087, No. 340 (Apr. 24, 1906). [BACK]

42. The growth of Azángaro's livestock population did not proceed in a linear fashion, as it was interrupted by animal epidemics and droughts. One epidemic reduced alpaca herds during the 1920s; see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 91. The decline of the sheep population between 1945 and 1959 was almost certainly caused by the severe drought of the mid-1950s. [BACK]

43. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 880, app. 6. [BACK]

44. For average carrying capacity of two units of sheep per hectare, see V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 83; according to Urquiaga ( Sublevaciones , 25), Azángaro's pastures allowed between 400 and 1000 units of sheep per square mile, or--assuming a mile of 1.609 km--1.5 to 3.9 units of sheep per hectare. Lavalle y García ("El mejoramiento," 53) suggests for the sierra in general eight hectares of pastures per cow, or--assuming customary reduction factors--a carrying capacity of 1.25 sheep per hectare. I am grateful to Marcel Haitin for pointing this work out to me. In an interview held in Puno on November 25, 1975, José Luis Lescano, the last president of the Asociación Agropecuaria Departmental, suggested that on the best altiplano pastures one hectare is required to adequately feed one sheep. This ratio climbs to about three hectares in the Cordillera Oriental and to five to seven hectares per sheep in the very arid Cordillera Occidental of Puno. [BACK]

45. Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 53. [BACK]

46. Personal communication from Benjamin Orlove; see also his paper "Native Andean Pastoralists." [BACK]

47. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32. [BACK]

48. Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 426; Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 3-7. [BACK]

49. Delgado, Organización , 14. [BACK]

50. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 22. [BACK]

51. By will of Sept. 8, 1858, María Machaca from Azángaro passed her parental Estancia Hucuni, located in parcialidad Hurinsaya, to her illegitimate son Simón Mango, sired by Colonel Vicente Mango of the kuraka family. She had passed most livestock to her legitimate daughter María Copacondori so that she would not have any claim to Hucuni; REPA, año 1858, Manrique (Sept. 8, 1858). Six years later the daughter nevertheless claimed title to half of the estancia; REPA, año 1864, Patiño, F. 32, No. 14 (May 10, 1864). [BACK]

52. See the will of María Hancco from Azángaro of Sept. 9, 1911, Expediente Judicial, AJA; she excluded her legitimate son Basilio Inofuente from inheriting "because he rebelled against me and stole from me nine cows, one horse, and earlier one yoke of oxen and three further cows as well as a flock of sixty sheep." Further examples of peasant disinheritance are in the wills of Apolinar Coasaca, REPP, año 1909, Garnica, F. 405, No. 198 (Nov. 12, 1909); and Melchora Luque, REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1272, No. 503 (Dec. 29, 1908). [BACK]

53. Hobsbawm, "Peasant Land Occupations," 143; Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model," 50. [BACK]

54. Fundo Ccatahuicucho, located in the old parcialidad Sillota of Asillo district, in 1908 still the subject of a sales contract between peasants, in the 1940 census appears as an ayllu with eleven families and forty-one inhabitants; REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 775, No. 310 (Apr. 11, 1908). [BACK]

55. See the case of the Calsina family in Azángaro district between the 1880s and 1910; various siblings and their offspring owned or leased landholdings in the neighboring parcialidades of Tiramasa, Anac Quia, and Hilata. The eight coheirs of one family estancia, Paccaray Lluncuyo, lived spread over all three of these communities. REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 69, No. 32 (May 8, 1899); REPA, año 1901, Jiménez, F. 376, No. 139 (Sept. 30, 1901); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 257, No. 111 (June 5, 1903); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 166, No. 62 (Apr. 11, 1907). [BACK]

56. The Calapuja Pachari family from parcialidad Yanico in Arapa owned Fundo Humanasi Choquechambi in parcialidad Curayllo until 1908 by inheritance from their mother Paula Quispe Pachari; REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 837, No. 330 (May 1, 1908). See Orlove, "Rich Man, Poor Man," 5, for examples from Canchis province. [BACK]

57. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 10-21. [BACK]

58. Alcalde José A. Lizares Quiñones to Subprefect, Azángaro, Aug. 26, 1893; Alcalde José Albino Ruiz to Subprefect, Azángaro, Oct. 2, 1894; both in Municipal Archive of Azángaro. [BACK]

59. Manrique, Yawar mayu , 152. This also appears to be the position of Poole, "Landscapes of Power," 367-98, who, mistakenly in my view, sees an increasing association between gamonales and state power even beyond 1920. [BACK]

60. Mostajo, "Apuntes," 758-59. [BACK]

61. REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 550, No. 242 (Mar. 12, 1910). [BACK]

62. Peru, Informe que presenta el Doctor Pedro C. Villena , 35-36; Demelas and Piel, "Jeux et enjeux," 55-64; Mallon, Defense of Community , 144-67. [BACK]

63. Memoria del Sr. Prefecto [1901] , 27-28. For the period 1888 to 1890 the contribución personal accounted for 80.5 percent of Puno's total departmental tax revenue of 141,283.63 soles m.n.; see Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 524; Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 172-78. Manrique mistakenly believes that the juntas departamentales were left without funds after the abolition of the contribución personal; but they continued to receive the proceeds from the contribuciones de predios rústicos y urbanos, de industria, and de patentes, as well as the contribución ecclesiástica; see Calle, Diccionario 3:511-14, 4:33-42. On the relationship between serrano elites and central government, see my article "Free Trade," 158-59. [BACK]

64. T. Platt, Estado boliviano , 100; emphasis in the original. See also Langer, "El liberalismo," 59-95. [BACK]

65. Pedro Villena claimed in 1913 that in Lampa "the tax roll was based on the number of people living in an 'ayllu' or an 'estancia,' but not on the income which each taxpayer derives from his property"; see Peru, Informe , 10. But this cannot have been the case in Azángaro, because the peasants' property tax was assessed on the basis of some fifteen different estimates of annual income, ranging from 20 to 500 soles m.n., and in some communities many peasants paid, whereas in others few or none did. [BACK]

66. For the central sierra, cf. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 83. [BACK]

67. Cf. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," ch. 2; Gonzalez, "Neo-Colonialism," 1-26. [BACK]

68. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 173-74. [BACK]

69. Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 122. [BACK]

70. On Buenavista de Conguyo, see REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 352, No. 172 (July 23, 1894); on San Antonio de Lacconi, see REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 332, No. 159 (Oct. 31, 1862). [BACK]

71. REPA, año 1869, judge not listed (Feb. 15, 1869). [BACK]

72. The matrícula de predios rústicos of 1897 lists 724 community peasants with annual income of 20 soles m.n. or more, equivalent to at least 100 OMR in livestock. My estimate allows both for the inclusion of some families in the rolls actually owning less livestock and the exclusion of some families owning at least 100 head of livestock. In Santiago district, for example, peasants were nearly totally absent from the 1897 rolls. Percentage estimate based on an estimate of 38,000-40,000 community peasants in Azángaro in 1897 and an average family size of 5 persons. [BACK]

73. Cf. the descriptions of communities in the western cordillera: Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model"; Flores Ochoa, Pastores de Paratía . [BACK]

74. In Arapa, with its lakeshore microclimate allowing more crop raising than most altiplano areas, a larger percentage of peasants spoke Spanish, and peasant families such as the Chambis and the Amanquis were prominent in local politics. [BACK]

75. See Matos Mar, "La propiedad en la isla Taquile," for land transfers among altiplano peasants. For the Mantaro valley, see Contreras, "Mercado de tierras." [BACK]

76. Cf. Orlove, "Reciprocidad, desigualdad y dominación," 309-10. [BACK]

77. Michael Ducey found that rebellions in Mexico's Huasteca region during the late colonial period were usually led by affluent members of the community; see his "'Viven sin ley ni rey.'" [BACK]

78. This estimate is based on other estimates and census data for community population and livestock held in the communities. It includes the affluent or kulak peasants. Because I have not been able to estimate the number of affluent peasants around 1825-29, it is not clear to me whether their share of total peasant livestock increased during the century after independence, although I doubt that it did. [BACK]

79. On the Mantaro valley, see G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 81-83. [BACK]

80. In his will Pedro Quispe from Muñani granted three cows and ten sheep to his domestic servant María Laura, an orphan whom he and his wife had raised since early childhood; REPA, año 1872, Patiño, F. 30, No. 17 (June 22, 1872). [BACK]

81. See the case of one Mamani family residing on the land Vilacucho, part of the Puraca's Buenavista de Conguyo; REPA, año 1869, Patiño, F. 3, No. 3 (Jan. 13, 1869), and REPA, año 1880, Torres Nuñez, F. 66, No. 39 (Aug. 31, 1880). On landless retainers in Bolivian communities, see Langer, Economic Change , 73; on the Mantaro valley, see G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82-83; on the Callejón de Huaylas, see W. Stein, La rebelión de Atusparia , 43. [BACK]

82. Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model," 38-39. [BACK]

83. Delgado, Organización , 39-40. [BACK]

84. Will of Casimira Mamani, REPA, año 1910, Aparicio, F. 293, No. 336 (Dec. 27, 1910). [BACK]

85. See, for example, the grant of Fundo Huacamocco-Adobe-Canchapata in parcialidad Llallahua (Santiago) to Mariano Chambi in 1852, REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 781 (Aug. 23, 1902, prot.); and of Estancia Huaichaccasani in parcialidad Jayuraya (Putina) to the Arenas family in the early 1820s, REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 582 (Feb. 21, 1902, prot.). [BACK]

86. For the appropriation of an estancia belonging to a peasant family who died in an epidemic, see REPA, año 1892, Meza (Dec. 21, 1892, prot.). According to Romero ( Monografía del departamento de Puno , 524), the state turned over land to Indian peasants in Puno in the aftermath of the War of the Pacific in exchange for renewed payment of the contribución personal. [BACK]

87. Leases were rare among peasants; see chapter 6. [BACK]

88. Martínez, "El indígena," 180. [BACK]

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