Notes
1. John Northbrooke, Spiritus est Vicarius Christi in terra: A Treatise wherein Dicing, Dauncing, Vaine playes, or Enterluds, with other idle pastimes, &c, commonly vsed on the Sabboth day, are reproued by the Authoritie of the word of God and auntient writers (London, [1577]). The Shakespeare Society edition, ed. J. P. Collier (Shakespeare Society 16, 1843), has been used here; see pp. 15, 44, 52, 90. Northbrooke served as minister of St. Mary, Redcliffe, Bristol from 1568 and was an important figure in the city’s religious life in the 1570s: Thomas Tanner, Bibliotheca Brittanico-Hiberica (London: G. Bowyer, 1748), p. 550. The Company of Stationers of London records the license for printing on 2 December 1577: E. Arber, ed., A Transcript of the Register of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554–1640, 5 vols. (New York: P. Smith, 1949–1950), vol. 2, p. 321. I am grateful to Katherine Pantzer of the Houghton Library, Harvard University, for advice on the history of this text.
2. John Latimer, Sixteenth-Century Bristol (Bristol: J. W. Arrowsmith, 1908), pp. 5–6.
3. Ibid.
4. Northbrooke, Treatise, p. 12.
5. Robert Ricart, The Maire of Bristowe Is Kalendar, BRO, MS 04720 (1). The Camden Society edition has been used here; see p. 69. For Ricart’s background, see ibid., p. i.
6. Northbrooke, Treatise, pp. 11–13.
7. Paul Hughes and James Larkin, eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 3 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964–1969), vol. 1, pp. 301–2; see also David Wilkins, ed., Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, a Synodo Verolamiensi A.D. CCCCXLVI. ad Londinensem A.D. MDCCXVII. Accedeunt constitutiones et alia ad historiam Ecclesiae Anglicanae spectantia, 4 vols. (London: Sumptibus R. Gosling, 1737), vol. 3, pp. 823–24, 857, 859–60.
8. John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials Relating Chiefly to Religion and the Reformation of It, Shewing the Various Emergencies of the Church of England under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI and Queen Mary I, 3 vols. in 6 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1822), vol. 3, part 2, p. 506, and see also pp. 8–9, 14–15, 17, 18, 21, 22; J. G. Nichols, ed., The Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London, from A.D. 1550 to A.D. 1563 (Camden Society, 1st ser., 42, 1848), p. 119. For the efforts of Catholic apologists in Bristol to revive the traditional forms of religious observation, see Paul Bush, A brefe exhortation set fourthe by the vnprofitable seruant of Jesu christ Paule Bushe, late bishop of Brystowe, to one Margarite Burges, wyfe of John Burges, clotheare of kyngeswode in the Countie of Wiltshire (London, 1556); Edgeworth, Sermons (London, 1557); see also K. G. Powell, The Marian Martyrs and the Reformation in Bristol (Historical Association, Bristol Branch, pamphlet 31, 1972). For the Elizabethan reaction to this effort at revival, see Wilkins, ed., Concilia Magnae Britanniae, vol. 4, pp. 182–91, 196–97, 211–14; F. E. Brightman, The English Rite being a Synopsis of the Sources and Revisions of the Book of Common Prayer, 2d rev. ed., 2 vols. (London: Rivingtons, 1921), vol. 1, pp. 98–101. J. J. Scarisbrick has argued that popular support for the traditional forms of lay piety persisted long into the sixteenth century: J. J. Scarisbrick, The Reformation and the English People (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984); see also Christopher Haigh, “Revisionism, the Reformation and the History of English Catholicism,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36 (1985): 394–406; Christopher Haigh, ed., The English Reformation Revised (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). A. G. Dickens has responded to these criticisms of his views in “The Early Expansion of Protestantism in England, 1520–1558”, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 73 (1987): 187–222. For a systematic consideration of this debate and a telling response to some of the claims of Scarisbrick and Haigh, see Patrick Collinson, The Birthpangs of Protestant England: Religious and Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1988), esp. chaps. 2, 4; see also Robert Whiting, The Blind Devotion of the People: Popular Religion and the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), esp. chap. 13.
9. For criticisms along these lines see, e.g., Ozment, ed., Three Behaim Boys, pp. xi–xiii.
10. Edgeworth, Sermons, f. 214r.
11. Putnam, Meaning and the Moral Sciences, pp. 42, 43–44. I have given further attention to some of these issues in “The Hedgehog and the Fox Revisited,” pp. 267–80.
12. See Cronne, ed., Bristol Charters, 1378–1499, pp. 64–69, 73–80; Gross, Gild Merchant, vol. 1, chaps. 2–4, and vol. 2, pp. 24–25, 353–55; Susan Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), chaps. 4–5; Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, chap. 1.
13. See N. Dermott Harding, ed., Bristol Charters, 1155–1373 (BRS 1, 1930), pp. 120ff.; Cronne, ed., Bristol Charters, 1378–1499, pp. 40–56; Martin Weinbaum, The Incorporation of Boroughs (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1937), pp. 54–56; Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, pp. 22ff.
14. Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers, pp. 1–97; M. D. Lobel and E. M. Carus-Wilson, “Bristol,” in M. D. Lobel, ed., Historic Towns (London: Lovell Johns—Cook, Hammond and Kell Organization, 1975), pp. 1–16; Sherborne, Port of Bristol; C. D. Ross, “Bristol in the Middle Ages,” in C. M. MacInnes and W. E. Whitterd, eds., Bristol and the Adjoining Counties (Bristol: Bristol Association for the Advancement of Science, 1955), pp. 179–92; see also Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, chaps. 1–6.
15. LRB, vol. 1, p. 51; for a later version of the oath preserving most of its original terms, see McGrath, ed., Merchants and Merchandise, pp. 26–27.
16. Mariners were itinerant merchants, and their gild was closely associated from the earliest days with Bristol’s sedentary merchants; see above, p. 90; Latimer, Merchant Venturers, pp. 19–21.
17. LRB, vol. 2, pp. 2–6; Fox and Taylor, eds., pp. 10–14. On the history of Bristol’s governing council, see Cronne, Bristol Charters, 1378–1499, pp. 50, 73–83. It was only in 1344 that Bristol acquired a council of forty-eight, broadly representative of the leading men in the textile trades: LRB, vol. 1, pp. 25ff. And only in 1373 did its council become a body consisting of mayor, sheriff, and forty of “the better and more worthy men” of the borough: Harding, ed., Bristol Charters, 1155–1373, pp. 136–37. An earlier attempt to set up a select council of fourteen in Bristol had led to a rebellion in the city: see E. A. Fuller, “The Tallage of Edward II and the Bristol Rebellion,” BGAS 19 (1894–1895): 171–278, esp. pp. 191ff.; Seyer, Memoirs, vol. 2, pp. 89ff.; John Latimer, ed., Calendar of the Charters &c. of the City and County of Bristol (Bristol: W. C. Hemmons, 1909), pp. 42ff.
18. Latimer, Merchant Venturers, p. 19n.
19. John Leland, The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the Years 1535–1543, ed. Lucy Toulmin Smith, 5 vols. (Carbondale, Ill.: Southern Illinois University Press, 1964), vol. 3, p. 101.
20. See Lobel and Carus-Wilson, “Bristol”; for further discussion see Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 2, pp. 482ff.
21. Cronne, ed., Bristol Charters, 1378–1499, pp. 35–39.
22. Ralph, ed., Great White Book, pp. 17–67; Latham, ed., Bristol Charters, 1509–1899, pp. 21–22, 27–29, 93–94; VCH Gloucestershire, vol. 2, p. 78; John Britton, The History and Antiquities of the Abbey and Cathedral Church of Bristol (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, 1830), pp. 21–22; PRO, STAC 2/6/93–94; Latimer, Sixteenth-Century Bristol, pp. 16–18.
23. Ricart, Kalendar, p. 80; Fox and Taylor, Guild of Weavers, pp. 10–14.
24. Gross, Gild Merchant, vol. 1, pp. 43–45; LRB, vol. 1, pp. 36–38.
25. See above, pp. 20–21; Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers, pp. 28–49; Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, chap. 6.
26. John Brand, Observations on Popular Antiquities: Chiefly Illustrating the Origin of Our Vulgar Customs, Ceremonies and Superstitions, ed. Henry Ellis, 5 vols. (London: C. Knight, 1841–1842), vol. 1, pp. 408–14, 461–66; A. R. Wright, British Calendar Customs: England, ed. T. E. Lones, 3 vols. (London: W. Glaisher, 1936–1940), vol. 3, pp. 167ff.
27. Ricart, Kalendar, p. 80.
28. Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969), esp. chaps. 3–5; Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974), chaps. 1, 5–7; Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), chap. 4; Victor Turner, The Drums of Affliction: A Study of Religious Processes among the Ndembu of Zambia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), chap. 9. See also Edmund Leach, “Time and False Noses,” in Edmund Leach, Rethinking Anthropology (London: Athlone Press, 1961), pp. 132–38.
29. Ricart, Kalendar, p. 80.
30. Ibid., pp. 68ff.
31. See Charles Phythian-Adams, “Ceremony and the Citizen: The Ceremonial Year at Coventry, 1450–1550,” in Peter Clark and Paul Slack, eds., Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500–1700: Essays in Urban History (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972), pp. 59, 62–63; Mervyn James, “Ritual, Drama and Social Body in the Late Medieval English Town,” Past and Present no. 98 (February 1983): 1–29.
32. See Phythian-Adams, “Ceremony and the Citizen,” pp. 63–65; James, “Ritual, Drama and Social Body,” pp. 16–21.
33. Ricart, Kalendar, p. 80; Richard Braithwait, The History of Moderation (London, 1669), pp. 10, 12, 15. See also John Wycliffe, On the Seven Deadly Sins, in John Wycliffe, Select English Works of John Wyclif, ed. Thomas Arnold, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1871), vol. 3, pp. 160–61; Edgeworth, Sermons, ff. 231v–232r; William Prynne, Healthes: Sicknesse or, a Compendious and Briefe Discourse, Prouing the Drinking and Pledging of Healthes to be Sinfull, and Vtterly Unloawfull unto Christians (London, 1628), p. 25; Samuel Ward, Woe to the Drunkard, in Samuel Ward, A Collection of Such Sermons as have beene written by S. Warde (London, 1636), p. 553; Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 2, pp. 338–39.
34. Ricart, Kalendar, p. 80.
35. Turner, Ritual Process, pp. 94–95 and chaps. 3–5.
36. Ricart, Kalendar, p. 80.
37. Jacobus Voraigne, The Golden Legend; or Lives of the Saints as Englished by William Caxton, ed. F. S. Ellis, 7 vols. (London: J. M. Dent, 1900), vol. 7, pp. 1–31; S. Baring-Gould, Lives of the Saints: November, 2d ed. (London: J. Hodges, 1877), part 2, pp. 540–43; E. K. Chambers, The Medieval Stage, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1903), vol. 2, pp. 205–27, 393, 396–402; Joseph Strutt, Sports and Pastimes of the People of England from the Earliest Period, ed. J. Charles Cox (London: Methuen, 1903), pp. 201–3, 269; Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 1, pp. 411–14, 461–66; William Hone, The Every-Day Booke and Table Book, 3 vols. (London: T. Tegg, 1830), vol. 1, pp. 1501–8. See also Wright, British Calendar Customs, vol. 3, pp. 177, 179, 180–85; John Nurse Chadwick, “Rope makers’ procession at Catham,” Notes and Queries, 2d ser., 5, no. 107 (16 January 1858): 47; Charles Lamotte, Essay on Poetry and Painting (London: F. Fayram and J. Leare, 1730), p. 126; James Orchard Halliwell-Phillipps, Popular Rhymes and Nursery Tales (London: J. R. Smith, 1849), p. 238; John Noake, Notes and Queries for Worcestershire (Birmingham, Eng.: n.p., 1861), pp. 215–16; R. A[llies], “Worcestershire Folk-lore: Cathering and Clemening,” The Athenaeum 1001 (2 January 1847): 18.
38. John Bossy, “The Mass as a Social Institution, 1200–1700,” Past and Present, no. 100 (August 1983): 29–61; John Bossy, Christianity in the West, 1400–1700 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 64–72; see also Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), esp. chaps. 9, 14; Susan Brigden, “Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London,” Past and Present, no. 103 (May 1984): 67–112.
39. See Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981); Bossy, Christianity in the West, pp. 11–13, 72–73; Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971), pp. 26–29, and cf. pp. 40–44; Scarisbrick, Reformation and the English People, pp. 12, 20, 39, 41, 54–55, 59, 170–71, 180; Collinson, Birthpangs of Protestant England, pp. 28–29, and cf. pp. 37–38, 50, 52–53; J. A. F. Thomson, “Piety and Charity in Late-Medieval London,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 16 (1965): 178–95; A. N. Galpern, The Religions of the People in Sixteenth-Century Champagne (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), chap. 1; Alan Kreider, English Chantries: The Road to Dissolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979), chaps. 1–3. For the role of intercessory prayer in late medieval Bristol, see also Clive Burgess, “ ‘For the Increase of Divine Service’: Chantries in the Parishes of Late Medieval Bristol,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36 (1985): 46–85; Clive Burgess, “A Service for the Dead: The Form and Function of the Anniversary in Late Medieval Bristol,” BGAS 105 (1987): 183–211; but compare Robert Whiting, “For the Health of My Soul: Prayers for the Dead in the Tudor South-West,” Southern History 5 (1983): 68–94; Whiting, Blind Devotion of the People, chaps. 3–4; Peter Heath, “Urban Piety in the Later Middle Ages: The Evidence of Hull Wills,” in Barrie Dobson, ed., The Church, Politics and Patronage in the Fifteenth Century (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), pp. 209–34.
40. Lucy Toulmin Smith identifies this map as Bristol in 1479, but from the context it is clear that it is a view of Bristol as founded by the mythical Trojan “Brynne” or Brennus: see Ricart, Kalendar, pp. 10–11.
41. Werner Müller, Die heilige Stadt: Roma quadrata, himmlische Jerusalem und die Mythe vom Weltnabel (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1961).
42. Latimer, Sixteenth-Century Bristol, pp. 5–6; Robert Withington, English Pageantry: An Historical Outline, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1918–1920), vol. 1, pp. 21–22 and 22n.; E. O. James, Seasonal Feasts and Festivals (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1961), pp. 223–25; LRB, vol. 2, pp. 145–52; Veale, ed., Great Red Book, vol. 4, pp. 125–26; “A shorte and briefe memory by license and correcion of the first progress of our soueraigne lorde King Henry the VIIth,” printed in John Leland, De rebvs Brittanicus, Collecteanea, ed. Thomas Hearne, 3 vols. in 4 (London: Gvl. and J. Richardson, 1770), vol. 4, p. 202. See also Phythian-Adams, “Ceremony and the Citizen,” pp. 58ff.; James, “Ritual, Drama and Social Body,” pp. 5ff.; Bossy, “The Mass as a Social Institution,” pp. 50, 59.
43. See, e.g., LRB, vol. 2, pp. 117–22, 147–50.
44. John Tucker Murray, English Dramatic Companies, 1558–1642, 2 vols. (London: Constable, 1910), vol. 2, pp. 207–19. The first evidence of these companies of players appears in the earliest extant audit book of the city’s accounts, which dates from 1532. In all probability the practice of welcoming these traveling companies began somewhat earlier. The last entries in the audit books for payments to players before the closing of the theaters in 1642 is for the year 1634–1635, but the number of entries is much less frequent after 1603 than it was in the later sixteenth century. In part this may be due to the existence on Wine Street in Bristol of a regular playhouse for performances. It appears to have been opened sometime before 1605 and to have continued in operation into the later 1620s. See Kathleen M. D. Barker, “An Early Seventeenth Century Provincial Playhouse,” Theatre Notebook 29 (1975): 81–84; Mark C. Pilkington, “The Playhouse in Wine Street, Bristol,” Theatre Notebook 37 (1983): 14–21; Mark C. Pilkington, “New Information on the Playhouse in Wine Street, Bristol,” Theatre Notebook 42 (1988): 73–74; Kathleen M. D. Barker, Bristol at Play: Five Centuries of Live Entertainment (Bradford-on-Avon, Eng.: Moonraker Press, 1976), pp. 3–4. I thank Irven Matus for these references and for directing me to this subject.
45. Hughes and Larkin, Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 1, pp. 301–2.
46. Brightman, English Rite, vol. 1, pp. 98–101.
47. Edgeworth, Sermons, esp. ff. 209v, 218v.
48. Thorne’s will is printed in Veale, ed., Great Red Book, vol. 16, pp. 124–29. See Scarisbrick, Reformation and the English People, chaps. 1–2, 7; and n. 8 above. For Bush see J. H. Bettey, “Paul Bush, the First Bishop of Bristol,” BGAS 106 (1988): 169–72.
49. Edgeworth, Sermons, ff. 40r, 84v–85r, 131v–132r, 157v–158r, 179v–180r, 214v, 235r–v, 273r–274r.
50. See, along with Northbrooke’s Treatise against dicing, dancing, and vain plays, Thomas Thompson, A diet for a Drunkard, Deliuered in two Sermons at St Nicholas Church in Bristoll Anno Domini 1608 (London, 1612); Edward Chetwyn, The Strait Gate and the Narrow Way of Life opened and pointed out in certain sermons upon Luke 12, 23, 24 (London, 1612), esp. p. 4; Edward Chetwyn, Votitiae Lachrymae; A Vow of Teares for the losse of Prince Henry in a Sermon in the Citie of Bristol, December 7, 1612 being the Day of his funerall (London, 1612). For the effects of the Reformation and other sixteenth-century developments on popular festivities and practices, see Imogen Luxton, “The Reformation and Popular Culture,” in Felicity Heal and Rosemary O’Day, eds., Church and Society in England: Henry VIII to James I (London: Macmillan, 1977), pp. 57–77; W. J. Sheils, “Religion in Provincial Towns: Innovation and Tradition,” in Heal and O’Day, Church and Society, pp. 156–76; Phythian-Adams, “Ceremony and the Citizen,” pp. 70–80; Peter Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (London: Temple Smith, 1978), chap. 8; James, “Ritual, Drama and Social Body,” pp. 3–29; Collinson, Birthpangs of Protestant England, chaps. 2, 4; Brigden, London and the Reformation, chap. 14 and pp. 633–39; Whiting, Blind Devotion of the People. Mervyn James, relying on the work of Charles Phythian-Adams, attributes many of the changes to the so-called urban crisis in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries; see Phythian-Adams, “Urban Decay,” Phythian-Adams, Desolation of a City. I have expressed some reservations about Burke’s and James’s arguments in “Demise of the Martyrs,” pp. 143–44, 165–69, and about Phythian-Adams’s view of the relation of urban crisis to cultural change in my review of his book in Journal of Modern History 54 (1982): 105–7; see also A. R. Bridbury, “English Provincial Towns in the Later Middle Ages,” EcHR, 2d ser., 34 (1981): 1–24; Jennifer I. Kermode, “Urban Decline? The Flight from Office in Late Medieval York,” EcHR, 2d ser., 35 (1982): 179–98.
51. Fox and Taylor, Guild of Weavers, pp. 18ff.; Latimer, Merchant Venturers, pp. 18–23; McGrath, Merchant Venturers of Bristol, pp. 17–18, and cf. pp. 18–20, 81–83, 203–4, 398–401, 521–25.
52. See Ralph, ed., Great White Book, pp. 17–67.
53. Latham, ed., Bristol Charters, 1509–1899, pp. 19ff., 94–111.
54. See Natalie Zemon Davis, “The Sacred and the Social Body in Sixteenth-Century Lyon,” Past and Present, no. 90 (February 1981): 40–70.
55. Latham, ed., Bristol Charters, 1509–1899, pp. 21–22, 93–94.
56. See above, pp. 78–79.
57. See Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers, pp. 75–78; Wadley, ed., Great Orphan Book.
58. LRB, vol. 1, pp. 114–15 compared to Wadley, ed., Great Orphan Book.
59. The procedure followed here was to compare the list of common councillors to the wills in the Great Orphan Book and to the surviving commercial records printed in Carus-Wilson, ed., Overseas Trade of Bristol.
60. The figure of 48 percent is derived from PRO, E 301/22, Certificate of the Chantries in the County of Gloucester and the Cities of Bristol and Gloucester, 1548, printed in John MacLean, “Chantry Certificates, Gloucestershire (Roll 22),” BGAS 8 (1883): 232–51; see also Josiah Cox Russell, British Medieval Population (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1948), p. 295; Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, pp. 208–13. Analysis of these chantry certificates yields an overall population for Bristol in 1548 of approximately 9,500, about the same figure as W. G. Hoskins established for Bristol ca. 1525, using data from PRO, E 179/113/192. There is no reason to think that the distribution of the city’s population by district would have changed between 1525 and 1548. See Hoskins, “English Provincial Towns,” p. 5.
61. Cronne, ed., Bristol Charters, 1378–1499, pp. 163–204; Latham, ed., Bristol Charters, 1509–1899, pp. 1–19; Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, chap. 2; Sacks, “The Corporate Town and the English State,” pp. 91–92, 93ff.
62. Leadam, ed., Select Cases before the Star Chamber, pp. cii–cxxiv, 237–76; Vanes, ed., Overseas Trade of Bristol, pp. 31–32.
63. James, “Drama, Ritual and Social Body,” p. 26.
64. Oxford University, Lincoln College, MS lat. 129, cited in Nicholas Orme, Education in the West of England, 1066–1548: Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Gloucestershire, Somerset, Wiltshire (Exeter: University of Exeter, 1976), p. 40.
65. K. B. McFarlane, The Origins of Religious Dissent in England (New York: Collier, 1966), pp. 187–89; J. A. F. Thomson, The Later Lollards, 1414–1520 (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 20–28, 33. Some of the names of these Bristol militants are available in PRO, K.B. 9/205/1, mm. 82–83.
66. For regulations requiring gildsmen to support their fraternities’ religious functions, see, e.g., LRB, vol. 2, pp. 121–22 (weavers); for instances of fines paid in wax, see ibid., p. 59 (weavers) and Veale, ed., Great Red Book, vol. 18, pp. 82–84 (merchants).
67. The ideas of Wycliffe and his early followers can be gleaned from Anne Hudson, ed., Selections from English Wycliffite Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978); Anne Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), esp. chaps. 6–8; see also McFarlane, Origins of Religious Dissent, chap. 4; Herbert B. Workman, John Wycliffe: A Study of the English Medieval Church, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), vol. 2, pp. 3–45, 149–55.
68. For Bristol Lollardy, see Thomson, Later Lollards, pp. 20–28, 33–35, 37, 39–40, 44, 46–47, 54, 65–66, 68, 99, 109, 114, 155, 209, 221, 240, 246; Hudson, Premature Reformation, pp. 78, 81, 89–90, 122–23, 125, 131, 133, 140–42, 144, 154, 172, 183, 188, 233, 234n., 456–57, 459. For Lollard views on saints and images, see Hudson, Premature Reformation, pp. 301–9; Margaret Aston, England’s Iconoclasts, Volume 1: Laws against Images (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), chap. 4; Margaret Aston, “Lollards and Images,” in Margaret Aston, Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion (London: Hambledon Press, 1984), pp. 135–92. On the character of later Lollard belief see also A. G. Dickens, Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York, 1509–1558 (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), chaps. 1–2; A. G. Dickens, The English Reformation (London: B. T. Batsford, 1964), chap. 2; Thomson, Later Lollards, pp. 239–50; Margaret Aston, “Lollardy and Reformation: Survival or Revival?” in Aston, Lollards and Reformers, pp. 219–42; Hudson, Premature Reformation, pp. 456ff.; J. F. Davis, “Lollardy and the Reformation in England,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 73 (1982): 217–37. For the relation of Lollardy to political dissent, see Margaret Aston, “Lollardy and Sedition, 1381–1431,” in Aston, Lollards and Reformers, pp. 1–47; Hudson, Premature Reformation, chap. 8.
69. See John Wycliffe, The Grete Sentence of the Curs Expounded, in Wycliffe, Select English Works, ed. Arnold, vol. 3, pp. 333–34.
70. LRB, vol. 2, pp. 117–21.
71. Ibid., pp. 121–22.
72. Veale, ed., Great Red Book, text, vol. 8, pp. 67–69.
73. Thomson, Later Lollards, pp. 34, 39–40, 44, 46–47, 109, 114, 155.
77. LRB, vol. 2, pp. 40–41, 125; Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 2, pp. 442–43.
75. Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 2, pp. 478–79, 509, 752–63.
76. LRB, vol. 2, pp. 117–22 (weavers), 147–50 (shoemakers). In the same period there is also a curious ordinance against those who “vilipend” the men of the Common Council: ibid., vol. 1, pp. 149–53.
77. Hugh Latimer, “Articles untruly, unjustly, falsely, uncharitably imparted to me by Dr Powell of Salisbury,” in Hugh Latimer, Sermons and Remains of Hugh Latimer, Sometime Bishop of Worcester, Martyr 1555, ed. George Elwes Corrie (Parker Society 28, 1845), p. 233; see also “Letter of Hugh Latimer to Ralph Morrice, Mayor, June, 1533,” in ibid., pp. 357ff. Much additional material bearing upon Latimer’s preachings in Bristol and the controversies that followed is printed in John Foxe, Acts and Monuments of the Christian Martyrs, 8 vols. (New York: AMS Press, 1965), vol. 7, appendix 9. For a discussion of these events and a review of the religious issues raised, see Harold J. Darby, Hugh Latimer (London: Epworth Press, 1953), chap. 5; for analysis of official reaction to these disturbances, see G. R. Elton, Policy and Police: The Enforcement of the Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), pp. 110ff. Further discussion must await the publication of Martha Skeeters’s book on the history of the church in sixteenth-century Bristol.
78. Edgeworth, Sermons, f. 40r.
79. This was also the fate of the feasts of St. Clement and St. Katherine in the west of England; see R. A[llies], “Worcestershire Folklore,” p. 18.