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1. Edgeworth, Sermons, f. 288v. [BACK]

2. Ibid., ff. 6r–7r. [BACK]

3. Ibid., ff. 13v–14r. [BACK]

4. Ibid., f. 14r. [BACK]

5. Ibid., f. 61r. [BACK]

6. Ibid., f. 61r–v. [BACK]

7. Ibid., f. 125r–v. [BACK]

8. Ibid., f. 61v. [BACK]

9. Ibid., f. 61r–v. [BACK]

10. Ibid., f. 62r–v. [BACK]

11. Ibid., ff. 62v–63r. [BACK]

12. Ibid., f. 63r. [BACK]

13. Ibid., f. 63r. [BACK]

14. Marchants Avizo, pp. v–xi, 3. [BACK]

15. Ibid., p. 48. [BACK]

16. Ibid., p. 11. [BACK]

17. Ibid., p. 56. [BACK]

18. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), p. 46. [BACK]

19. Marchants Avizo, pp. 55–57. [BACK]

20. See, e.g., A Discourse of the Commonweal of This Realm of England, Attributed to Sir Thomas Smith, ed. Mary Dewar (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1969). [BACK]

21. The character of their rhetoric can be gauged from the documents collected in Tawney and Power, eds., Tudor Economic Documents, vols. 2–3. [BACK]

22. Marchants Avizo, p. 6. [BACK]

23. Ibid., p. 3. [BACK]

24. Latimer, Annals, p. 474; DNB, “John Cary.” The DNB account calls him the son of Thomas Cary, vicar of SS. Philip and Jacob, but this is in error: see McGrath, ed., Records, p. 48. Jonathan Barry identifies Cary’s politics as “radical whig”: Barry, “Politics of Religion,” p. 179. [BACK]

25. Cary, Essay on the State of England, sig. A4a. [BACK]

26. John Cary, An Essay on the Coyn and Credit of England: As they stand with Respect to its Trade (Bristol, 1696), p. 30. [BACK]

27. Cary, Essay on the State of England, p. 48. [BACK]

28. Ibid., pp. 49–52. [BACK]

29. Ibid., pp. 66–67. [BACK]

30. Ibid., pp. 67–68. [BACK]

31. Ibid., pp. 41, 61. [BACK]

32. Cary, Essay on the Coyn and Credit of England, p. 1. [BACK]

33. Ibid., p. 30. [BACK]

34. BL, Harl. MS 5540, f. 112. [BACK]

35. Cary, Essay on the State of England, p. 75. [BACK]

36. Ibid., pp. 75–76. [BACK]

37. Ibid., pp. 52–53. [BACK]

38. Cary, Essay on the Coyn and Credit of England, p. 3. [BACK]

39. Cary, Essay on the State of England, p. 76. [BACK]

40. Ibid., pp. 2–3. [BACK]

41. Ibid., p. 4. [BACK]

42. Ibid., pp. 5–7. [BACK]

43. Ibid., p. 17. [BACK]

44. Marchants Avizo, p. 55. [BACK]

45. Latimer, Merchant Venturers, p. 26. [BACK]

46. See Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 2, pp. 752–63. [BACK]

47. McGrath, ed., Merchants and Merchandise, p. 15. [BACK]

48. Based on BRO, MSS 04352 (6), 04357 (1). [BACK]

49. Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 2, pp. 502–5; J. R. Holman, “Apprenticeship as a Factor in Migration: Bristol, 1675–1726,” BGAS 97 (1979): 85–92, esp. pp. 86–97. [BACK]

50. Minchinton, “Bristol,” 69–85. [BACK]

51. McGrath, ed., Merchants and Merchandise, pp. 140–43. [BACK]

52. For this paragraph and the next see Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, chap. 5. [BACK]

53. [J. Rickman], Abstract of the Answers and Returns made Pursuant to an Act Passed in the Forty-First Year of His Majesty King George III Intitled ‘An Act for Taking an Account of the Population of Great Britain, and the Increase or Diminution thereof.’ Enumeration, 2 parts (London: Parliamentary Papers, 1801–2), part 1, pp. 125–26. [BACK]

54. Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, pp. 214–34, 250–54. Bristol’s demographic history in the seventeenth century, especially in midcentury, contrasts with that for England as a whole. While Bristol’s population growth probably slowed after 1600 from the rate achieved in the late sixteenth century, elsewhere in England, with the exception of London and a few other major urban centers, the first three-quarters of the seventeenth century was generally a period of stagnation, not growth: Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England, pp. 207–13. [BACK]

55. For the history of this map, see J. E. Pritchard, “A Hitherto Unknown Original Print of the Great Plan of Bristol by Jacobus Millerd, 1673” BGAS 44 (1922): 203–20; J. E. Pritchard, “Old Plans and Views of Bristol,” BGAS 44 (1922): 334–36. [BACK]

56. Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, pp. 245–50. [BACK]

57. The following remarks are based on analysis of PRO, E 179/116/541. [BACK]

58. Hayden, ed., Records, pp. 14–18, 105, 133; Mortimer, ed., Minute Book, pp. xxi–xxii; Turner, ed., Original Records of Early Nonconformity, vol. 1, pp. 230, 239, 244, 328, 439, 483, 560, 562; vol. 2, pp. 818–19, 824–25; vol. 3, p. 327; Moses Caston, Independency in Bristol, with brief memorials of its churches and pastors (London: Ward, 1860), pp. 39–52, 82–88. [BACK]

59. Anne Whiteman, ed., The Compton Census of 1676 (British Academy: Records of Social and Economic History, n.s. 10, 1986), pp. 547–51. In her introduction Whiteman makes a cogent case for the general accuracy of the census against the criticisms made by Thomas Richards, “The Religious Census of 1676: An Inquiry into Its Historical Value Mainly with Reference to Wales,” Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmordorion, 1925–26, Supplement (London: Society of Cymmordorion, 1927). But the figures for Bristol pose special difficulties, in part because no returns have survived from half of the central parishes in the city and in part because the results in two important centers of dissent, St. James and St. Mary, Redcliffe, are either misstated or confused. Given the location of Quaker, Baptist, and Presbyterian meetings in its midst, St. James probably had more than one hundred dissenters among its twelve hundred men and women over sixteen years of age. As for St. Mary, Redcliffe, its population of men and women over sixteen was almost certainly considerably larger than the hundred and fifty persons indicated in the return; in 1696 its total population equaled that for nearby St. Thomas, for which the Compton census gives three hundred and fifty persons over sixteen years of age: see Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, pp. 239–40. [BACK]

60. On this point see Barry, “Parish in Civic Life,” pp. 152–78; see also Jonathan Barry, “Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century Bristol,” in Barry Reay, ed., Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985), pp. 59–90; Barry, “Politics of Religion,” p. 165. [BACK]

61. See Norman O. Brown, Hermes the Thief (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1947), esp. pp. 6–45, 78, 85, 108; see also Jean-Christophe Agnew, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater in Anglo-American Thought, 1550–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 17–56. [BACK]

62. On this theme see, e.g., Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, chaps. 13–14; J. G. A. Pocock, “The Mobility of Property and the Rise of Eighteenth-Century Sociology,” in J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and History: Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 103–23. [BACK]

63. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1958). [BACK]

64. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests, pp. 129–30. [BACK]

65. The phrase is Hirschman’s, from the subtitle of The Passions and the Interests. [BACK]

66. Ibid., pp. 129–30. [BACK]

67. Seaver, “Puritan Work-Ethic Revisited,” p. 38; see also Seaver, Wallington’s World, chap. 5. [BACK]

68. Romans 12: 2. [BACK]

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