1 On the portrait type see Fittschen-Zanker I, 105ff., pl. 111, Beilage 71ff.

2 I shall deliberately omit from consideration the aspect of "heroization" or of continued life after death as a reward for exceptional service to the Muses, a motif that often echoes in the poetic imagery of funerary epigrams. Marrou (1938, 209ff., 253f.) already recognized that these represent a rather marginal group in relation to the wealth of sources pertaining to the praise of learning, and that their evidence is anything but clear-cut. The enormous influence of F. Cumont's Recherches sur le symbolisme funéraire des romains (Brussels, 1942) esp. 253-350, has, in my view, unjustly made this aspect the focus of most subsequent interpretation.

3 See, most recently, S. Walker, Catalogue of Roman Sarcophagi in the British Museum, CSIR Great Britain 2.2 (London, 1990) 51, no. 66, pl. 26, who gives a date of ca. 200. Wiegartz (1965) places this sarcophagus in his chronological chart at about 230-235. He also gives other examples of this type. On the export of Phrygian sarcophagi see M. Waelkens, Dokimeion: Die Werkstatt der repräsentativen kleinasiatischen Sarkophage (Berlin, 1982) 124ff.; G. Koch, Sarkophage der römischen Kaiserzeit (Darmstadt, 1993) 121ff.

4 See Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 548, fig. 538.

5 This material was first gathered together by Marrou (1938), then by Wegner (1966); cf. the important review of Wegner's book by Fittschen (1972), and Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 203-6. See also T. Klauser, JAC 3 (1960) 112ff.; id., JAC 6 (1963) 71-100; Gerke 1940, 272ff. There is, however, a noticeable time lag between the early examples of imported sarcophagi depicting the amateur intellectual, such as the fragment in the British Museum (fig. 144) or the sarcophagus in the garden of the Palazzo Colonna (Wiegartz 1965, 162, dated ca. 180), and the adoption of comparable motifs by workshops in the city of Rome, which will have begun only in the years around 230 to 240, if the dating based on stylistic criteria is correct.

6 On the musical education of women and on dance see Friedländer I, 271f.; II, 137, 183. On the image of Roman women generally see B. von Hesberg-Tonn, "Coniunx carissima: Untersuchungen zum Normcharakter im Erscheinungsbild der römischen Frau" (Diss., Stuttgart, 1983).

7 The same notion also occurs in contemporary inscriptions. Cf., for example, S. Nicosia, Il segno e la memoria (Palermo, 1992) no. 85 (= M. Guarducci, Epigrafia greca [Rome, 1974] 3: 187ff., fig. 75), in which an actress is celebrated as the tenth Muse.

8 Rome, Museo Torlonia 424; Wegner 1966, no. 133, pls. 60, 62, 64a, 73a. See the interpretation of Fittschen (1972, 492f.); Hölscher (1982, 214); Berger-Doer (1990, 425); Ewald (1993, 66ff.), who has rightly recognized in the "wise men" a reference to itinerant philosophers of the day, on account of their dress. On the social status of L. Pullius Peregrinus see R. Stein, Der römische Ritterstand: Ein Beitrag zur Sozial- und Personengeschichte des römischen Reiches (Vienna, 1927) 141.

9 On the difference between the pallium and the toga in seated statues see Goette 1989, 75f.; Fittschen 1992b, 266ff.

10 Like many of his contemporaries, Peregrinus believed in astrology, including the notion that the hour of one's death is already fixed by the constellations governing one's birth. Fittschen (1972, 493) was able to infer this from the fact that the inscription records the exact length of his life down to the minute. At his death Peregrinus was only twenty-nine years, three months, one day, and one-and-a-half hours old.

11 Brown 1980, 12: "These silent figures are the ghosts of what each dead man might have been." See also Hadot 1981.

12 Vatican, Belvedere 68; Wegner 1966, 55, no. 135, pls. 55, 57; Helbig ⁴ I, no. 218 (B. Andreae); Fittschen 1972, 493; Wrede 1981, 149, 287, no. 243, pl. 35, 1-4.

13 Vatican, Galleria dei Candelabri inv. 2422; Lippold, Vat. Kat. III, 2, 116ff., pl. 154; Wegner 1966, 58, no. 139, pls. 59, 69; Helbig ⁴ I, no. 514 (B. Andreae); Fittschen 1972, 494 (dated ca. A.D. 280). Amedick 1991, 69ff., traces the motif to scenes of magistrates and provides further examples.

14 See Bieler I, 34f.; Marrou 1938, 197-207; Amedick 1991, 70f.—all of which also include references to the epigrams and inscriptions.

15 Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Profano 9504; Wegner 1966, 47, no. 116, pls. 64, 70f.; Fittschen 1972, 491f.; Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 204f. On the outfits see Goette 1989, 97; and, on the shoes, id., JdI 103 (1988) 451, fig. 35c; 45gff. The philosopher in the long undergarment was originally intended to be a female figure: Himmelmann 1980, 144 n. 498; cf. G. Koch, Roman Funerary Monuments in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Malibu, 1990) 1: 59-70. Such differentiation among the philosopher-advisers also occurs elsewhere, e.g., on the well-known sarcophagus from the Via Salaria in the Vatican (ex-Lateran 181): Koch-Sichtermann, fig. 123; Repertorium 1967, I 62, no. 66; pl. 21; Age of Spirituality 1979, 518f., no. 462; Himmelmann, 132f.

16 For the Feldherrn sarcophagi, as well as sarcophagi with battles and weddings, see Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 90ff., 99ff., 106f.; G. Rodenwaldt, Über de Stilwandel in der antoninischen Kunst, AbhBerl (Berlin, 1935) no. 3, 3ff.; T. Hölscher, "Die Geschichtsauffassung in der römischen Repräsentationskunst," JdI 95 (1980) 288ff.

17 Naples, Museo Nazionale; Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 102, fig. 203. Fundamental to the interpretation is Himmelmann 1962. V. M. Strocka's reading, in JdI 83 (1968) 221-31, of the middle scene as the dispute between the vita activa and the vita contemplativa is undermined by the outmoded supposition that there must be a narrative. On the interpretation see K. Fittschen, JdI 94 (1979) 589ff. The deceased need not be of consular rank, as Himmelmann assumed. He could be some lesser magistrate (cf. Goette 1989, 94), which for our purposes would not affect the essential meaning of the image. There is a fine example of a philosophical adviser in a scene of a Roman magistrate on a sarcophagus in the Museo Torlonia: B. Andreae, "Processus consularis," in Opus Nobile, Festschrift U. Jantzen (Wiesbaden, 1969) 3-13, pls. 1-2; N. Himmelmann, Typologische Untersuchungen an römischen Sarkophagreliefs des 3. und 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (Mainz, 1973) 6ff., pl. 10.

18 See K. Fittschen, AA, 1977, 319-26.

19 D. Ahrens, MüJb 19 (1968) 232, figs. 3-4. I owe the parallel with Urania to Ewald (1993, 58), who cites other examples combining the toga with the pallium . It is unclear whether the "philosopher" bears portrait features.

20 Marrou 1956, 450ff.; Brown 1980, 4.

21 Wegner 1966 illustrates numerous examples. Cf. also Wilpert I-III; Repertorium 1967. There are, however, a great many more, as a glance through the photo archive of the German Archaeological Institute in Rome reveals (fiches 640-47). Ewald (1993) offers a provisional collection of the material.

22 On the hunt sarcophagi see B. Andreae, Die römischen Jagdsarkophage, ASR 1.2 (Berlin, 1980). Cf. the fragmentary philosopher sarcophagus with the scene of a lion hunt on the back, Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Profano 9523; Andreae, 62, 181, no. 231, pl. 31.5; A. Vaccaro Melucco, Sarcophagi romani di caccia al leone, StMisc 2, 1963-64 (Rome, 1966) 22, no. 12, pls. 12, 28; 13, 29.

23 Berger-Doer 1990, 417ff., no. 256. Cf. the comparanda in T. Hauser, JAC 3 (1960) 112ff.

24 Ewald (1993, 41) suggests a different interpretation. Yet the contradictory iconography (see further below) seems to me to support my interpretation, in which I follow Berger-Doer. Contrast this with the bucolic philosophers or poets on the short sides of a Muse sarcophagus in Paris: Wegner 1966, 36f., no. 75, pl. 135; Baratte-Metzger 1985, 171, no. 84 (ca. 150-160). For the side of the Naples sarcophagus see Himmelmann 1980, 154, pl. 62a.

25 As Himmelmann (1980, 138ff.) has demonstrated, the figure carrying a sheep was at first only a kind of bucolic shorthand and had nothing to do with Christian beliefs.

26 Repertorium 1967, 306, no. 747, pl. 117; Gerke 1940, pls. 52, 58, 59f. For the interpretation see Himmelmann 1980, 133, 157, pl. 66; Deichmann 1983, 126f.

27 Wegner 1966, 34f., no. 69, pl. 128b; Schumacher 1977, pls. 27a, 28c, 30. On depictions of Peter as a reader see W. Wischmeyer, in Kerygma und Logos, Festschrift C. Andresen (Göttingen, 1979) 482-95.

28 Gerke 1940, 73ff., pl. 6, 2; Age of Spirituality 1979, 413, no. 371; Frühchristliche Sarkophage 1966, pl. 7.

29 C. Musonius Rufus, ed. O. Hense (Leipzig, 1905) 58.13; C. Musonio Rufo, Le diatribe e i frammenti minori, ed. R. Laurenti (Rome, 1967) 64; cf. Himmelmann 1975, 20. See also RE 16.1 (1933) 893ff., s.v. Musonius (K. von Fritz).

30 Ostia, Isola Sacra; Brenk 1977, pl. 69; Repertorium 1967, 435, no. 1938, pl. 166; Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 118, fig. 127; N. Himmelmann, "Sarcofagi romani a rilievo," AnnPisa ser. 3, 4.1 (1974) 164, pl. 14, 2. Cf. also the much-discussed sarcophagus lid in New York and the fragment in the Vatican with the shepherd-philosopher supposedly giving instruction: Himmelmann 1980, pls. 72, 62b.

31 For the sarcophagus lid in the Vatican with the scene of a country meal see Repertorium 1967, 97, no. 151, pl. 34; Amedick 1991, 169, no. 295, pl. 30, 1. Philosopher in a vintaging scene: T. M. Schmidt, "Ein römischer Sarkophag mit Lese- und Reiterszene," in Koch 1993, 205-18. For the mosaic from Arroniz, now Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, see J. M. Blasquez and M. A. Mesquiriz, Mosaicos romanos de Navarra, vol. 7 of Corpus de mosaicos de España (Madrid, 1985) 15, no. 2, pls. 3, 17, 50-54a; Theophilidou 1984, 291-304. On the mosaic from Oued-Atmenia, now lost, see Himmelmann 1975, 18, pl. 21.

32 See L. Schneider, Die Domäne als Weltbild (Wiesbaden, 1983); J. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364-425 (Oxford, 1975) 1-12.

33 See Fowden 1982, 56ff.

34 On the motif of the wagon journey see Amedick 1991, 49ff.; id., "Zur Ikonographie der Sarkophage mit Darstellung aus der Vita Privata und dem curriculum vitae eines Kindes," in Koch 1993, 143-53, who also discusses and illustrates (pls. 65, 2; 82, 4) the sarcophagus lid Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano 8942, with the married couple conversing (or perhaps the in-house philosopher with the mistress of the house). Cf. W. Weber, Die Darstellungen einer Wagenfahrt auf römischen Sarcophagdeckeln und Loculus-Platten des 3. und 4. Jh. n. Chr. (Rome, 1978).

35 For the quotation from Epiphanius of Cyprus see H. Koch, Die altchristliche Bilderfrage nach den literarischen Quellen (Göttingen, 1907) 62.

36 Repertorium 1967; Deichmann 1983, 118f.; H. Kaiser-Minn, in Spätantike 1983, 318-38.

37 On the origins of Christian art see the excellent survey, with extensive references, in Deichmann 1983, 107, and, on the early image of Christ, 160ff.

38 We must bear in mind here the change in fashion in the Late Severan period. The long Late Antonine beard of which we have spoken (pp. 222ff.) was replaced by the short, stubbly beard of Caracalla and his successors. It is noteworthy, therefore, that Clement of Alexandria, in arguing in favor of beards, is referring explicitly to the traditional symbol of learning.

39 On the beard styles of the Christians see Sauer 1924, 309, 329; J. Wilpert, Die Gewandung der Christen in den ersten Jahrhunderten (Cologne, 1898). On the Carrand Diptych see n. 47 below.

40 For catacomb paintings showing gatherings of teacher and pupils see, for example, Wilpert 1903, pls. 126, 148, 155, 170, 177, 193.

41 For the child sarcophagus Louvre MA 1520, see Baratte-Metzger 1985, 31ff.; Amedick 1991, 140, no. 112, pl. 65, 1; Wegner 1966, 38, no. 77, pl. 145, and, for further examples, cf. 58, no. 139, pl. 59; 50, no. 127, pl. 120; and DAI Rome Photo Archive, fiche 646. For the mosaic from a mausoleum at Split see Guide to the Archaeological Museum at Split (Split, 1973) no. T7; N. Cambi, in Römische Gräberstrassen, ed. H. von Hesberg and P. Zanker, AbhMünch (Munich, 1987) 268.

42 The statuette is Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano 61565; F. Gerke, Christus in der spätantiken Plastik (Berlin, 1940) pls. 56-59; Age of Spirituality 1979, 524, no. 469. Cf. now Mathews 1993, 129. The suggestion of a modern reworking was made by N. Schumacher, in Actes du X ^e Congrès international d'archéologie chrétienne (Vatican City and Thessaloniki, 1980) 2: 489-99, who erroneously believes that the type is derived from Serapis. M. Bergmann, however, informs me that there are good reasons for doubting this hypothesis.

On the connection between representations of Christ teaching with the type of the frontally seated ancient wise man see Kollwitz 1936, 45ff.; Marrou 1938, 55ff.; Cumont 1942, 335f.

43 Arles, Musée d'Art Chrétien inv. 5; Frühchristliche Sarkophage 1966, 33, pl. 18, 1; Wilpert I, 46, 83, pl. 34, 3; F. Benoit, Sarcophages paléochrétiens d'Arles et de Marseille, Gallia Suppl. 5 (Paris, 1954) 35, no. 4, pl. 3.

44 For the image of Christ singled out among his disciples see, for example, the catacomb in the Via Latina; A. Ferrua, Catacombe sconosciute: Una pinacoteca del IV. sec. sotto la via Latina (Rome, 1990) 105f. For later examples in apse mosaics see J. Wilpert and W. N. Schumacher, Die römischen Mosaiken der kirchlichen Bauten vom IV.-XIII. Jahrhundert (Freiburg, 1916 and 1976) pl. 6 (Milan, S. Aquilino), pls. 19-22 (Rome, S. Pudenziana). For the mosaics in Rome, Villa Albani (from Sarsina), and Naples, Museo Nazionale (from Pompeii), see Richter I, 82, fig. 316; Helbig ⁴ IV, 327, no. 3350 (K. Parlasca); Schefold 1943, 154, fig. 214. On the relationship of apse mosaic to cathedra, which is referred to below, see now the important discussion of Mathews (1993, 113ff.).

45 The recent bibliography on this topic is collected by M. Lutz-Bachmann, "Hellenisierung des Christentums," in Colpe 1992, 77-98; L. Honnefelder, "Christliche Theologie und 'wahre Philosophie,'" ibid., 55ff. Cf. now Mathews (1993), who rightly stresses the connection between the image of the philosopher and that of Christ and rejects the association with the emperor.

46 See J. Vogt, "Der Vorwurf der sozialen Niedrigkeit des frühen Christentums," Gymnasium 82 (1975) 401-11.

47 On the interpretation of the Carrand Diptych see E. Konnowitz, "The Program of the Carrand-Diptychon," ArtB 66 (1984) 484-88; K. J. Shelton, "Roman Aristrocrats, Christian Commissions: The Carrand Diptych," JAC 29 (1986) 166-80; C. Hahn, ''Purification, Sacred Action, and the Vision of God,'' Word and Image 5.1 (1989) 71-84.

48 On the coexistence of the bearded and beardless images of Christ see Deichmann 1983, 149, 164; Dinkler 1980, 28f.; Sauer 1924, 303f. As has long been recognized, when both types appear on the same monument, the youthful Christ is usually the active performer of miracles, while the bearded Christ is more often the inspired teacher and, later, the lawgiver in majesty. In the mosaics of S. Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, for example, the type with beard, now getting even longer, first occurs in a scene of the Passion, while the Christ who journeys through the land preaching and working miracles is still shown as youthful. In a case like this, the beard seems to characterize him at a more mature age, that is, as a "realistic" trait. In this way the scenes suggest a narrative of his life and thus correspond to the lives of the philosophers recorded by Philostratus and Eunapius. This would accord well with the derivation of the youthful type from the iconography of heroes for which I shall argue.

49 Sauer 1924, 303f.

50 H. Kunckel, Der römische Genius (Heidelberg, 1974).

51 On the image of the bearded Christ see especially Sauer 1924, 303-29; RAC 3 (1957) 6ff., s.v. Christusbild (J. Kollwitz). Deichmann (1983, 161, with further references) argues persuasively against Dinkler 1980, 35ff., and B. Kötting, in RAC 13 (1986) 201, s.v. Haar.

52 For the polychrome plaques, Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano inv. 67606/7, see Repertorium 1967, 320ff., no. 773; D. Stutzinger, in Spätantike 1983, 607, no. 200; R. Sörries and U. Lange, AntW 17.3 (1986) 13-22. On the Karpokratians and the figure of Christ see Sauer 1924, 306.

53 See R. Warland, Das Brustbild Christi: Studien zur spätantiken und frühbyzantinischen Bildgeschichte (Rome, Freiburg, and Vienna, 1986).

54 Relief sarcophagus in Sant' Agnese fuori le mura: Wilpert I, 57, pl. 36, 1; Repertorium 1967, 303, no. 739, pl. 116; Dinkler 1980, 36, pl. 20, 29.

55 Some examples: the ceiling fresco from SS. Marcellino e Pietro (first half of the fourth century); J. Deckers, Die Katakombe "Santi Marcellino e Pietro," vol. 1 (Vatican City, 1981) no. 3, folding pls. 2-3. Cf. also Wilpert 1903, pls. 154, 155, 181, 182b. Also the diptych Berlin, Staatliche Museen; W. F. Volbach, Frühchristliche Kunst (Munich, 1958) pl. 224; Spätantike 1983, 697, no. 272. Cf. M. Sotomayor, "Petrus und Paulus in der frühchristlichen Ikonographie," in Spätantike 1983, 199-210; H. P. L'Orange, Likeness and Icon (Odense, 1973) 32-42.

56 For the pyxis Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Sculpture inv. 563, see Volbach 1976, 104, no. 161, pl. 82.

57 On the elements drawn from Imperial art for the iconography of Christ see Kollwitz 1936, 56ff.; Kötzsche 1992. For a different view see now Mathews 1993. The most impressive example from the city of Rome may be found in the apse mosaic of Santa Prudenzia (ca. A.D. 400): Wilpert and Schumacher (supra n. 44) pls. 19-23. For the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus in the Vatican see F. Gerke, Der Iunius Bassus Sarkophag (Berlin, 1936); Repertorium 1967, 279ff., no. 680; Amedick 1991, 170, no. 300, pl. 13.

58 H. Forsyth and K. Weitzmann, The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai (Ann Arbor, 1973) 1: 11ff., pls. 103, 136-37; E. Kitzinger, Byzantine Art in the Making (London, 1977) 99-101, figs. 177-79; Brenk 1977, pl. 185; J. Elsner, "The Viewer and the Vision," Art History 17 (1994) 81-102.

59 See P. Cox, Biography in Late Antiquity: A Quest for the Holy Man (Berkeley, 1983); Fowden 1982; Brown 1980; Goulet 1981.

60 On the tomb of the Aurelii in the Via Manzoni see G. Bendinelli, MemLinc 28 (1922) 289-520; G. Wilpert, MemPontAcc 3.1.2 (1924), and cf. especially the detail view, pl. 22; Himmelmann 1975, 18, pl. 4.

61 G. Shaw, "Theurgy: Rituals of Unification in the Neoplatonism of Iamblichus," Traditio 41 (1985) 1-28; G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes (Cambridge, 1986) 126-41.

62 The basic discussion of this issue is Fowden 1982; cf. Brown 1980 and Cox (supra n. 59).

63 For the Socrates mosaic see Richter I, 82, fig. 315; G. M. A. Hanfmann, HSCP 60 (1951) 205-33: J. C. Balty, ed., Actes du Colloque Apamée de Syrie (Brussels, 1972) pl. 53, 1; Smith 1990, 151. Cf. the "School of the Anatomists": A. Ferrua, La pittura della nuova catacomba di via Latina (Rome, 1960) 70f., pls. 107, 102, fig. 11; Balty, pl. 53, 2.

64 Athens, Acropolis Museum inv. 1313; G. Dontas, AM 69-70 (1954-55) 147ff.; Bergmann 1977, 157 n. 637 (dated in the time of Theodosius); A. Frantz, Agora, vol. 26, Late Antiquity, A.D. 267-700 (Princeton, 1988) 44, pl. 44c (on the purported find spot, in the so-called House of Proclus). Istanbul, Archaeological Museum inv. 2461; Inan-Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 282, no. 274, pl. 252; N. Firatli, La sculpture byzantine au Musée Archéologique Istanbul (Paris, 1990) 18, no. 35, pl. 16. For the Aphrodisias head see Smith 1990, 144ff. The head Rome, Capitoline Museum Magazine inv. 3022 will be published for the first time in the forthcoming Fittschen-Zanker II. Among comparable portraits of unknown provenance are the following: Stockholm, National Museum NM Sk 136; L'Orange 1947, 100f., figs. 71-72; Winkes 1969, 247; Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut; Hölscher 1982, 213ff. Add, too, the recut busts in Malibu published by J. Raeder, in Ancient Portraits in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Malibu, 1987) 1: 5-16. The removal of the edges of the bust could have resulted from reuse as a tondo. On the portrait type see L'Orange, 95ff.; Smith, 144ff.

65 Smith 1990.

66 G. Becatti, in Scavi di Ostia (Rome, 1969) 6: 78f., 139ff., pls. 55.2, 56; Brenk 1977, pl. 40; Age of Spirituality 1979, 363f., no. 340; 523f., no. 468; R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia ² (Oxford, 1973) 588f.

67 On the nimbus see now the thorough compilation of material in A. Ahlquist, Tradition och rörelse: Nimbusikonografin in den romerskantika och fornkristna konsten (Helsinki, 1990), esp. 367: "Its primary significance can be connected with astral bodies, its symbolism belongs to the concepts of power and craft, to the divine craft that the nimbated figure possesses and with whose help he acts, directly or as a representative."

68 There is, however, a close convergence in the facial expressions between Christian and pagan, for example, in the image of John the Baptist on the throne of Archbishop Maximian in Ravenna. John's role as prophet and "pathfinder" is to some extent comparable to that of the pagan "holy man." Cf. Volbach (supra n. 55) pls. 227ff.

69 See the collection of material in Smith 1990, 151. Cf. Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1982, which also deals with the contorniates.

70 Smith 1990, 152; H. von Heintze, RM 71 (1964) 77-103, pls. 16-22 (on the portraits of Plato and Socrates); Winkes 1969.

71 Bonn, F.J. Dölger Institute; H. von Heintze, JAC 6 (1963) 35ff., pls. 1-5; Richter II, 250, no. 7; Richter Suppl., fig. 1696a; Stähli 1991, 240.

72 The head comes from the Baths of Scholastica in Ephesus: Selçuk Museum inv. 745; A. Bammer, R. Fleischer, and D. Knibbe, Führer durch das Archäologische Museum in Selçuk-Ephesos (Vienna, 1974) 68; S. Erdemgil et al., Ephesus Museum Catalogue (Istanbul, 1989) 34; Smith 1990, 140. I thank Maria Aurenhammer for the photograph reproduced here.

73 Selçuk Museum inv. 755 (also from the Baths of Scholastica); Richter II, 233, no. 47, fig. 1636; Inan-Rosenbaum 1966, 146f., no. 187, pls. 101.2, 109; Smith 1990, 152.

74 Richter II, 227, no. 2, figs. 1528-30; Fittschen 1991, 248, no. 26.

75 Smith 1990, 132, pls. 6-7; Bergemann 1991, 159ff., which gives a history of the copies.

76 L. Ibrahim, R. L. Scranton, and R. Brill, Kenchreai: Eastern Port of Corinth, vol. 2, The Panels of Opus Sectile in Glass (Leiden, 1976) 268f.; G. M. A. Hanfmann, in Age of Spirituality, Symposium, New York, 1977 (New York, 1980) 78.

77 Richter II, fig. 1382 (Aeschines), fig. 1409 (Demosthenes); Winkes 1969, esp. 237ff.; "Rom," no. 43f.

78 See L. Paduano Faedo, "L'inversione del rapporto Poeta-Musa nella cultura ellenistica," AnnPisa ser. 2, 39 (1970) 1-10.

79 Inv. 1409; Schefold 1943, 130; W. H. Schuchhardt, Epochen der griechischen Plastik (Baden-Baden, 1959) 112, fig. 91; Helbig ⁴ II, no. 1721 (H. von Steuben).

80 For the diptych in Monza Cathedral see Schefold 1943, 184; Volbach 1976, 57, no. 68, pl. 39. Cf. the similar scene on an ivory plaque in Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, where two poets listen to Erato as she plays the kithara: Volbach, 59, no. 71, pl. 41; Age of Spirituality 1979, 258, no. 241.

81 Louvre SMG 46; Volbach 1976, 58, no. 69, pl. 40; Age of Spirituality 1979, 258, no. 242.

82 Rossano, Archepiscopal Library (dated to the sixth century and thought to be of Syrian origin); A. Munoz, Il Codice di Rossano, fascimile ed. (Rome, 1907); K. Weitzmann, Spätantike und frühchristliche Buchmalerei (Munich, 1977) 33 (with good color illustration).

83 See R. A. Müller, Geschichte der Universität (Munich, 1990).

84 Of the new pictorial types created in the third century B.C. , that of the individual reflecting was most often passed on. In the imagery of the evangelists in book illuminations, a particularly popular type has the hand raised to the head in a contemplative gesture that we first saw in the portraits of Epicurus and his circle. But the Christian image is open to the viewer, the Scriptures lying before the evangelist turned so that he can read along. In this way the reflective gesture becomes an admonition to the reader. For a good overview of this material see A. M. Friend, Jr., "The Portraits of the Evangelists in Greek and Latin Manuscripts," in Art Studies: Medieval, Renaissance, and Modern (Cambridge, Mass., 1927) 115-47, with full illustrations.