1 D. Bering, Die Intellektuellen (Stuttgart, 1978) 32ff.; M. Walzer, The Company of Critics (New York, 1988).

2 W. Sauerländer, Voltaire, Reclam's Werkmonographie 89 (Stuttgart, 1963).

3 P. Raabe, "Dichterverherrlichung im 19. Jahrhundert," in Bildende Kunst und Literatur (Frankfurt, 1970) 79-101; T. Nipperdey, "Nationalidee und Nationaldenkmal in Deutschland im 19. Jh.," HZ 206 (1968) 530-85; R. Selbmann, Dichterdenkmäler in Deutschland. Literaturegeschichte in Erz und Stein (Stuttgart, 1988). Just how long this monument continued to inform the image of the ''bourgeois" is well illustrated by the photograph that caricatures Kandinsky and Klee in the pose of the two princes of poetry: see P. Raabe, Spaziergänge durch Goethe's Weimar (Zurich, 1990) 141.

4 From the dedication address for Schwanthaler's monument to Goethe in Frankfurt, 1844, quoted by Raabe 1970 (supra n. 3).

5 See, for instance, P. O. Rave, Das geistige Deutschland im Bildnis (Berlin, 1949).

6 La gloire de Victor Hugo, exh. cat., Grand Palais (Paris, 1985-86) 318ff.; R. Cadenbach, Mythos Beethoven, exh. cat., Verein Beethoven-Haus (Bonn, 1986) 13ff.

7 A. Dückers, Max Klinger (Berlin, 1976); G. Winkler, Max Klinger (Leipzig, 1984). For the positive reaction of some contemporaries see E. Asenijeff, M. Klinger's Beethoven: Eine kunsttechnische Studie (Leipzig, 1902); J. Vogel, Leipziger Skulpturen (Leipzig, 1902) 77ff. Cf. N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nachtheit, Abh. Rhein.-Westf. Akad. Wiss. 73 (Opladen, 1985), 20f.

8 Raabe 1970 (supra n. 3).

9 On the history of scholarship see Fittschen 1988, 9ff.

10 For recent examples of thorough Kopienkritik in the field of Greek portraiture see Kruse-Berdoldt 1975; Scheibler 1989; Stähli 1991; von den Hoff 1994.

11 See Neudecker 1988, 64ff. On copying techniques see now M. Pfanner, JdI 104 (1989) 154ff.

12 Richter 1962.

13 My dating of the Oslo copy to the first century B.C. disagrees with that of Bergemann (1991, 159ff.). I do not believe that the doubts expressed by S. Sande, AAAH ser. B, 2 (1982) 27, on the authenticity of the head in Naples are well founded.

14 See the recent discussion by Neudecker (1988, 64ff.).

15 Richter I, 47ff. and pls. 1-17. On the copy in Munich, with earlier bibliography on the type, see B. Vierneisel-Schlörb, Glyptothek München, Katalog der Skulpturen, vol. 2, Klassische Skulpturen (Munich, 1979) no. 5, pp. 36-48; Giuliani 1980, 60, no. 15; Voutiras 1980, 54ff.; Fittschen 1988, 18 and pl. 13.

16 Red-figure amphora by Euthymides, Munich, Antikensammlungen 2307; CVA Munich 4, pls. 166-67. Many vases of this period show other attempts to conceal baldness with an artful coiffure or distract attention from it: cf. Fittschen 1988, pl. 26, 3. On the coiffure of the Homer portrait see Voutiras 1980, 61. I am, however, not persuaded by the suggestion of H. Kenner, Der Apoll von Belvedere, SBWien 297.3 (Vienna, 1972), adopted by Voutiras, that the knot over the brow carries a cultic reference. The examples she cites have nothing in common. On the characteristics of old age see F. Preisshofen, Untersuchungen zur Darstellung des Greisenalters in der früh-griechischen Dichtung, Hermes Einzelschriften 34 (Wiesbaden, 1977) esp. 117ff.

17 A. Esser, Das Antlitz der Blindheit 2 (Leiden, 1961); R. Kretschmer, Geschichte des Blindenwesens (Ratibor, 1925); RAC 3 (1954) 433-46, s.v. Blindheit (E. Lesky).

18 B. Ashmole and N. Yalouris, Olympia: The Sculptures of the Temple of Zeus (London, 1967) figs. 32-40.

19 Plut. Mor. 432B ( De def. or. 39). Cf. Esser (supra n. 17), with further references.

20 Cic. Fin. 5.29; Tusc. 5.114; cf. Esser (supra n. 17) 64.

21 B. E. Richardson, Old Age among the Ancient Greeks (Baltimore, 1933) 4ff.

22 See R. Stupperich, IstMitt 32 (1982) 224f.

23 Naples, Museo Nazionale inv. 6216; D. Comparetti and G. de Petra, La villa ercolanese dei Pisoni (Naples, 1883) 277, no. 83; Lorenz 1965, 13.

24 F. Eckstein, Anathemata: Studien zu den Weihgeschenken strengen Stils im Heiligtum von Olympia (Berlin, 1969) 33-42.

25 W. Burkett, Griechische Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche (Stuttgart, 1977) 440ff.

26 Cf. Fittschen 1988, 15ff.

27 B. Gentili, Poesia e pubblico nella Grecia antica: Da omero al V secolo (Rome and Bari, 1985) 207 and passim.

28 C. Meier, Die politische Kunst der griechischen Tragödie (Munich, 1988) 75ff.

29 See most recently Vierneisel-Schlörb (supra n. 15) 39-41, with summary of earlier literature.

30 On this passage see most recently L. Beschi, in Pausania, Guida della Grecia, vol. 1, ed. D. Musti and L. Beschi (Vicenza, 1982) 355.

31 Hölscher (1975, 191) assumes that Pericles was the patron responsible for both statues. Cf. Lippold 1912, 35; F. Poulsen 1931, 6; Schefold 1943, 64; Gauer 1968, 141.

32 The statue is now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen: V. Poulsen 1954, 25ff., no. 1, pls. 1-3, 33. On the copies see Richter I, 75ff. and figs. 271-90. For the dating of the copies see Voutiras 1980, 77-91; H. Lauter, ''Zur Chronologie römischer Kopien nach Originalen des V. Jh." (Diss., Bonn, 1966) 114. As far as style and dating of the original are concerned, the association with Phidias was made by A. Furtwängler, Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik (Leipzig and Berlin, 1893) 1 : 92ff. Cf. E. Buschor, Pheidias der Mensch (Munich, 1948) 60ff.; Voutiras 1980, 85ff.

33 K. C. Kurtz and J. Boardman, "Booners," in Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Musem 3 (Malibu, 1986) : 67ff.

34 Cf., for example, the Doryphorus of Polyclitus: most recently, P. C. Bol, in Polyklet: Der Bildhauer der griechischen Klassik, exh. cat., Liebieghaus (Frankfurt, 1990) 111ff. For this interpretation of the pose see Lippold 1912, 35; also Schefold 1943, 64; Buschor (supra n. 32); Gauer 1968, 141; Metzler 1971, 266. An opposing is held by F. Poulsen (1931, 4-6, 13-15), Voutiras (1980, 87f.), and L. Giuliani (review of Voutiras, in Gnomon 54 [1982] 54), who all reject the interpretation of both Pausanias and modern scholarship and believe the pose is derived from a Hellenistic conception of Anacreon.

35 Schefold 1943, 50-53; Kurtz and Boardman (supra n. 33) 47-70; H. A. Shapiro, AJA 85 (1981) 138-40; N. Hoesch, in Kunst der Schale: Kultur des Trinkens, exh. cat., ed. K. Vierneisel and B. Kaeser (Munich, 1990) 276ff.

36 See Gauer 1968, 142.

37 Kalathos-shaped krater attributed to the Brygos Painter, Munich, Antikensammlungen 2416; Schefold 1943, 54f.; Simon 1976, pl. 150; M. Ohly, Attische Vasenbilder in den Antikensammlungen in München nach Zeichnungen von K. Reichhold 2 (Munich, 1981) 54ff. Professional singers who entertain at a symposium are clearly characterized as such: cf., for example, a somewhat later hero or funerary relief in Rome, Museo Barracco inv. 118; Helbig4 II, no. 1887 (W. Fuchs); K. Schefold, Meisterwerke griechischer Kunst (Basel, 1960) 84, 246, 248, no. 307.

38 See Giuliani 1986, 129ff., on "Mimik und Verhaltensnormen in klassischen Zeit"; Hölscher 1975, 197.

39 The copies of this type, then erroneously identified as the Spartan king Pausanias, are collected in Richter I, too and figs. 412-25; Richter-Smith 1984, 176ff.; Smith 1990, 132ff.; Fittschen 1988, 19. The series and interpretation are now discussed in detail by Bergemann (1991, 157-89). Cf., however, N. Himmelmann, in Antike Welt 24.1 (1993) 56ff., who gives a very different interpretation, detecting in the portrait peasant features. Cf. id., Realistische Themen in der griechischen Kunst der archaischen und klassische Zeit, JdI-EH 28 (Berlin, 1994) 69ff.

40 See Voutiras 1980, 194; Fittschen (1988, 31 n. 58) rightly rejects Voutiras's classicistic dating of the statue.

41 The copies generally agree closely in the rendering of the face. The subtlest version is the head in Berlin: Richter I, figs. 277, 280. The copy with erect head: once Palazzo Altemps; Richter, figs. 288-90.

42 RE 9 (1916) 2545ff., s.v. infibulatio (J. Jüthner); Voutiras 1980, 89; W. E. Sweet, Sport and Recreation in Ancient Greece (Oxford, 1987) 129f.; id., 11 (1985) 43-49; J. P. Thuillier, Nikephoros 1 (1988) 35ff.

43 E.g., red-figure stamnos by the Kleophon Painter, Munich, Antikensammlungen 2414 (contemporary with the statue of Anacreon): CVA Munich 5, pl. 256; B. Philippaki. The Attic Stamnos (Oxford, 1967) 144, no. 4. Cf. the Nolan amphora, a generation earlier, Munich 2339; CVA Munich 2, pl. 53. 3-4, with a komast playing the lyre. Other early examples include the red-figure cup Berlin F 2289; CVA Berlin 2, pl. 80; another red-figure cup, Berlin F 2309; CVA Berlin 2, pls. 69-70, with clear differentiation between older and younger komasts. I am indebted to B. Kaeser for helpful discussion of this problem. For older satyrs cf. the red-figure pelike by the Kleophon Painter, Munich 2361: Beazley, ARV ² 1145, no. 36; Simon 1976, pls. 208f.; cf. also J. L. Caskey and J. D. Beazley, Attic Vase-Paintings in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston, vol. 3 (Oxford, 1963) pl. 87; RA 15. 1 (1910) 222-26, figs. 5-8.

44 For instance, on the pinakes from Penteskouphia; Antike Denkmäler I, pls. 7-8; II, pls. 23-24; N. Himmelmann, Archäologisches zum Problem der griechischen Sklaverei, AbhMainz 13 (Mainz, 1971) figs. 3, 6. Cf. in particular the man working the kiln on the foundry cup in Berlin: CVA Berlin 2, 73. See H. Licht, Sittengeschichte Griechenlands, Supplement (Zurich and Leipzig, 1928) 218, on the word kollops as a derogatory term for a catamite with a fat penis head. See also Sweet (supra n. 42) on the practice of lengthening the foreskin ( epispasmos ) and on the efforts of Hellenized Jews to conceal their circumcision.

45 H. Flashar, Der Epitaphios des Perikles, SBHeid (Heidelberg, 1969) no. 1, reprinted with additions in id. Eidola (Amsterdam, 1989) 435-81.

46 Cf. Kunst der Schale (supra n. 35) 293ff. and passim.

47 If there was actually a personal bond between Pericles' father and Anacreon, as a fragment of the poet has suggested to some, then putting up the statue would have been an ideal opportunity for Pericles to portray his close association with artists and intellectuals as an old family tradition. On the supposed association see RE 1 (1894) 2038, s.v., Anakreon (O. Crusius); D. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford, 1962) 493.

48 So Voutiras 1980, 87ff., followed by N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nacktheit in der griechischen Kunst, JdI-EH 26 (Berlin, 1990) 77. The unusual stylization of the statue, which can hardly be read as a specifically oligarchic message, would seem to argue against this interpretation. Besides, the position of the oligarchic party in the years when Pericles was at the height of his power makes this scenario very unlikely. Cf. E. Stein-Hölkeskamp, Adelskultur und Polisgesellschaft (Stuttgart, 1989) 13gff. The fact that Anacreon was later invoked by oligarchs like Kritias (the basis of Voutiras's argument) simply shows how popular the poet continued to be in Athens as a symbol of the life of pleasure.

49 This portrait type, referred to as A, was first fully investigated in a detailed study by Scheibler (1989), who summarizes the arguments for the early dating. Cf. Richter I, 109, figs. 456-82.

50 G. B. Kerferd, ed., The Sophists and Their Legacy, Hermes Einzelschriften 44 (Wiesbaden, 1981); J. Martin, Saeculum 27 (1976) 143ff.

51 Weiher 1913, 5ff. Cf. K. J. Dover, Aristophanes' Clouds (Oxford, 1968) xxxii-lvii; P. Green, "Strepsiades, Socrates, and the Abuses of Intellectualism," GRBS 20 (1979) 15-25.

52 Paris, Louvre G 610; E. Pottier, Vases antiques du Lowre, vol. 3 (Paris, 1922) pl. 157; Metzler 1971, 101, fig. 11.

53 Schefold 1943, 56, 103; Metzler 1971, 94f; Helbig4 I, no. 978 (H. Sichtermann), with the correct dating in the second half of the fifth century. I assume that the identification is correct, though in the present context it makes no difference.

54 See Xen. Symp. 5.5-7 for the bulging eyes, the pug nose with flaring nostrils, and the large mouth with thick lips; Pl. Symp. 215f. for the comparison with silens, satyrs, and Marsyas; and Pl. Meno 80A for the comparison with a stingray. Cf. Scheibler 1989, 25ff., with further references.

55 Sokrates 1989, 33ff. On the iconography of silens and satyrs see Roscher, ML IV: 444ff., s.v. Satyros (E. Kuhnert).

56 Naples, Museo Nazionale: H. Fuhrmann, RM 55 (1940) 78ff.; Schefold 1943, 162, 215; Richter I, 117f.; F. Winter and E. Pernice, Die hellenistische Kunst in Pompeji (Berlin and Leipzig, 1932) 5: 76ff., pls. 48f.; A. Rumpf, in Analecta Archaeologica, Festschrift F. Fremersdorf (Cologne, 1960) 93ff. Apart from the Naples relief, the scene is repeated on two terra-cotta appliqués (imitating a bronze vessel). The J. Paul Getty Museum recently acquired a fine fragment of another bronze copy: GettyMusJ 20 (1992) 142f., no. 7. The head of Socrates, however, cannot be identified with Type A but is rather a free conflation of the two principal types. As evidence of this, one may note the sharp elevation of the right shoulder in the copy of the head in Toulouse (Richter I, figs. 473-75), which matches the image on the relief.

57 F. Brommer, Der Parthenonfries (Mainz, 1977) pls. 165, 177; cf. H.-G. Hollein, Bürgerbild und Bildwelt der attischen Demokratie auf rotfigurigen Vasen des 6.-4. Jh. v. Chr. (Frankfurt, 1988) 17ff., 56, 255 ("Schole-Typus").

58 Red-figure skyphos, Bari, Museo Nazionale R 150; F. A. G. Beck, Album of Greek Education (Sydney, 1975) pl. 53. 276a. Cf. A. Greifenhagen, RM 46 (1931) 27ff. On the relationship of Socrates and Silenus see C. Weickert, in Festschrift J. Loeb (Munich. 1930) 103-110; see most recently H. Schulze, "Trophos: Unfreie Erzieher in der antiken Kunst und Gesellschaft" (Diss., Munich, 1994).

59 This interpretation is hinted at by Giuliani (1980, 63, no. 19).

60 A portrait like this does, however, presuppose viewers able to look critically at Athenian art, with its idealizing style and its tendency to suppress the variety of actual appearance. But there is also evidence starting in the second quarter of the fifth century for more "realistic" portraiture, that is, portraiture more oriented toward characteristic features of actual appearance. These sources suggest that a sculptor like Demetrios of Alopeke, whom Quintilian (12.10.9) describes as similitudinis quam pulchritudinis amantior, was not completely eccentric. If he could portray the Corinthian general Pellichos with protruding belly, bulging veins, and disheveled hair, "just like a living man" (Lucian Philops. 18), then there must have been people in the late fifth century who were prepared to discuss such violations of aesthetic norms in the same way they discussed Kleon and his violation of traditional standards of conduct in the popular assembly (cf. pp. 45ff.). On Demetrios see Laubscher 1982, 63f.

1 H.-G. Gadamer, Platon als Porträtist (Munich, 1988) 7ff.

2 W. Helbig, JdI 1 (1886) 71-78 (= Fittschen 1988, 62f); Pfuhl 1927, 28ff. (= Fittschen, 246f); H. von Heintze, in Helbig ⁴ I, no. 86; cf. Berger (infra n. 4), who speaks of "the hard intellectual labor of one who has to struggle for the truth."

On the portrait type see Boehringer 1935; Schefold 1943, 74, 205; H. von Heintze, RM 71 (1964) 31ff.; Richter II, 164ff., figs. 903-72; Richter-Smith 1984, 181ff.; Giuliani 1986, 138f.; K. Vierneisel, in Ein Platon-Bildnis für die Glyptothek (Munich, 1987) 11-26; Fittschen, 22, 24.

3 Lippold 1912, 55f.; cf. Pfuhl 1927, 28.

4 On the Holkham Hall-Basel type see Pfuhl 1927, 29; F. Poulsen, Greek and Roman Portraits in English Country Houses (Oxford, 1923) 32f., no. 5; E. Berger, Perspektiven der Philosophie, Neues Jahrbuch 13 (1987) 371ff. (though I disagree with his dating of this more dramatic version in the Antonine period; as far as I can see, no new adaptations of Classical or Hellenistic portrait types were created in the Imperial period); Fittschen 1988, 25, pl. 125; Sokrates 1989, 43.

5 On Lycurgus' dedication see Lippold 1912, 49ff., 62f.; G. M. A. Richter, Greek Portraits, (Brussels, 1962) 4: 24ff.; Fehr 1979, 54ff.; Gauer 1968, 132-35; C. Schwingenstein, Die Figurenausstattung der griechischen Theatergebäude (Munich. 1977) 74ff.; Giuliani 1986. 138f. On the dating see most recently Fittschen 1988, 21. On Lycurgus and his political program see RE 13.2 (1927) 2446ff., s.v. Lycurgus 10 (Kunst); Mitchel 1970, 165ff.; C. Mossé, Athens in Decline, 404-86 B.C. (London, 1971) 80ff.

6 On the statue of Sophocles in the Vatican see now C. Vorster, Vatikanische Museen, Museo Gregoriano Profano, Römische Skulpturen (Mainz, 1993) 1 : 154, no. 67, figs. 297-308. For the copies see Richter II, 128ff., figs. 680-88; Richter-Smith 1984, 205ff.; Schefold 1943, 90-93; Fittschen 1988, 36 n. 146.

7 I base my interpretation primarily on the work of Fehr (1979, 51ff.), though I would see the statue of Sophocles less as a model for the "Normal-bürger" than for the citizen presented as politically engagé. I have subsequently discovered that Theodor Reinach had already suggested this interpretation in JHS 42 (1922) 50-69. He identified the statue, however, as the portrait of Solon on Salamis. Cf. the response of F. Studniczka, JHS 43 (1923) 57.

8 Paris, Louvre G 222; Beazley, ARV ² 272, no. 7; CVA Louvre (III, Ic), 32f., pl. 42, 5-7; E. Pottier, Vases antiques du Louvre (Paris, 1922) 3 : 207, pl. 130; A. Shapiro, in The Birth of Democracy, exh. cat., National Archives (Washington, D.C., 1993) 24, fig. 4.

9 Aeschin. In Tim. 21ff.; Arist. Ath. pol. 28; Plut. Nicias 8.3. Cf. Giuliani 1986, 132; Fehr 1979, 94 n. 102.

10 On the statue of Aeschines see Richter II, 212ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 73ff.; Schefold 1943, 102, 208; P. C. Bol, Liebieghaus Frankfurt: Antike Bildwerke, vol. 1, Bildwerke aus Stein und aus Stuck (Melsungen, 1983) 210ff., no. 62. The suggestion that the statue should be dated posthumously, after 315, is supported by both historical circumstances (the Macedonian domination) and stylistic indicators: see R. Horn, Stehende weibliche Gewandstatuen in der hellenistischen Plastik, RM-EH 2 (Munich, 1931) 21f. On the problem of the relationship of statue and viewer, see F. Hiller, MarbWPr, 1962, 53ff.

11 Cf. Dem. De cor. 129; Fehr 1979, 57f., esp. n. 410.

12 Cf. the illustrations collected in G. Koch-Harnack, Knabenliebe und Tiergeschenke (Berlin, 1983). For school scenes see Simon 1976, pls. 99-100.

13 E.g., a votive relief to Asklepios: Athens, NM 1345; U. Hausmann, Griechische Weihreliefs (Berlin, 1960) 71. fig. 40; I. N. Svoronos, Das Athener Nationalmuseum (Athens, 1908) no. 1501, pl. 83; cf. the Atarbos Base in the Acropolis Museum: C. E. Beulé, L'Acropole d'Athènes (Paris, 1854) pl. 4. Later, in the Hellenistic period, the type of Aeschines and Sophocles is used, for example, on East Greek gravestones: see Zanker 1993, 217.

14 Studniczka (supra n. 7) 61; A. Krug, "Binden in der griechischen Kunst" (Diss., Mainz, 1968) 129f. On Sophocles as priest, and the hero cult after his death, see, most recently, L. Beschi, ASAtene 45-46 (1967-68) 424ff.

15 H. C. Avery, "Sophocles' Political Career," Historia 22 (1973) 509-14.

16 Cf. the grave stele Athens, National Museum; B. Schmaltz, Griechische Grabreliefs (Darmstadt, 1983), 204, pl. 18, 1; Conze I, no. 337, pl. 85 = Einzelaufnahmen 692. The elimination of any intellectual trait from the portrait would be all the more significant if, as has been suggested, another portrait type preserved in numerous copies, the so-called Sophocles Farnese, which does have a "spiritual" expression, does indeed reflect a statue created about 400 B.C. See most recently Fittschen 1988, 19f., pls. 36ff. In this version, Sophocles is depicted as an old man. The later statue would then have made him younger in deliberate opposition to an already existing iconographical tradition, in order to emphasize the aspect of the subject as still politically active.

17 See Richter I, 121ff. figs. 577-603; Richter-Smith 1984, 74ff.; Schefold 1943, 88f., 207; Fittschen 1988, 36 n. 146, pl. 56. The most finely nuanced copy is preserved in the herm in Naples, Mus. Naz. 6139; ABr 401f.; Richter, fig. 597. The identification as Aeschylus is based on two arguments: first, a close stylistic similarity to the Sophocles in the Vatican; second, the association of this head with that of Sophocles in a "gallery" of herms and on a double herm. The similarity of hairstyles, especially at the temples, and beard, as well as in the modeling of the face, is considerable, even in a comparison of the early Augustan copy of Aeschylus from the Villa dei Papiri with the Vatican Sophocles, which is probably Augustan in date.

18 S. Karusu, AM 96 (1981) 179-94, pls. 53ff.

19 As in the case of Sophocles, it is possible that the portrait of Aeschylus is a "regularized" version of an earlier portrait more in the physiognomic tradition. Aeschylus' baldness is first attested in late literary sources ( Vita in Page's OCT, p. 332; Val. Max, 9, 12. Ext. 2; Ael. NA 7.16). Some gems and glass pastes of questionable authenticity (Richter I, figs. 606, 608-9) allude to the anecdote about Aeschylus' death in which a turtle was dropped on his bald head by an eagle that mistook his head for a rock! An Early Classical portrait of a bald-headed man, preserved in only a single copy in the Capitoline Museum (Richter, figs. 604-5; Fittschen 1988, 18, 24, pl. 14), with eyebrows sharply drawn together, could in fact represent an intellectual, but an identification as Aeschylus must remain completely hypothetical because of the problematical nature of the gems. Cf. Gauer 1968, 159ff. Pausanias' comment that the portrait of Aeschylus was created long after the poet's death and after the painting of the battle of Marathon (1.21.2) nevertheless implies that he was familiar with another physiognomy for Aeschylus. The bald portrait head in the Capitoline may in any event, apart from its uncertain identity, give us an idea of what a portrait of Aeschylus made in his lifetime might have looked like.

20 On the portrait of Euripides see Richter I, 133ff., figs. 717-61; Richter-Smith 1984, 121ff.; Schefold 1943, 94, 208; H. von Heintze, RM 71 (1964) 71-77. As far as the copies are concerned, of the nearly thirty replicas of the head, the best is probably the early Augustan herm from the Villa dei Papiri, now in Naples (Richter, figs. 717-19). The accuracy of its details is confirmed by the finely worked head in Mantua (Fittschen 1988, pl. 75) and the recently discovered herm from Lucus Feroniae (Richter, figs. 753-54), both made in the first century A.D. The dating of the original must, I believe, be based on the plastic modeling of the forehead and brows, which has good parallels only in works of the second half of the fourth century (cf. Fittschen, 24). The early dating, in the late fifth or early fourth century, argued, for example, by H. Walter, AM 71 (1956) 178f., is based primarily on the style of the long hair. But this is rather an iconographical motif characterizing the subject as an old man, which, because of its normative value, cannot be used as a dating criterion. It seems to me therefore questionable whether we may see in this trait a historicizing reference to the period of Euripides' lifetime (what Fittschen calls a "Rekonstruktionsporträt"), especially since such evocations of the High Classic are frequently found in the fourth century; cf. Borbein 1973, 43ff. On the dating see most recently E. Voutiras, in Villa Albani II, 191f., no. 210 (ca. 330/20). The Rieti type, which is occasionally identified with the statue in Lycurgus' dedication, pre-supposes the existence of the Farnese type and must, I believe, be dated ca. 300 or later. Cf. L. Curtius, RM 59 (1944) 22ff., and, most recently, Giuliani 1986, 294; Fittschen 1988, pls. 118-20.

21 M. Meyer 1989.

22 Istanbul, Archaeological Museum 1242 (from Smyrna); Lippold 1912, 49f.; Richter I, 137, fig. 767. The association of the portrait of Euripides with this relief is also discussed by H. von Heintze, in Hekler 1940, 27, pl. 33.

On the form of the chair cf. Conze I, 27f., no. 95, pl. 37; 84, no. 370, pl. 91; Conze II, 154, no. 720, pl. 139; 161, no. 752, pl. 145. On the book roll and the pillow in the iconography of older men see M. Meyer 1989.

23 See Giuliani 1986, 244 n. 144; G. Xanthakis-Karamos, Studies in Fourth-Century Tragedy (Amsterdam, 1980) 28ff.; H. Flashar, Poetica 16 (1984) 1ff. = id., Eidola (Amsterdam, 1989) 147ff.

24 AC 12 (1983) 1032ff., s.v. Greisenalter (C. Gnilcka); P. Roussel, ''Essai sur le principe d'ancienneté dans le monde hellénique du V ^e s. a. J.-C. à l'époque romaine," MémAcInscr 43.2 (1951) 123-228.

25 Giuliani 1986, 139. Cf. also Voutiras 1980, 147, 289; I. Scheibler, in Sokrates 1989, 65. On the construction of Euripides' character from his work see Lefkowitz 1981, 88ff.

26 Cf. the illustrations in Fittschen 1988, pls. 38, 42, 43, 45, 49.

27 Lycurgue, Contra Léocrate, Fragments, ed. and trans. F. Durrbach (Paris, 1956) 100, p. 64.

28 Cf. the survey of C. Schneider, Kulturgeschichte des Hellenismus (Munich, 1967) 1 : 159ff.; T. Hölscher, "The City of Athens: Space, Symbol, Structure," in City-States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy, ed. A. Molho, K. Raaflaub, and J. Emlen (Ann Arbor, 1991) 368-75.

29 On the "program" of Lycurgus see Mitchel 1970, 190ff.; Fehr 1979, 54ff. On the cult of Demokratia see A. E. Raubitschek, Hesperia 31 (1962) 238-43. On the Eponymous Heroes, see J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Athens (London, 1971) 210; H. A. Thompson, The Athenian Agora ³ (Athens, 1976) 70f.

30 For the copies of the Socrates portrait Type B see Richter, I, 112ff., figs. 483 ff.; Fittschen 1988, pls. 58-64. The type has most recently been treated in detail by I. Scheibler, in Sokrates 1989, 44ff.; also Giuliani 1980, 84f., who arrives at a similar interpretation. It is uncertain whether the statue was in fact set up in the time of Lycurgus, and this cannot be confirmed through stylistic analysis. The dates suggested in the scholarly literature vary, as usual: e.g., Gauer 1968, 124 (mid-fourth century); Giuliani 1980, 64, no. 21 (330s); Scheibler, in Sokrates 1989, 51 (soon after 320). A comparison with grave stelai such as that of Korallion (Diepolder 1931, pl. 45, 2; D. Ohly, AA, 1965, 344) suggests to me that a date ca. 330 is the most likely (cf. Braun 1966, 50, 90). Mitchel (1970, 209 n. 197) had already suspected an association with the Lycurgan program. The story reported by Diogenes Laertius (2.43) that the motive for the new statue was the "regret" of the Athenians for the condemnation of Socrates is probably a later interpretation.

31 The holding tight of the excess fabric with one hand is depicted on many grave stelai (e.g., Diepolder 1931. pls. 44, 45. 2) and some statues (Richter II, fig. 1368). The other gesture, however, of the free arm with hand gripping the overfold, is rare in the fourth century, and so may have to do with the standard gestures of dexiosis on the gravestones and of prayer on the votives (cf., for example, the votive relief to Demeter in the Louvre: EncPhotTEL III, 216a). For Socrates, therefore, the gestures of both hands reflect correct behavior, and, as the comparison with the grave stelai reveals, they cannot be interpreted psychologically or as indicative of a specific situation; cf., most recently, Sokrates 1989, 50, and Giuliani 1980, 65. A good example of disorderly draping of the mantle is found in the statue of a Cynic in the Capitoline ( cf. fig. 72).

32 Two heads, Louvre MA 59 (Richter I, figs. 513, 516; Fittschen 1988, pl. 58) and Museo Capitolino inv. 508 (Richter, figs. 484-86; Fittschen, pl. 61), offer the most reliable versions of the original. This is then confirmed by several heads of lesser quality, such as the inscribed herm in the Conservatori (Richter, fig. 511), a head in St. Petersburg (Richter, figs. 505-7), a head in a private collection (Richter, figs. 494-96), and a fragment in the museum in Sfax (Fittschen, pl. 60). The fine Early Imperial head in the Terme Museum (Richter, fig. 490; Fittschen, pl. 63), which is often reproduced as the "best" copy, with its sunken cheeks and "Socratic" expression, represents, in my view, an eccentric interpretation of the original derived from the philosopher's biography. The superb sculptor undoubtedly wanted to convey more of Socrates' personality than the original of Type B ever contained. In two other copies, both of the second century A.C. , an inscribed herm in Naples and a tondo bust in the Villa Albani (Richter, figs. 483, 500, 501, 503, 512; Villa Albani, II, 272, pl. 193), the physiognomic qualities of the original have been entirely done away with.

33 Travlos (supra n. 29) 477ff.; W. Höpfner, Kerameikos, vol. 10, Das Pompeion und seine Nachfolgerbauten (Berlin, 1976); U. Knigge, Der Kerameikos von Athen: Führung durch Ausgrabungen und Geschichte (Athens, 1988) 79ff. On the pinakes see Fittschen 1991, 278.

34 Richter I, 96, figs. 381-97. Cf. the convincing interpretation and dating of ca. 350 in Gauer 1968, 128ff.; Fittschen 1988, 24 n. 142. But the head is—pace Gauer—entirely without expression and in this respect comparable to the tragedians set up by Lycurgus in the Theatre of Dionysus, to which it is also close in style. Cf. in particular the subtler copy in Aranjuez: D. Hertel, MM 26 (1985) 239, no. 4, pl. 52, together with Aeschylus, fig. 28.

35 See D. Pandermalis, "Untersuchungen zu den klassischen Strategenköpfen" (Diss., Freiburg, 1969). On the typology of statues of strategoi see, most recently, N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nacktheit in der griechischen Kunst, JdI-EH 26 (Berlin. 1990) 86ff.: T. Hölscher, Gnomon 65 (1993) 524. On the portrait of Archidamus III of Sparta (?), see Richter II, 160ff., figs. 888-89; Gauer 1968, 154; cf. Giuliani 1986, 140ff.

36 See B. Schweitzer, Zur Kunst der Antike (Tübingen, 1963) 2: 186; Gauer 1968, 130. On such reuse see H. Blanck, Wiederverwendung alter Statuen als Ehrendenkmäler bei Griechen und Römern (Rome, 1969).

37 The two portraits are, however, very different in style. For Lysias see Richter II, 207, figs. 1340ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 157; Voutiras 1980, 205ff.; Fittschen 1988, pls. 44f. For Thucydides, see Richter I, 147ff.; figs. 825ff.; Schefold 1943, 76, 205; Fittschen, pls. 41-43.

38 The existence of the group portrait of the Seven Wise Men in Athens has been correctly inferred from the epigram Anth. Gr. 16.332. It is, however, quite uncertain whether any connection exists between this group and the surviving portrait types. The latter include inscribed copies of the heads of Periander, Bias, and Pittakos of Mytilene (Richter II, 81ff.; Brommer 1973; von Heintze 1977a, 1977b). The Athenian Solon, who also belongs to this élite company, had previously been represented in the guise of the model citizen (see pp. 45ff.).

39 The key monument illustrating this phenomenon is the statue of Eirene, or Peace, in the Agora; see Borbein 1973, 113ff. and passim. On Isocrates see, most recently, C. W. Müller, ''Platon und der 'Panegyrikos' des Isokrates," Philologus 135 (1991) 140-56.

40 On the historical significance of the Sophists see J. Martin, "Zur Entstehung der Sophistik," Saeculum 27 (1976) 143ff.

41 See Weiher 1913; Sassi 1988, 32.

42 The tomb of Theodectes stood on the road to Eleusis, that of Isocrates at Kynosarges (ps.-Plut. X orat. 837D, 838C). The tomb of Theodectes was still standing in the time of Pausanias (1.37.4). Instead of the usual family grouping that we find on the tombs of Athenian citizens in this period, the poet appeared surrounded by his spiritual predecessors, much as the princes and noblemen of the day dedicated in major sanctuaries groups of themselves with their ancestors going back to mythological heroes. One of these, the monument of the Thessalian dynast Daochos at Delphi, may give the best idea of the architectural form of Theodectes' tomb; see Borbein 1973, 68ff. Certainly Theodectes' gallery of poets cannot have looked anything like the standard bourgeois tomb monument in the form of an aedicula. Isocrates' "trapeza" will probably have been no less noticeable or expensive. A monumental column, thirty ells in height, topped by a mourning sphinx, would have recalled Archaic grave monuments and was perhaps part of the family's earlier tomb. Thus as a member of the Athenian aristocracy, unlike the immigrant from Phaselis, Isocrates would have combined a display of family tradition with his own claim to the special status of an outstanding intellectual. Cf. B. Schmaltz, AM 83 (1978) 90, and now the detailed study of A. Scholl, in Jdl 109 (1994), 242-54.

43 On the portrait of Plato see the references above in n. 2. The Early Imperial (Tiberian?) copy in Munich (figs. 24, 38) is certainly of high quality, but whether it represents the "best" copy in every respect seems to me questionable. Thus, for example, the stylization of the hair across the brow is less precise in the subtler copies and the edges of the forehead are not so pronounced. These features suggest a partial assimilation to a hairstyle of the period of the copy. One could also question the material rendering of the flesh tones.

44 M. Weber, RM 98 (1991), 218f., pl. 52.

45 For Isocrates we know of two statues set up during his lifetime: see K. Gaiser, "Philochoros über zwei Statuen in Athen," in Praestant Interna, Festschrift U. Hausmann (Tübingen, 1982) 91-100. Gaiser's restoration of the papyrus text does not seem to me compelling, as it starts from the unfounded assumption that Plato did not allow any honorific statue of himself during his lifetime.

46 The following examples are illustrated here (fig. 44a-d): (a) Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 213; Billedtavler I, pl. 16; EA 3995/6; (b) Athens, National Museum 719; Conze I, 83, no. 359, pl. 89; (c) Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 218; Billedtavler I, pl. 16; EA 3995/6; (d) Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 212 (= infra n. 51). Cf. also Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 73.AA.116: A. N. Oikonomides, GettyMusJ 5 (1977) 41f.; Athens, National Museum 3505: S. Karusu, AM 96 (1981) 186, with n. 16, pl. 61, 1; and a fragment illustrated in ArchDelt 20 (1965) Chron. 104, pl. 57 b, c. And cf. the wrinkled brows of all the older men on the base of an Attic grave monument of the later fourth century illustrated by Schmaltz (supra n. 42) pl. 28. I am indebted to J. Bergemann, who is preparing a study of Attic gravestones, for a number of suggestions, improvements, and photographs.

47 Giuliani 1986, 134ff., with a collection and interpretation of the relevant texts. Cf. in particular Xen. Symp. 8.3; Isoc. Dem. 1.15.

48 Weiher 1913, 45ff.

49 A statuette of a seated man, now lost, with the inscription . .LATON, must belong in the Hellenistic period by the rendering of the drapery: Fittschen 1987, 153; Richter II, 167, fig. 960. The bust in Kassel (supra n. 44) is also not evidence for a seated statue. The pattern of the drapery folds is also consistent with a standing figure; cf. the statuette of Socrates, fig. 33. On grave stelai there are mature men who have drawn the mantle over their right shoulder: e.g., the stele of Artemon; B. Vierneisel-Schlörb, Glyptothek, München, Katalog der Skulpturen, vol. 3, Klassische Grabdenkmäler und Votivreliefs (Munich, 1988) 43ff., no. 9. The erect posture of the head on the small bust in Kassel could well be an accurate reflection of the original, and this too would argue against a seated statue. The same is true of a portrait type of Isocrates, which should be combined with a normal standing statue like the statuette of Socrates: Richter II, 208, figs. 1346ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 141; Villa Albani I, 216f., no. 70, pls. 120-21 (L. Giuliani).

50 Giuliani 1986, 138.

51 Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 212; Billedtavler I, pl. 16; E. Bielefeld, AA, 1962, 91f.; Vierneisel (supra n. 2) 26; Fittschen 1988, 24, Pl. 50.2. On this phenomenon see further Fittschen, 24; V. Poulsen, ActaArch 14 (1943), 68.

52 For Theophrastus see Schefold 1943, 98; Richter II, 176, fig. 1022; and, most recently, L. Giuliani, in Villa Albani I, 463, no. 152. For Aristotle see F. Studniczka, Das Bildnis des Aristoteles (Leipzig, 1908) = Fittschen 1988, 147ff.; Schefold 1943, 96; Richter II, 172ff., figs. 976ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 97; Fittschen, pls. 76ff. The facial expression of the fine copy of Antonine date in Vienna (Richter II, figs. 976-78, 985) goes beyond the other preserved copies in the rendering of signs of old age, and I believe the Antonine copyist may have exaggerated these.

A comparable phenomenon has also been observed in Roman portraiture, though to an even greater extent. That is, the portraits of average citizens were assimilated, even in physiognomic detail, to those of the reigning emperor, who served as the exemplar. On this phenomenon of the "Zeitgesicht" in the Imperial period see Zanker 1982.

53 See, for example, N. Himmelmann's article in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 1993, no. 46, p. N5.

54 There are, of course, exceptions. Cf., for example, the stele of Thraseas and Euandria in Berlin: Diepolder 1931, Pl. 44; or the stele in Kansas City: B. F. Cook, AntPl IX (Berlin, 1969) 70, fig. 5.

55 Cf. PCG, ed. Kassel and Austin (Berlin, 1986) 5: 142f.; Weiher 1913, 52ff. With its piling up of other topoi of the ridicule of philosophers, as well as its enumeration of other targets, the passage can hardly, in my view, be interpreted as having a "programmatic meaning" for the self-image of the philosophers, as Himmelmann has argued.

56 W. Hoepfner and E. L. Schwandner, Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland (Munich, 1986).

57 A votive relief of a shoemaker, for example, from the Athenian Agora, depicts four men at work. They wear their mantles in the same correct manner as their contemporaries on grave stelai or in honorific statuary, although this can hardly be the way they dressed in real life. It must have been their principal concern as well to emphasize what exemplary citizens they were. See J. M. Camp, The Athenian Agora: Excavations in the Heart of Classical Athens (London, 1986) 147, fig. 126.

58 The standard work for reconstruction of the historical sequence is now C. Habicht, Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte Athens im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Munich, 1979). After the collapse of the democracy (and the death of Demosthenes) in 322, there followed first an oligarchy for four years, then the ten-year quasi-tyrannical regime of the Peripatetic philosopher Demetrius of Phaleron, 317-307. Then a democratic phase of four years' duration, a reasonably democratic constitution from 303 to 294, seven years of oligarchy until 287, then the radical democracy under Demochares until 270/69.

59 Fittschen 1991. This monographic treatment includes all the relevant evidence, as well as a complete list of copies. R. Röwer undertook a complete study of the copies in a Munich dissertation, "Studien zur Kopienkritik frühhellenistischer Porträts" (1980), that is unfortunately still unpublished.

60 For the copies see Richter II, figs. 1528ff. The bust in Venice should be dated to the Late Republic and overemphasizes the wrinkles, while the youthful version in Copenhagen rather takes account of both tendencies. Cf. fig. 46.

61 For the anecdotes see RE 15.1 (1931) 707ff., s.v. Menandros 9 (A. Körte); Studniczka 1918 = Fittschen 1988, 211.

62 On Demetrius of Phaleron see RE 4.2 (1900) 2817-41, s.v. Demetrios 85 (Martini); RE Suppl. II (1968) 514-522, s.v. Demetrios of Phaleron (F. Wehrli). On Demetrius Poliorcetes see Plut. Demetr. and RE 4.2 (1900) 2769-91, s.v. Demetrios 33 (Kaerst).

63 On the statue of Demosthenes see Schefold 1943, 106; Richter II, 216ff., figs. 1397 ff.; Balty 1978; Giuliani 1986, 139f.; Fittschen 1988, pls. 108-16. The literary testimonia are collected by R. E. Wycherley, Agora, vol. 3, Literary and Epigraphical Testimonia (Princeton, 1957) 210f., nos. 697ff.; cf. B. Hebert, Schriftquellen zur hellenistischen Kunst (Graz, 1989) 8ff. On the decree, recorded in Plot. Mor. 847D, cf. the commentary of F. Ladek, WS 13 (1891) 63-128. On the location of the statue see, most recently, I. Worthington, "The Siting of Demosthenes' Statue," BSA 81 (1986) 389. For the historical background see Habicht (supra n. 58) 68ff.

Concerning the transmission of the statue type, the torso in Brussels of Early Imperial date (Balty 1978) represents the most faithful copy of the body. It has keenly observed and realistic elements of old age that are suppressed or beautified in the two other surviving copies of the body. The hands are preserved only in a modern cast of a now-lost bronze statuette (Richter II, figs. 1511-12) and in one fragment of a hand. The contraction of the brows is also rendered in a variety of ways, but the subtlest copies are also the most expressive, and this is even confirmed by some gems. For the best copies of the head, and especially the facial expression, see in particular the small bronze bust in Naples (Richter II, figs. 1441-43; our fig. 49), a marble bust in Cyrene (Richter, figs. 1485-88), and an amethyst in a private collection (Richter, fig. 1506).

64 On the motif and its interpretation see T. Dohrn, JdI 70 (1955) 50ff.; S. Settis, Prospettiva 2 (1975) 4-28; Giuliani 1986, 135. For the multiple meanings of this gesture cf., for instance, Anth. Gr. 2.17ff. and 254f.

65 Those who would interpret the mood of the statue as one of melancholy introspection would have to offer evidence that such a possibility even existed at this period. In that case, where are we to think the speaker is actually standing? At home? There is no indication that the viewer is meant to imagine him in private.

66 See Pfuhl-Möbius I, 80f., no. III, pl. 25; 185, no. 664, pl. 100; Zanker 1993.

67 Torso in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, the so-called Arundel Homer: D. Haynes, The Arundel Marbles (Oxford, 1975) pl. 4 (second century B.C. ). Cf. the drawings by Rubens, reproduced in Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pls. 108-13. Cf. the torso from Samos: R. Horn, Hellenistische Bildwerke auf Samos, vol. 12 of Samos (Bonn, 1972) 14, 86, no. 7, pl. 20f. (ca. 160 B.C. ).

68 Giuliani 1986, 139f.

1 For Type A, with the hand laid on the head, see S. Besques, Catalogue raisonné des figurines et reliefs, vol. 3.1 (Paris, 1972) 33, no. D 178, pl. 41b; EncPhotTEL II, pl. 186 A; E. Paul, Antike Welt in Ton (Leipzig, 1959) no. 202, pl. 55. For Type B, with the chin propped up, see F. Winter, Die Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten (Berlin, 1903) 2:258, 2; Besques, 33, no. D 179 d.e (wearing a petasos), pl. 40; J. Sieveking, Die Terracotten der Sammlung Loeb (Munich, 1916) 2: pl. 79; G. Schneider-Herrmann, Eine niederländische Studiensammlung antiker Kunst (Leiden, 1975) 13, no. 16 (wearing a kausia). Type B is often wearing either the petasos or the kausia, which transforms the contemplative gesture into a motif of relaxation. This may suggest how foreign the original motif must at first have seemed.

2 On what follows see now the important study of Caizzi (1993).

3 For the portrait of Zeno see Schefold 1943, 108; Richter II, 186ff., figs. 1084-1105; V. Kockel, BdA 70 (1985) 71f., no. 8; Thielemann-Wrede 1989, 110f.; and, most recently, with full bibliography, von den Hoff 1994, 89ff. For the history of the copies see H. J. Kruse, AA, 1966, 386ff. The Augustan bust, from a herm, in Naples, inv. 6128, fig. 53 (Richter II, 188, figs. 1084f.), represents the most reliable copy, apart from the drapery. This is also the view of Thielemann-Wrede, while Kruse disagrees. This is especially true of the particular form of the beard, with its limp strands, which most of the copyists have altered to give the appearance of carefully curled locks.

4 On the honorific decree see most recently C. Habicht, in Bathron, Festschrift H. Drerup (Saarbrücken, 1988) 173-75; Habicht 1988, 15f. Of earlier studies see especially U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorf, "Antigonos von Karystos," Philologische Untersuchungen 4 (Berlin, 1881) 232, 340-44. On Zeno see RE 19 (1972) 83-121, s.v. Zenon 2 (K. von Fritz); Long 1986, 109ff.

5 Cf. Caizzi 1993, 311ff., who I believe stresses too much the Socratic-Cynic element of poverty in Zeno's image.

6 Cf. the statuette in the Glyptothek in Munich that has been associated with the portrait of Zeno by Thielemann-Wrede 1989, 147ff., pls. 24-25. This could indeed derive from a portrait of a Stoic, but probably not Zeno, because the draping of the mantle is different.

7 L. Stroux, "Vergleich und Metapher in der Lehre des Zenon von Kition" (Diss., Munich, 1965); K. H. Rolke, Die bildhaften Vergleiche in den Fragmenten der Stoiker Zenon bis Panaitios (Hildesheim, 1975).

8 On the statue of Chrysippus see Richter II, 190ff., figs. 1111ff., and, most recently, with earlier bibliography, von den Hoff 1994, 96ff. As for the copies, the herm bust in Naples (fig. 56; Richter II, figs. 1115-17) gives the best idea of the plastic forms of the head, while for pose and expression the bust in London (fig. 55; Richter, figs. 1118-20) is best. The statuette in the Palazzo Conservatori Museo Nuovo in Rome (Richter, fig. 1142) is evidently a variant, in which Chrysippus has been positioned upright on a throne, modeled on the statue of Epicurus. The statue in Paris is, happily, confirmed in this respect by a statuette recently found in Cyrene: L. Bacchielli, "Arato o Crisippo, QAL 10 (1979) 27f. On the identification of Chrysippus: the body type is identified on the basis of an inscribed headless bust in Athens. Bacchielli has reopened the discussion of the identification of the head type, but I believe that the careful evaluation of all the arguments by von den Hoff (101ff.) has settled the question in favor of Chrysippus, rather than Aratus. The most recent contribution is that of Fittschen (1992a, 21ff.), who rightly insists that the association of the securely identified statue and the head type cannot be proven. I would nevertheless adhere to this association, even though my attempts to achieve a perfect grafting through the use of casts have persuaded me that this is not possible. The identification of the head type still seems likely based on the well-known numismatic evidence, since the inscribed bust in Athens preserves enough of the neck to prove that we cannot assume a long beard of the type worn by Aratus on the coins that are supposed to depict him. In addition, the movement of the neck seems to match that of the preserved busts. Von den Hoff (99, no. 14) has been able to adduce a previously overlooked double herm, Athens, NM 537 (Richter, fig. 1145), which connects the Chrysippus type with that of Zeno. Finally, the large number of copies favors Chrysippus rather than Aratus, since Juvenal (2.4-5) explicitly mentions how numerous Chrysippus' portraits were. On all three busts, the rendering of the mantle is different and cursorily executed and therefore cannot be used to posit another statue independent of this one. It is likelier that these are simplified versions, as is also the case with the copies of other portrait types.

In the existing reconstructions, the motion of the head thrusting forward, which is attested in several of the copies, especially the busts in London (Richter, figs. 1118-20), the head in Copenhagen, National Museum (Richter, figs. 1136-38), and the coin from Soloi (Richter, fig. 1147), has been too little stressed, or not at all. I have attempted a new reconstruction, in the form of a photo montage which has now been realized with plaster casts by S. Bertolin: fig. 54a-b. Cf. Sokrates 1989, 75; Fittschen 1992a. In this experiment, the chest area of the London bust (fig. 56) could be joined almost seamlessly to the cast of the statue in Paris, though the back of the bust's head overlaps the garment folds at the nape of the neck on the statue. The discrepancy is best explained by positing that the copyist of the statue evened out both the position of the head and the fall of the drapery. As the busts demonstrate, the folds at the back of the original statue were clearly pushed back by the upward thrust of the head. These photos of the new reconstruction should be understood simply as an aid in giving a reasonable optical impression of the pose of the entire figure. In view of the numerous disparities among the individual copies of a single portrait type, I do not believe that an "implantation" which is less than perfect can be used as an argument against the compatibility of head and body types.

9 See P. H. von Blanckenhagen. "Der ergänzende Betrachter," in Wandlungen: Studien zur antiken und neueren Kunst, Festschrift E. Homann-Wedeking (Waldsassen, 1975) 193-201.

10 On the literary sources see Richter II, 190. R. E. Wycherley, The Athenian Agora, vol. 3, Literary and Epigraphical Sources (Princeton, 1957) 143, no. 458, considers it possible that the statue in the Gymnasium of Ptolemy is identical with that in the Kerameikos. See, most recently, von den Hoff 1994, 109ff.

11 It is just possible, however, that the entire right hand has been subsequently restored. This is the view of H.-U. Cain, to whom I am grateful for his detailed observations of the original, and was already suspected by Bacchielli. The restorer would then have been inspired, through a learned adviser, by such literary accounts as Cic. Fin. 1.39, Pliny HN 34.88, and Sid. Apoll. Epist. 9.9.14. Only the dismantling of the statue and examination of the marble could provide a definitive answer. The only certainty is that the hand was held with palm up. Specific interpretations based on the positioning of the fingers must also, then, remain hypothetical. But in this context it can hardly mean anything other than "persuasion through argumentation" (so Scheibler, in Sokrates 1989, 75; cf. Thielemann-Wrede 1989, 127ff.) or "a speaker gesticulating in a lecture or conversation" (von den Hoff 1994, 114). Cf. Sittl 1890, 252-62; Fittschen 1988, 26 n. 157 (with a later dating); Thielemann-Wrede, 125ff.; von den Hoff, 113f.

12 See Lippold 1912, 57; Schefold 1943, 121, 210; Richter II, 175, figs. 1018f.; Helbig ⁴ II, no. 2016 (von Heintze); Schefold 1980, 160ff.; Schefold 1982, 85; von den Hoff 1994, 114, 162.

13 On the so-called Kleanthes see Lippold 1912, 86 n. 3; Schefold 1943, 146, no. 2; Richter II, 189ff.; figs. 1106ff.; Schefold 1980, 161; Thielemann-Wrede 1989, 136; von den Hoff 1994, 165. The type is preserved in only five statuettes, but since they are of different sizes, it may be only an accident that no full-size copy survives. There are other full-size philosopher statues of which many copies as statuettes are preserved. I take the bronze statuette in London to be the most faithful copy. This is the only one, for example, that preserves the folds of the garment falling over the left hip, a motif that is attested with certainty, for other, contemporary seated statues, e.g., Hermarchus (fig. 64) and Poseidippus (fig. 75). In these, of course, the hem lies between the legs, whereas here it has been pushed to the side by an involuntary movement of the left hand. The deviations of the other statuettes in this respect could derive from a simplified variant of the original. The different chairs and pillows of these statuettes are also not reliable copies of the original, since they vary so. The drapery style of the copy in the Museo Baracco looks decidedly Late Hellenistic, and this is the only copy that exaggerates the characteristics of old age. The bronze statuette can only have sat on a flat seat, perhaps a stone bench, as in the case of the philosopher in the Palazzo Spada (fig. 57) or Chrysippus. On the dating see C. Reinsberg, Studien zur hellenistischen Toreutik (Hildesheim. 1980) 135. The massive quality is comparable to that of the statue of Poseidippus (fig. 75).

14 On the statuette of Antisthenes see L. Curtius, RM 59 (1944) 38ff.; Schefold 1943, 206; Richter II, 181, fig. 1056; V. Kockel, AA, 1986, 486, fig. 26; N. Himmelmann, in Phyromachos-Probleme, ed. B. Andreae (Mainz, 1990) 16, pls. 44-47, who rejects an association with the portrait type. Cf. pp. 174ff.

15 On Eudoxus see A. Hekler, Die Sammlung antiker Skulpturen, Museum der bildenden Künste in Budapest (Budapest, 1929) 60f.; Schefold 1943, 157, no. 4; Richter II, 244, fig. 1679; Richter-Smith 1984, 120.

16 On beards and shaving see RE 3 (1899) 30ff., s.v. Bart (Mau); Hahn 1989, 32ff.; Fittschen 1988, 25.

17 This, at least, is how he appears on the one ancient portrait that identifies him by inscription, on a Roman mosaic in Sparta, which I believe could well reflect a Classical original (probably fourth century rather than fifth): Richter-Smith 1984, 81, fig. 46. Alcibiades is also shown beardless on one of the fragmentary tondi from Aphrodisias (cf. pp. 313ff.).

18 Good examples would include the Etruscan sarcophagi and urns (R. Herbig, Die jüngeretruskischen Steinsarkophage, ASR 7 [Berlin, 1952]), East Greek grave stelai (Pfuhl-Möbius I-II), and Cypriot sculpture (J. B. Connelly, Votive Sculpture of Hellenistic Cyprus [Nicosia, 1988]).

19 CAF III, 333ff.; RE 20.1 (1941) 380, s.v. Phoinikides (A. Körte).

20 Cf. Hahn 1989, 36.

21 It is unclear whether Alciphron means that the Stoic's hair was too long or merely unkempt. I gratefully acknowledge the kind advice of Mathias Gelzer in the interpretation of this and other texts.

22 The irregular pattern of the beard is especially clear on the copies in London, British Museum 1836 (Richter II, figs. 1139-41) and in the Vatican (fig. 60; Richter, figs. 1121-22). Von den Hoff (1994, 112f.) also recognizes this feature but interprets it simply as a sign of the neglect of external appearances.

23 The quote is from SPh II 139, 14ff. Cf. Laubscher 1982.

24 On the Epicureans see Long 1986, 14ff.; Long-Sedley 1987, 25-157; RAC 5 (1962) 681-819, s.v. Epikur (W. Schmid); and the forthcoming article of W. Erler, in W. Uberweg's Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, vol. 4, ed. H. Flashar (Basel and Stuttgart, 1993). More specialized studies include M. L. Clarke. ''The Garden of Epicurus," Phoenix 27 (1973) 86f.; D. Clay, "Individual and Community in the First Generation of the Epicurean School," in Studi Gigante (Naples, 1983) 255-79.

25 On the statues of the Epicureans see Schefold 1943, 118; Richter II, 194ff., figs. 1149ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 116. For the most complete lists of copies, with critical analysis, see von den Hoff 1994, 63ff. His detailed stylistic analysis confirms the traditional dating based on the date of death. Fittschen's recent reconstructions in Göttingen, with the help of casts, have provided a more reliable basis for assessing the overall effect of the portrait statues of Epicurus and Metrodorus: see Fittschen 1992a. A careful study of the copies was earlier undertaken in Kruse-Berdoldt 1975.

26 See A. Long, "Pleasure and Social Utility—The Virtues of Being Epicurean," Fondation Hardt, Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 32 (1985) 283-316.

27 Wrede (1982, 235-45) has persuasively established the order of importance and associated it with the notions of hierarchy and orthodoxy in the Kepos.

28 On the throne of Epicurus see Kruse-Berdoldt (1975, 150f.), who likens it to the honorary seats in the theatre; Wrede (1982), who compares it to the thrones of the gods; and B. Frischer ( The Sculpted Word [Berkeley, 1982] 199ff.), who sees a play on the fatherly role and the iconography of Herakles and Asklepios. On the theatre seats see G. M. A. Richter, The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans, and Romans (London, 1966) figs. 138ff., 146ff., 490, 499ff.; M. Maass, Die Prohedrie des Dionysostheaters in Athen (Munich, 1972) 60ff.; J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (New York, 1972) 544ff. The occasional depiction of men on this kind of honorary chair, on East Greek grave reliefs (e.g., Pfuhl-Möbius I, 222, no. 854, pl. 125; 275, no. 1109, pl. 167), is probably also more a token of public honors than of intellectual accomplishments.

29 Epicurus' facial features are rendered with the finest nuances in the double herm in the Capitoline Museum, fig. 66 (Richter II, fig. 1153) and in the fragment in Copenhagen (Richter, figs. 1205-6). The turn of the head, however, could be most reliably rendered in a bust in the Capitoline (Richter, figs. 1151-52). My views here differ from those of Kruse-Berdoldt (1975). Cf. now the excellent new reconstruction of the statue by Fittschen (1992a, 15ff.), which is based upon the head of the Capitoline bust (fig. 62).

On the significance of the raised eyebrows see Giuliani 1986, 140ff. The suggestion of B. Schmaltz ( MarbWPr, 1985) that the portraits of Epicurus divide into two traditions that derive from different originals cannot be right. Cf. the counterarguments of von den Hoff (1994, 70f.). A comparison with Herakles is not, in my view, supported by the brow of the Herakles Farnese, since there it expresses something different, connoting physical exertion. Cf. Wrede 1982, 243.

30 The Hadrianic bust in the Capitoline (Richter II, figs. 1233-35; cf. Kruse-Bertoldt 1975, 69f.), though the carving is unfortunately too hard and angular, provides the best idea of the original statue of Metrodorus (fig. 67). The inclination of the head seems to be faithfully rendered in a bust in Athens (Richter, figs. 1255-57). Schmaltz (supra n. 29) 37, pl. 14, rightly compares the head with an Attic grave stele of the fourth century, although the comparison applies only to the iconographical type and not to the style, which is closely related to that of Epicurus' portrait. This Classical formula, which seems so inappropriate to the early fourth century, also explains attempts to associate the portrait with the classicizing mode of the Late Hellenistic period. Cf. the counterarguments of von den Hoff (1994, 64f.).

31 The portrait of Hermarchus is best represented by a Hadrianic bust in Budapest (Richter II, figs. 1306-9) and a small inscribed herm from the Villa dei Papiri, in Naples, fig. 68 (Richter, figs. 1291-93). For the full statue type cf. the statuette in Florence (Richter, figs. 1319-20).

A stylistically earlier type, closely related iconographically, has been most recently discussed by B. Freyer-Schauenburg, RM 96 (1989) 313ff., though I do not believe her identification as Democritus can be defended. Gauer (1968, 168f.) had taken it to be an earlier portrait of Hermarchus himself. But given the astonishing iconographical similarity to the genuine portrait of Hermarchus, one could also consider the possibility that it represents another of the early Epicureans.

32 Even a slight raising or stretching of the lower arm would have to result in a tension in the musculature of the shoulder. The right elbow probably rested on the wrist of the left hand, as indicated by damage at this spot on the statue in Athens. The recently discovered copies from Dion (see p. 230) also imply this relaxed position of the arm and, in any event, invalidate the suggested reconstruction of Frischer (1982, 175, fig. 6) and the interpretation that he bases upon it.

33 M. Guarducci, RendPontAcc 47 (1974-75) 177, fig. 13.

34 On the process of reading see Birt 1907; Blanck 1992, 72.

35 On the cult of the Epicureans see RAC 5 (1962) 746, s.v. Epikur (W. Schmid); Wrede 1982, 237, with further references.

36 See I. Gallo, ''Commedia e filosofia in età ellenistica: Batone," Vichiana n.s. 5 (1976) 206-42, esp. 219.

37 For the statuette in New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, see Schefold 1943, 124, no. 4; 211; Richter II, 199, fig. 1220; M. True, in The Gods Delight, ed. A. Kozloff and D. G. Mitten, exh. cat., Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland, 1988) 154, no. 26; and, most recently, the detailed analysis of von den Hoff 1994, 171ff. He dates the work correctly in the Late Hellenistic period but traces the philosopher to a genre figure of the years around 200 B.C.

38 P. W. Lehmann, Roman Wall Paintings from Boscoreale in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Cambridge, Mass., 1953) 34ff., fig. 27; Schefold 1943, 132f.

39 P. C. Bol, Die Skulpturen des Schiffsfundes von Antikythera (Berlin, 1972) 24ff., pls. 10-11; R. Lullies, Griechische Plastik ⁴ (Munich, 1979) 129, pls. 258-59.

40 Bronze statuette: Paris, Bibl. Nationale 853; Schefold 1982, 85; L. Beschi, I bronzetti romani di Montorio Veronese, Istituto Veneto, Memorie 33.2 (1962) 13ff., the prototype convincingly dated to the second half of the third century; Richter I, 132, figs. 711-12; Schefold 1980, 162; most recently treated in detail by von den Hoff (1994, 161ff.), who identifies the same type on the philosopher mosaic in the Villa Albani (Richter, fig. 319). I am indebted to R. von den Hoff for important observations in this context. Silver statuette: Paris, Bibl. Nationale; G. M. A. Richter, Greek Portraits, vol. 4, Coll. Latomus 54 (Brussels, 1962) 41, pls. 23-24, figs. 56-57; Schefold 1980, 162.

41 Paris, Louvre MA 79; Richter I, 144, fig. 784.

42 Johansen 1992, 142f., no. 58. I believe the upper body, bent forward, and the position of the arms make it clear that the statue represents a reader.

43 The statue is in Rome, Capitoline Museum 137; Richter II, 185, figs. 1071, 1074; Schefold 1943, 122; Helbig ⁴ II, no. 1431; Laubscher 1982, 44 with n. 162, 62; von den Hoff 1994, 118ff., confirming the traditional dating.

On the appearance of the Cynics see RE 12 (1923) 4ff., s.v. Kynismus (Helm); P. R. Dudley, A History of Cynicism (London, 1937); M. Billerbek, Der Kyniker Demetrios (Frankfurt, 1979). That the figure was barefoot is certain, for enough of the lower leg is preserved to say that there were no sandals. On the tribon see RE 6, 2d ser. (1937) 2415ff., s.v. Tribon (Schuppe).

44 On the relation of the Cynics to society see G. Bodei Giglioni, "Alessandro e i Cinici," in Studi ellenistici, ed. B. Virgilio (Pisa, 1984): 51-73. Since the importance of the Cynics was already in decline in the third century, the statue could be a retrospective honor for one of the early Cynics set up, for example, by the Stoics. The latter felt indebted to the founders of Cynic teaching for some aspects of their own philosophy. The statue would in that case have been a kind of didactic reminiscence. The main difficulty with this interpretation is the lack of retrospective or hagiographic elements of the kind we shall encounter in the statuettes of Diogenes and other retrospective portraits.

45 On the "Cynic" in Paris, Louvre 544, see ABr 619-20; Hekler 1912, pl. 103; K. Fittschen, AA, 1991, 261, figs. 6, 8. The copy belongs to the later second century A.C. Certain details, such as the "moustache" and the locks of the beard might lead one to suspect that this could be an image of a contemporary individual that has merely been stylized with traits of the philosopher (cf. pp. 235ff.). On the other hand, the plastic structure of the head and especially the arrangement of the hair on the crown of the head would argue against this interpretation.

46 See Bodei Giglioni (supra n. 44).

47 Fittschen 1992b, pl. 17.

48 For the Late Hellenistic copies of Menander see Richter II, figs. 1533-35, 1536-38, 1592-95.

49 Richter II, figs. 1524, 1526, 1527; cf. Studniczka 1918 = Fittschen 1988, 207ff., pl. 105. For a similar kind of anecdotal representation see Schefold 1980, 166.

50 Fundamental for what follows is the investigation of Fittschen (1992b), which has put the scholarship on this monument on a new and firmer footing. Cf. Schefold 1943, 110; Richter II, 238, figs. 1647-50. On Poseidippus see RE 22.1 (1953) 426ff., s.v. Poseidippos (W. Peek).

51 E. M. Rankin, The Role of the Mageiroi in the Life of the Ancient Greeks (Chicago, 1907) 25.

52 H. Kyrieleis, Die Bildnisse der Ptolemäer (Berlin, 1975). One should also note in this connection the portraits on Etruscan sarcophagi and urns, which derive from Greek prototypes. Fittschen (1992b) also rightly associates the ample forms of the portrait in Copenhagen, which he connects with the statue of the pseudo-Menander, with the ideal of tryphe .

53 The Menander relief, formerly in the Stroganoff Collection, is now in the Art Museum, Princeton University. See M. Bieber, in Festschrift A. Rumpf (Cologne, 1952) 14-17. On the funerary altar of the Roman poet see fig. 113.

54 H. Bartels, Olympia-Bericht (Berlin, 1967), 8 : 251ff., pl. 120; N. Himmelmann, Alexandria und der Realismus in der griechischen Kunst (Tübingen, 1983) 49f., pl. 30. The identification as a poet was already proposed by Bartels on the basis of the figure's beardlessness and the undergarment.

55 R. Wendorf, The Elements of Life: Biography and Portrait Painting in Stuart and Georgian England (Oxford, 1990) 251f., fig. 69. Cf. W. Busch, Das sentimentale Bild (Munich, 1993) 417, fig. 116. On the portraits of Dr. Johnson by Reynolds, five in all, see Boswell's Life of Johnson, ed. G. Birbeck Hall (Oxford, 1934) 4 : 448ff.

56 Fittschen 1992b.

57 For the statuette of Moschion, Naples, Museo Nazionale 6238, see Richter II, 242, figs. 1666-67; Richter-Smith 1984, 169, fig. 130; Fittschen 1991, 262 n. 70, pls. 56, 2; 62, 4.

58 Cf. the diptych from the cathedral treasury at Monza: Schefold 1943, 184; W. F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spätantike und des frühen Mittelalters ³ (Mainz, 1976) 57, no. 68, pl. 39.

59 For the grave stele of Hermon see E. Walter-Karydi and V. von Graeve, "Der Naiskos des Hermon: Ein spätklassisches Grabgemälde," in Kanon, Festschrift E. Berger, AntK-BH 15 (Basel, 1988) 331ff., pls. 93-95.

60 One may also mention in this context the youthful poet Demetrios on the Pronomos Vase in Naples with a depiction of a satyr play. He sits nude on a handsome bench and is characterized by book rolls and a lyre. Buschor rightly interpreted his relaxed pose and his wide-eyed, excited facial expression with open mouth as one of poetic inspiration. In any case, we should not see him as part of the theatrical context. He is, rather, depicted as a poet, and as a particularly handsome young man (thus the nudity) with luxurious locks and in the midst of a festive and extravagant gathering. See Buschor's comments in A. Furtwängler and K. Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalerei, vol. 3 (Munich, 1932) text to pls. 143-45.

61 On the so-called Vergil (or Ennius) see V. Poulsen I, 44ff., nos. 5, 6; Giuliani 1986, 163ff.; K. Fittschen, AA, 1991, 255ff. Cf. two additional supposed portraits of contemporary Hellenistic poets, which may substantiate what we have said of the so-called Vergil: a beardless portrait belonging to a double herm in Naples (Guida Ruesch no. 1135; H. von Heintze, RM 67 [1961] 80ff., pls. 20, 2; 21, 2; 23; Fittschen 1988, pls. 150f.); and a herm with a likely portrait of an elderly Hellenistic poet in Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig ⁴ II, no. 1466; ABr 887-88; H. von Heintze, RM 67 [1960] 103ff., pls. 31, 33; Fittschen-Zanker II [forthcoming]). Yet another Greek poet of the second century B.C. may be identified in the ivy-wreathed head with fleshy face and dramatic turn of the head in London, BM 1852; R. P. Hinks, Greek and Roman Portrait Sculpture (London, 1935) 15, fig. 16a.

1 For the seated statue in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, see Lippold 1912, 68ff.; Schefold 1943, 138 (identified as Pindar); Buschor 1971, 30, no. 111; V. Poulsen 1954, 77f., no. 53; Richter I, 67ff., figs. 231ff. (Archilochus); Richter-Smith 1984, 176ff.; Giuliani 1986, 159 n. 229; E. Voutiras, in Villa Albani II, 193f., no. 211 (dated late third century); von den Hoff 1994, 108.

2 Anth. Lyr. ² I, frag. 86; Lobel-Page frag. 50 B 18. Cf. F. Preisshofen, Untersuchugen zur Darstellung des Greisenalters in der frühgriechischen Dichtung (Wiesbaden, 1977) 65f.

3 For the statue of Pindar from Memphis see Lauer-Picard 1955, 48ff., pls. 4ff.; Richter I, 143, fig. 783. Cf. below in n. 27.

4 On the "Pseudo-Seneca" see Schefold 1943, 134; E. Buschor, Bildnisstufen (Munich, 1947) 183; Richter I, 58, figs. 131-230; Buschor 1971, no. 115, fig. 30; Richter-Smith 1984, 191; E. Simon, Pergamon und Hesiod (Mainz, 1975) 59 (who suggests the presence of a Stoic viewpoint); Giuliani 1980, 70 n. 34; Fittschen 1988, pls. 138f. Most archaeologists are currently inclined to the identification as Hesiod.

5 See Laubscher 1982, 12 and passim; Bayer 1983, 17ff. On Rubens's "Dying Seneca" see M. Morford, Stoics and Neostoics: Rubens and the Circle of Lipsius (Princeton, 1991).

6 See Richter-Smith 1984, 170f. On the copies see M. G. Picozzi, StMisc 22 (1974) 191ff., and, most recently, von den Hoff 1994, 157 (who dates the original to the mid-second century).

7 The description of this as a "literarisches Idealporträt" is owed to A. Hekler, ÖJh 18 (1915) 61-65. Cf. Hafner 1954, 64 A 9, pl. 27; Stewart 1979, 29, pl. 5, with further details.

8 See Richter I, 151ff., figs. 860ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 136ff.; A. Krug, Heilkunst und Heilkult: Medizin in der Antike (Munich, 1985) 41f., fig. 10; von den Hoff 1994, 157, with a summary of earlier literature and a dating about the middle of the second century. On the identification see, most recently, A. Hillert, Antike Ärztedarstellungen (Frankfurt, 1990) 30.

9 ABr 581-84; J. Frel, Greek Portraits in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Malibu, 1981) 96. For the recent association with the Terme relief (Richter I, figs. 299-300; Richter-Smith 1984, 86) see von den Hoff 1994, 155ff.

10 Cf., for example, the funerary reliefs from Smyrna in Pfuhl-Möbius I-II; Zanker 1993.

11 On what follows see especially R. Pfeiffer, Geschichte der klassischen Philologie: Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des Hellenismus (Hamburg, 1970) 125ff.; Fraser 1972, 305f.

12 See Satiro, Vita di Euripide, ed. G. Arrighetti, in Studi classici e orientali 13 (1964); RE 2, 2d ser. (1921) 228ff., s.v. Satyros (Kind); U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Sappho und Simonides (Berlin, 1913) 157. More generally, see A. Momigliano, The Development of Greek Biography (Cambridge, 1971).

13 M. Gabathuber, "Hellenistische Epigramme auf Dichter" (Diss., Basel, 1937). On the distancing of the "ancient" poets from the present day see P. Bing, "Theokritos' Epigrams on the Statues of Ancient Poets," Antike and Abendland 34 (1982) 117-22.

14 The relief is fully documented and well described by D. Pinkwart, in Antike Plastik (Berlin, 1965) 4 : 55ff., pls. 28ff. Cf. H. von Hesberg, JdI 103 (1988) 333-36; E. Voutiras, Egnatia 1 (1989) 131-70, who sees in the relief a specifically Stoic interpretation of Homer and associates it with the school of Krates of Mallos at Pergamon. He identifies the poet represented in the statue on the Muses' hill as Homer himself. But this is unlikely in light of the seated figure of Homer elsewhere on the relief and is also contradicted by all the numismatic evidence. On the portrait features of Chronos and Oikoumene on the Archelaos Relief see, most recently, E. la Rocca, in Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico-romano: Studi in onore di A. Adriani (Rome, 1984) 3 : 638, with n. 45.

The interpretation of the draped statue before a tripod occurs already in Goethe's analytic description: Sophien-Ausgabe (Weimar) ser. 1, vol. 49 ² , 25. Cf. E. Grumach, Goethe und die Antike (Berlin, 1949) 2 : 572ff.

15 On the heroon of Bias in Priene see F. Hiller von Gaertringen, Inschriften von Priene (Berlin, 1906) 97ff., no. 111; 106ff., no. 113. On the Bias coins from Priene see K. Regling, Die Münzen von Priene (Berlin, 1927) 34, no. 30, pl. 3; Richter I, fig. 357; Schefold 1943, 173. fig. 8.

16 On the Archilocheion see N. M. Kontoleon, Fondation Hardt, Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 10 (1963); RE Suppl. 11 (1968) 136ff., s.v. Archilochos (M. Treu).

17 Lefkowitz 1981. 25ff., esp. 31.

18 See Schefold 1943, 173, fig. 6, with commentary by H. Cahn, p. 219.

19 See Schefold 1943, 172f. with 218ff., for a collection of coins with retrospective portraits of intellectuals, and cf. the relevant sections of Richter I-II.

20 K. A. Esdaile, JHS 32 (1912) 318-25; C. Heyman, "Homer on Coins from Smyrna." in Studia Paulo Naster oblata, vol. 1, Numismatica Antiqua, ed. S. Scheers (Leuven, 1982) 162-73; and, most recently, D. O. A. Klose, Die Münzprägung von Smyrna in der römischen Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1987) 34ff.

21 On the Hellenistic blind Homer see Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, which has the best documentation of all the copies; Schefold 1943, 142, 213; Richter 1, 45ff., figs. 58-106; Richter-Smith 1984, 147ff.; Laubscher 1982, 20; Fittschen 1988, 26. For the dating, in the late third century B.C. , see, most recently, N. Himmelmann, AntK 34 (1991) 110f.

22 Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pls. 92-95; M. Comstock and C. C. Vermeule, Sculpture in Stone (Boston, 1976) 75, no. 119. There are excellent illustrations of the head in ÖJh 18 (1915), 64f., figs. 33-34.

23 Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pls. 66-68; Richter I, figs. 70-72.

24 J. W. Goethe, on a "Buste, die in Gyps Abguss vor mir steht," in J. C. Lavater, Physiognomische Fragmente zur Beforderung der Menschenkenntnis und der Menschenliebe (Leipzig and Winterthur, 1775) 245. Cf. the comments of Jakob Burkhardt, in Der Cicerone ¹⁰ (Leipzig, 1910) 1 : 161: "I confess that nothing gives me a better impression of the greatness of Greek sculpture than its ability to perceive and to render these traits. A blind singer and poet: that is all they had to go on. And yet the artist endowed the brow and cheeks of the old man with this divine mental struggle, this mighty, conscious effort, yet at the same time, the perfect expression of the inner peace that only the blind enjoy. In the bust in Naples, every stroke of the chisel breathes a spirit and the wonder of life."

25 A thorough study of all the copies is still lacking. The analysis of Bayer (1983, 62ff. 204ff.) is based on the plastic forms of the face, which are difficult to apprehend, and comes to the erroneous conclusion that the bronze head in Florence is the best copy of the type. A more promising approach would be to start with the details of the coiffure, especially the thick corkscrew curls at the temples and the roll of hair at the nape, which are most clearly rendered in the Boston head. To this basic type, which is also characterized by the "active" quality of the physiognomy, I would assign the heads in the British Museum (Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pl. 81), in a private collection (pls. 99ff., though I am not certain it is ancient), in the Capitoline (pls. 59f.), and in Schwerin (pls. 88-91), as well as the now-lost bust that appears in Rembrandt's painting of Aristotle in New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art (pls. 53-55).

26 Lefkowitz 1981, 16.

27 Lauer-Picard 1955; cf. the review by F. Matz ( Gnomon 29 [1957] 84-93), who noted the significance of the two fragmentary heads with fillets (Lauer-Picard, 85, figs. 41-42; 259, figs. 142-43). On the basis of stylistic criteria and historical considerations he suggested a date in the early second century, which has also been supported by C. Reinsberg, Studien zur hellenistischen Toreutik (Hildesheim, 1980) 118, 184. See now B. S. Ridgway, Hellenistic Sculpture (Madison, 1990) 1 : 131ff. A new study of the group, which has been quite inadequately published, is being prepared by M. Bergmann and R. Wünsche.

28 On the Hellenistic Socrates see Richter I, 110f.; L. Giuliani, in Villa Albani I, 466ff., no. 153, pls. 270-71, with earlier bibliography; Sokrates 1989, 52, which refers to a painting of the seated Socrates in one of the so-called Hanghäuser in Ephesus. On Socrates' importance for Hellenistic philosophy see A. A. Long, "Socrates in Hellenistic Philosophy," CQ 38 (1988) 150-71.

29 Cf. Richter I, figs. 563-563a; Sokrates 1989, 53. The head type that appears on the side of the Louvre sarcophagus might actually be the same as the Albani type. A terra-cotta statuette of Socrates may derive from a creation of the Middle Hellenistic period and give us at least some idea of the appropriate body type: see R. Özgan, Selçuk Üniversiti: Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi 1 (1981).

30 See Andreae (1980) and, most recently, von den Hoff (1994, 140ff.), who traces the history of the copies and provides a stylistic analysis, also arriving at a date in the early second century B.C. He also suggests iconographical parallels with contemporary images of centaurs, satyrs, and giants. I cannot accept the idea that the classicizing beard contains a direct reference to Socrates, for how would the ancient viewer have recognized this? N. Himmelmann, in Phyromachos-Probleme, ed. B. Andreae (Mainz, 1990) 13ff., adheres to the earlier dating of the portrait, in the lifetime of Antisthenes.

31 An inscription in Ostia (Helbig ⁴ IV, no. 3388) suggests that the Antisthenes portrait could be a work of one Phyromachos, who worked at the Pergamene court in the first half of the second century B.C. In that case, we might suppose a link to the Stoic circle centered around the philosopher and grammarian Krates of Mallos at Pergamon, for the Stoics considered Antisthenes, beside Socrates, their greatest forebear. Unfortunately several uncertainties detract from this hypothesis, including the fact that there were several Phyromachoi. Cf. Andreae (supra n. 30) 13ff.

32 See Schefold 1943, 146, 213; Richter II, 182ff., figs. 1057-65; Bayer 1983, 38ff.; L. Giuliani, in Villa Albani I, 180ff., no. 55, pls. 100-102, with earlier bibliography; von den Hoff 1994, 129ff. The statuette in the Villa Albani, along with the ancient fragments incorporated into a modern statuette in New York, gives the best idea of what the body looked like, while the head is best represented by the copy in Aix-en-Provence.

Because of the problems of the transmission of the type, I do not believe it is possible to arrive at a dating any more specific than late third or second century B.C. On Diogenes and the Cynics see H. Niehues-Pröbsting, Der Kynismus des Diogenes und der Begriff des Zynismus ² (Frankfurt, 1988); G. Bodei Giglioni, "Alessandro e i Cinici," in Studi ellenistici, ed. B. Virgilio (Pisa, 1984) 1 :51-73.

33 There is a particular problem in the transmission of the statue. Since all five copies thus far known are on the same scale (ca. fifty-five centimeters in height), we must assume that the prototype was also of this size. It is quite possible, however, that this was a kind of "intermediary" original, that is, a reduced version of a life-size original created for a domestic context. The existence of large-scale statues of Diogenes is securely attested (D. L. 6.78; cf. Richter II, 182, no. 1; Neudecker 1988, 231, no. 66, pl. 16, 5).

Whereas the small-scale version broadens the narrative aspect of the composition, a life-size original could, like the Cynic in the Capitoline, have confronted the viewer more directly. Several details would seem to support this notion, such as the detailed working of the back, with its insistently realistic rendering of the aging body, the extended right hand, and the compact form of the head. The flatness of the figure in a side view is best seen in the copies in the Villa Albani and in Afyon. The frontal view of the Albani statuette clearly shows that this small-scale version was intended to be seen at an oblique angle, as the plinth also suggests: Giuliani (supra n. 32) pl. 100. Small-scale statuettes of this kind were popular already in the Hellenistic period and were used in the decoration of ostentatious living areas. The Hellenistic houses of Delos have niches for the exhibition of such statuettes: see M. Kreeb, Untersuchungen zur figürlichen Ausstattung delischer Privathäuser (Chicago, 1988). On miniature copies see now E. Bartman, Ancient Sculptural Copies in Miniature (Leiden, 1992).

34 K. Herding, ''Diogenes als Bürgerheld," in id., Zeichen der Aufklärung: Studien zur Moderne (Frankfurt, 1989) 163-83. On the Roman funerary altar see H. Wrede, JdI 102 (1987) 384ff., figs. 3-5, whose interpretation I find too narrow.

35 J. Delorme, Gymnasion (Paris, 1960); E. Ziebart, Aus dem griechischen Schulwesen ² (Leipzig and Berlin, 1914); M. P. Nilsson, Die griechische Schule (Munich, 1955); H. Maehler, "Die griechische Schule im ptolemäischen Ägypten," in Egypt and the Hellenistic World, Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Leuven, 1982 (Leuven, 1983) 191-203; Blanck 1992, esp. 149ff.

36 See U. Sinn, Die homerischen Becher (Berlin, 1979), with full references; U. Hausmann, Hellenistische Reliefbecher aus attischen und böotischen Werkstätten (Stuttgart, 1959); on silver vessels and carved rings see especially the illustrations in Richter I-II.

37 Richter I. 5, figs. 114-16; cf. U. Pannuti, "L'apotheosi d'Omero," MemLinc ser. misc. 3. 2 (1984) 43-61.

38 The most recent study of the portrait of Carneades, with a thorough discussion of the copies, is that of A. Stähli, AA, 1991, 219-52. His argument that the portrait was created posthumously cannot be substantiated with epigraphical evidence, as Christian Habicht kindly assures me. Aside from the prosopographical arguments, Habicht points out that, according to S. V. Tracy, Attic Letter Cutters, 229 to 86 B.C., Hesperia Suppl. 15 (Princeton, 1975) 138-41, the Carneades inscription is attributed to the "cutter of IG II ² 3479," who was active during the philosopher's lifetime. Likewise, Stähli's stylistic comparisons do not, in my view, support a dating in the last quarter of the second century. The two dedicators, Attalus and Ariarathes, are not foreign princes, as previously believed, but Athenians with royal names, as shown by the new victor list of the Panathenaic Games of 170: cf. Tracy and Habicht, Hesperia 60 (1991) 188f.

39 Habicht 1988.

40 For the portrait of "Panaitios" see ABr 999-1000; Hafner 1954, 11 R 2; G. Lippold, Vat. Kat. III, 2, 480, no. 50, pl. 213; 493, no. 68; von den Hoff 1994, 113.

41 Schefold 1943, 150; Hafner 1954, 10 R 1; Richter III, 282, fig. 2020; Richter-Smith 1984, 189f. Cf. the statue of a man from Rhodes, a Greek original with a similar head: Hafner, 22 R 17, pl. 7.

42 For the grave monument of Hieronymos see Pfuhl-Möbius II, 500f., pl. 300; P. M. Fraser, Rhodian Funerary Monuments (Oxford, 1977) 34ff., 129f., fig. 97. The style suggests a date in the second half of the second century (also according to Pfuhl-Möbius), so that he cannot be identified with the Peripatetic philosopher of the same name.

43 Berlin, Staatliche Museen inv. SK 1462; for a good illustration see H. Froning, Marmor-und Schmuckreliefs mit griechischen Mythen (Mainz, 1981) 80, pl. 66, with earlier bibliography; cf. H. von Hesberg, JdI 103 (1988) 348. Of relevance to the interpretation may be Isidorus' explanation of the symbolic meanings of letters: Orig. 1, 3, 7-9. He reports, for example, that the Y represents the Pythagorean exemplum vitae humanae, because the two strokes symbolize the steep ascent to the vita beata, as well as the easy descent into ruin.

44 On a somewhat later relief in Berlin, the element of heroization is now quite explicit. Of interest for us is the fact that the physician accorded heroic honors is rendered in the manner of a philosopher giving instruction, seated on a high-backed, thronelike chair: A. Hilpert, Antike Ärztedarstellungen (Frankfurt, 1990) 14ff., fig. 14. On the position of the "house philosopher" in Rome see E. Rawson, "Roman Rulers and the Philosophic Adviser," in Griffin 1989, 233-57.

45 On the comments that follow see Giuliani 1986, 156ff.; Fittschen 1991, 258ff.; P. Zanker, "Individuum und Typus," in Akten des III. internationalen Kolloquiums über das römische Porträt, Prague, 1988 (in press).

46 For an overview of the material see Michalowski 1932; Buschor 1971; Hafner 1954; Stewart 1979; P. Zanker, "Zur Rezeption des hellenistischen Individualporträts in Rom und in den campanischen Städten," in Hellenismus in Mittelitalien, vol. 2, ed. P. Zanker, AbhGött 3d ser., no. 97 (1976) 581ff.

47 Cf. Giuliani 1986, 156ff.

48 In the discussion that follows I rely on the as-yet unpublished dissertation of Fabricius (Munich, 1992); cf. also Zanker 1993.

49 For the stele in Winchester see Pfuhl-Möbius, I, 222, no. 855, pl. 125.

50 Stele in Leiden: Pfuhl-Möbius I, 217, no. 831, pl. 121.

51 See, most recently, the testimonia cited by Fittschen 1991, 264 and pl. 67, in connection with the statue of Menander.

52 The stele of Theodotos in Istanbul: N. Firatli, Les steles funéraires de Byzance gréco-romaine (Paris, 1964) 54, no. 33, pl. 8; Pfuhl-Möbius II, pl. 489; no. 2034, pl. 294; Fabricius 1992.

53 Pfeiffer (supra n. 11) 34, 132ff.

54 See T. Kleberg, Buchhandel und Verlagswesen in der Antike (Darmstadt, 1967) 20; F. G. Kenyon, Books and Readers in Ancient Greece and Rome ² (Oxford, 1950).

55 See the following sources for images of reading philosophers and poets. Homer on a fragment of a Tabula Iliaca: Richter I, 54, fig. 119; A. Sadurska, BCH 86 (1962) 504-9; a statuette of Plato now lost: Richter II, 167f., fig. 960; Diogenes in the barrel on a glass paste: Richter II, figs. 1063, 1068-70; and cf. Zwierlein-Diehl 1986, 180, nos. 443f., pl. 79; 188, no. 488, pl. 85; an anonymous Cynic on a Roman relief, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 185: F. Poulsen 1931, 58ff. Cicero ( Verr. 2.87) refers to a statue of Stesichorus reading. This cannot, however, be identified with the figure shown reading on a coin: Schefold 1943, 173, 14. On readers and book rolls on East Greek gravestones see Fabricius 1992, 250ff.

56 London, British Museum 2320; ABr 989f.; J. J. Bernoulli, Griechische Ikonographie (Munich, 1901; repr., Hildesheim, 1969) 1 : 135f., pl. 15; H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the British Museum (London, 1899) 153, no. 847; id., Select Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the Department of Antiquities (London, 1915) pl. 64; Lippold 1912, 52; Pfuhl 1927 = Fittschen 1988, 245; F. Studniczka, Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst 62 (1928-29) 121-34 = Fittschen, 264; Richter I, 131, figs. 708-10; Fittschen, 26, pls. 136f. A dating in the Late Hellenistic period was already argued by Pfuhl and Studniczka. A secure identification of the subject does not seem to me possible. The fillet certainly suggests a poet, and the most likely candidate is Homer. The relief with which this head type has correctly been associated is in Paris, Bibl. Nationale; see Richter II, 131, fig. 713.

1 See Hahn 1989, with extensive bibliography; J. Christes, Bildung und Gesellschaft: Die Einschätzung der Bildung und ihrer Vermittler in der griechischrömischen Antike (Darmstadt, 1975); Bardon 1971, 95-106; P. Courcelle, ''La figure du philosophe d'après les écrivains latin de l'antiquité," JSav, 1980, 85-101; A. B. Breebaart, "The Freedom of the Intellectual in the Roman World," Talanta 7 (1975) 55-75; P. Desideri, "Intellettuali e potere," in Civiltà dei romani, vol. 2, Il potere e l'esercito, ed. S. Settis (Milan, 1991) 235-40; S. Laursen, ''Greek Intellectuals in Rome—Some Examples," Acta Hyperborea 5 (1993) 191-211.

2 On the portrait of Cicero see, most recently, H. R. Goette, RM 92 (1985) 291ff., who questions the identification; in favor: Giuliani 1986, 324f. For the portrait of Seneca see C. Blümel, Katalog der Sammlung antiker Skulpturen, vol. 6, Römische Bildnisse (Berlin, 1933) R 106, pl. 71; M. Bergmann, in Römisches Porträt 1982, 144.

3 Hahn 1989, 172ff.

4 There are, however, a number of literary references to portraits of Roman writers: see Neudecker 1988, 71.

5 On this subject, and on what follows, see Neudecker 1988, 65ff.; M. Fuchs, Untersuchungen zur Ausstattung römischer Theater in Italien und in den westlichen Provinzen des Imperium Romanum (Mainz, 1987).

6 E. Gruen, Studies in Greek Culture and Roman Policy (Leiden, 1990); E. Rawson, The Intellectual Life of the Late Republic (London, 1985).

7 See my comments in Zanker 1988, 28-29.

8 Neudecker 1988, 14f.; Cic. Att. 4.16.3: deus ille noster Plato .

9 L. Beschi, I bronzetti romani di Montorio, Istituto veneto memorie 33.2 (Venice, 1962) 13ff.; Hist. Aug., Aurel. 3.5; Hist. Aug., Lampr. Alex. 29.2. Cf. Neudecker 1988, 32, 72.

10 On busts of Hippocrates as tomb offerings see G. Becatti, RendPontAcc 21 (1945-46) 123-41. The authenticity of the interesting notices of the two lararia of the emperor Severus Alexander in the Historia Augusta (29.2; 31.4) has been questioned. See Neudecker 1988, 72, 32.

11 For surviving examples of such rings see Richter I-II, passim, and the catalogues of individual museums.

12 V. M. Strocka has recently found evidence for such a private "home library" with the fittings for a large built-in bookcase. The room measures about twelve square meters and is located between a smaller dining room and a cubiculum and, like the latter, opens onto a terrace with a view. Well-preserved frescoes of the Second Style on two of the walls show two contemporary Romans (identifiable as such because they are beardless), one of them shown as a poet, the other, as Strocka suggests, as a scholar with his pointer. Both wear the Greek himation. These frescoes were probably meant to celebrate the literary abilities of the house's owner or those of his friends. It is also quite possible that both figures represent the same individual. See Strocka 1993.

13 Neudecker 1988, 12.

14 On Roman copies of Greek portraits in the form of herms, see A. Stähli, "Ornamentum Academiae," Acta Hyperborea 4 (1992) 147-72. This material has never been collected and studied. Cf. Richter I-II and the index to K. Schefold. Die Wände Pompejis (Berlin, 1957); Theophilidou 1984, 243-348.

15 For Bias see Richter I, 87, fig. 354. For Socrates, Richter, 113, no. 12, fig. 503. For a seated statue of Euripides with a catalogue of his work see Richter, 137, figs. 760-61. On the encyclopedic galleries see Neudecker 1988, 64ff.

16 It is only in this light that we can make sense of a dramatic anecdote like that of Herodes, the father of the famous orator, who ordered his slaves to stone the herms of the orators of the past, on the grounds that they had taught his son the wrong kind of oratory (Philostr. VS 521).

17 A. Héron de Villefosse, "Le trésor de Boscoreale," MonPiot 5 (1899); Schefold 1943, 166f.; F. Baratte, Le trésor d'orfèvrerie romaine de Boscoreale (Paris, 1986) 65-67; K. M. D. Dunbabin, "Sic erimus cuncti . . . The Skeleton in Graeco-Roman Art," JdI 101 (1986) 185-255, esp. 224ff.

18 G. Calza, "Die Taverne der Sieben Weisen in Ostia," Die Antike 15 (1939) 99-115; A. von Salis, "Imagines illustrium," in Eumusia, Festgabe für E. Howald (Zurich, 1947) 11-29. Cf. R. Neudecker, Die Pracht der Latrine (Munich, 1994) 35ff., which offers a new interpretation.

19 Fittschen 1992a.

20 Such figures represented with Greek dress and manners were evidently common. Cf. the statue of a young man in long mantle from the Villa dei Papiri: Zanker 1988, 30, fig. 24; and the two intellectuals in Greek mantle in the library of House VI 17, 41 at Pompeii, recently discussed by Strocka 1993.

21 The need on the part of Roman politicians and generals to have their deeds celebrated in literary panegyric goes back to the Middle Republic. If Ennius was able to cultivate close relationships with the heads of several noble families and could not only be buried in the tomb of the Scipiones but even have a statue of himself placed before the facade of the monument, between two famous members of the family (a story, however, that may be doubted), this can mean only that there was already considerable prestige attached to being acquainted with a well-known poet. On the literary sources see W. Suerbaum, Untersuchungen zur Selbstdarstellung älterer römischer Dichter, Spudasmata 14 (Hildesheim, 1968) 208ff. Giuliani's (1986, 163ff., 172ff.) identification of this statue with a portrait in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen remains entirely hypothetical. Cf. K. Fittschen, AA, 1991, 253-70, esp. 255ff.

22 Friedländer II, 191 and esp. 214f.; Bardon 1971, 101ff. Cf. now M. Bergmann, "Zu Nero," TrWPr, 1994.

23 For collections of sources see M. Nowicka, Le portrait dans la peinture antique (Warsaw, 1993) 130ff.; G. Cavallo, "Libro e cultura scritta," in Storia di Roma (Turin, 1989) 4: 693-734, with extensive illustrations; id., "Testo, libro, lettura," in Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica, ed. G. Cavallo et al. (Rome, 1990) 307-41. K. Stemmer, Casa dell'Ara Massima VI 16, 15-17 (Munich, 1992) figs. 154ff., gives a good idea of how the tondi were placed on the wall. E. G. Turner, Greek Papyri (Oxford, 1968) interprets the "Hermione grammatike" of a well-known mummy portrait at Girton College, Cambridge, as a ''literary lady . . . of the Graeco-Roman middle class'' (p. 77).

24 For the statue in Buffalo see K. Lehmann-Hartleben, "Some Ancient Portraits," AJA 46 (1942) 204-16; R. Wünsche, "Eine Bildnisherme in der Münchner Glyptothek," MüJb 31 (1980) 25ff. For the statue in the Terme see Wünsche, 26f. and figs. 22-23.

25 Helbig ⁴ II, no. 1734; IGR I, 116ff., nos. 350-52; Marrou 1938, 130, no. 151, 205f.; and, most recently, Blanck 1992, 72ff., fig. 45.

26 On the typology of the portraits of Trajan and Hadrian see Fittschen-Zanker I, 44ff., nos. 46ff.

27 M. Bergmann, "Zeittypen im Kaiserporträt," in Römisches Porträt 1982, 144f.; S. Walker, "Bearded Men," Journal of the History of Collections 3.2 (1991) 265-77; P. Cain, Männerbildnisse neronisch-flavischer Zeit (Munich, 1993) 100-104, with earlier references on the problem of beards in Roman portraiture.

For the statue in Cyrene see E. Rosenbaum, A Catalogue of Cyrenaican Portrait Sculpture (London, 1960) no. 34, pl. 26; H. G. Niemeyer, Studien zu den statuarischen Darstellungen der römischen Kaiser (Berlin, 1968) 90, no. 31, pl. 9, 1.

28 See P. Graindor, "Les cosmètes du Musée d'Athènes," BCH 39 (1915) 241-401; E. Lattanzi, I ritratti des cosmeti (Rome, 1968); Bergmann 1977, 80ff.; H. Meyer 1991, 225ff.; von den Hoff 1994, 8f.

29 Bowie 1970, 3-41; J. Day, An Economic History of Athens under the Roman Domination (New York, 1942) 183ff.; S. Follet, Athènes au II ^e et au III ^e siécle (Paris, 1976); D. J. Geagan, "Roman Athens: Some Aspects of Life and Culture I," in ANRW 2.7.1 (1979) 389ff.; D. Willers, Hadrians panhellenisches Program: Archäologische Beiträge zur Neugestaltung Athens durch Hadrian, AntK-BH 16 (Basel, 1990).

30 For the kosmetes who resembles Plato see Lattanzi (supra n. 28) 62, pl. 30 (the date is late Hadrianic; Bergmann's [1977, 88] dating is too late); the Socrates look-alike: Munich, Residenz EA 964; E. Weski and H. Frosien-Leinz, Das Antiquarium der Münchner Residenz (Munich, 1987) 245, no. 129, pl. 169; the Theophrastus look-alike: Lattanzi 55, pl. 22; Bergmann 1977, 83f.; the Demosthenes look-alike: ArchDelt 9 (1924-25), Parart. 26, fig. 22; Bergmann 1977, 89. For Arrian as "Neos Xenophon" see J. H. Oliver, AJA 76 (1972) 327f.

31 I do not mean to suggest that the resemblance is so close that we may postulate a typological connection. Hadrian's hairstyle is completely different, closer to the luxurious style of a Flavian coiffure (cf. Mart. 7.95.11).

32 Zanker 1982, 307-12.

33 For the fourth portrait type of Marcus Aurelius see Fittschen-Zanker I, 76, no. 69, pl. 81; Bergmann 1978, 30ff. On p. 26 Bergmann refers to two versions of this type with furrowed brow, but she interprets them as signs of age and worry. My interpretation, for at least some of the late portraits of Type IV, is not vitiated by the fact that the dramatic locks over the brow and the eyes in other copies, and perhaps in the original as well, may carry quite different associations. The message conveyed by such ruler portraits was often composed of a variety of formulas incorporating different qualities. For Pertinax see Bergmann, 33 n. 72.

34 There is a text and Italian translation in Classici greci, Opere di Sinesio di Cirene, Epistole operette inni, ed. I. Lana and A. Garyza (Turin, 1989) 620f.

35 For the portraits illustrated here see the following sources: fig. 121a: Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori 2411; 121b: Vatican Museum, Chiaramonti 1750; 121c: Munich, Glyptothek 429; 121d: Rome, Villa Albani ( Villa Albani I, no. 154, pl. 272; and cf. the other examples at pls. 266-67); 121e: Florence, Museo Bardini (cf. K. Fittschen, in Eikones: Festschrift H. Jucker, AntK-BH 12 [Bern, 1980] 108-14, pl. 38, 3); 121f. Toulouse, Musée Saint Raymond (cf. Fittschen, pl. 38, 4). Fig. 122a: Rome, Capitoline Museum 513 (Hekler 1912, pl. 274a; Fittschen, in the still unpublished text to the catalogue in Fittschen-Zanker II, lists numerous additional examples of this type with bald head); 122b: Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 85.AA.112; 122c: Rome, Capitoline Museum 710 (Stuart Jones, Cap., 318, no. 11, pl. 79; the interpretation as an athlete is given by Fittschen in the unpublished text cited above); 122d: New York, Collection of Shelby White and Leon Levy (D. von Bothmer, ed., Glories of the Past [New York, 1990] 221, no. 161); 122e: Ostia Museum 1386 (Helbig ⁴ IV, no. 3135); 122f: Ostia Museum 68 (Helbig ⁴ IV, no. 3136; H: 34 cm). One can find many more examples in the various museum catalogues.

36 For the so-called Plotinus (fig. 122f) see R. Calza, BdA 38 (1953) 203ff., figs. 1-8; Helbig ⁴ I, no. 412 (H. von Heintze); H. P. L'Orange, Likeness and Icon (Odense, 1973) 32ff., figs. 1ff. Since all the preserved copies come from Ostia, one of them over-life-size, and one found in a public bathing establishment, the subject must have been an important public figure in the city. He is therefore unlikely to have been a professional philosopher. A very similar head, likewise from Ostia (fig. 122e; now Ostia Museum inv. 1386), displays certain typological differences and thus probably represents yet another public personality of the type with bald head.

37 A glance through the catalogues of the major collections of portraits will confirm this impression. Despite the generally problematic state of our evidence, it would nevertheless be worthwhile to compile more precise statistics on the various types of bust, in order to judge more accurately which were held in high regard in each individual period.

38 Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum inv. no. 1058: G. Bakalakis, AA, 1973, 682, fig. 9; J.-C. Balty, BMusBrux 55 (1984) 57. Budapest, National Museum 176: A. Hekler, Die Sammlungen antiker Skulpturen (Budapest, 1929) no. 176; id., Die Antike 16 (1940) 133, figs. 19-20; Stemmer 1988, 192, no. M 10. Cf. also a head in Beirut: Berytus 4 (1937) 111ff.

39 Hahn 1989, 161.

40 The "philosophers" from Dion are as yet unpublished, though illustrated in calendars and elsewhere. I wish to thank the excavator, D. Pandermalis, for information and photos. Cf. Ergon, 1987, 64f., figs. 64-65; BCH 112 (1988) 646, fig. 71; ArchRep 35 (1988-89) 66, fig. 92. M. Bergmann points out to me that the heads with facial features assimilated to those of Caracalla are significantly smaller, thus perhaps reworked. We are dealing, then, with two different bodies of material.

41 We may also compare a group of five philosopher statues of eclectic types found in Athens, two of them in the pose of Epicurus. See Dontas 1971, 16-33, pls. 1-8.

42 For the so-called Aelius Aristides see Richter III, 287, figs. 2051-53; Helbig ⁴ I, no. 463; A. Giuliano, DialArch 1 (1967) 72ff., who, however, takes the inscription as ancient, though I would rather think it is modern.

43 Richter III, 285, fig. 2033 (tentatively dated to the Severan period); La colonna Traiana, ed. S. Settis (Turin, 1988) 65.

44 For the sarcophagus New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 48.76.1, see A. M. McCann, Roman Sarcophagi in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1978) no. 24; A. Hillert, Antike Ärztedarstellungen (Frankfurt, 1990) 155ff., no. 29, fig. 32; Amedick 1991, 116, 135, no. 81, pl. 114f.

45 Cf. the examples collected by Hillert (supra n. 44).

46 On Apuleius see RE 2.1 (1896) 246ff., s.v. Apuleius 9 (Schwabe).

47 G. Brugnoli, "Le statue di Apuleio," AnnCagl 29 (1961-65) 11-25. The portrait of Apuleius on contorniates is beardless and has long hair; thus the prototype cannot belong to his own lifetime. The type was probably created in the fourth century A.D. , as suggested also by a comparison with the "Sophist" from Aphrodisias; see Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1982, pl. 2, 5.

48 See Hahn 1989, 51, 59; A. D. Nock, "Conversion and Adolescence," in Pisculi: Studien zur Religion und Kultur des Altertums, Festschrift F. J. Dölger, Antike und Christentum Ergänzungsband 1 (Münster, 1939) 165-77; reprinted in A. D. Nock, Essays on Religion in the Ancient World (Oxford, 1972) 469-80. On Peregrinus see Jones 1986, 117ff.

49 Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum I 113; R. von Schneider, Album auserlesener Gegenstände der Antikensammlung des allerhöchster Kaiserhauses (Vienna, 1895) 7; E. Buschor, Das Porträt (Munich, 1960) 135, fig. 93; Stemmer 1988, 192, no. M 11.

50 Athens, National Museum 340, from the Athenian Asklepieion according to Kavvadias; ABr 438-39; H. Meyer 1991, 227, pl. 138, 3-4.

51 For the old man in the Capitoline see Stuart Jones, Cap., 239, no. 50, pl. 54; Hekler 1912, 43, pl. 278a. The head will be treated by K. Fittschen in Fittschen-Zanker II.

52 Athens, Acropolis Museum; ABr 440; H. Meyer 1991, 227, pl. 138, 2, with additional examples.

53 I give here only a few of the many examples that will indicate the direction of my argument: Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek; V. Poulsen II, 85ff., no. 62, pls. 99, 100 (from Athens); no. 63, pl. 101; no. 65, PIS. 104-5; 153, no. 152, pl. 245; Berlin, Pergamonmuseum SK 318; Stemmer 1988, 42f., no. D9; cf. K. Fittschen, in Mousikos Aner, Festschrift Max Wegner (Bonn, 1992) 115ff., with a different interpretation. K. Fittschen, Katalog der antiken Skulpturen in Schloss Erbach (Berlin, 1977) 90, no. 33, pl. 39 (for the contrast of hair and beard); Rome, Museo Torlonia; R. Calza, Scavi di Ostia, vol. 9 (Rome, 1978), I ritratti, 34, no. 38, pl. 30; Florence, Uffizi inv. 1114.n.371; G. Mansuelli, Galleria degli Uffizi: Le sculture (Rome, 1961) 2: 96, no. 110.

54 Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 706; V. Poulsen II, 105f., no. 92, pls. 154-55. M. Bergmann dates the portrait "nicht zu spät in hadrianische Zeit" ( Gnomon 53 [1981] 183).

55 B. M. Felletti-Maj, Museo Nazionale Romano: I ritratti (Rome, 1953) 113f., no. 222 (identified as Lucius Verus); cf. no. 201: K. Fittschen, JdI 86 (1971) 214-52.

56 For the bust of Theon see Hekler 1940, 124f., fig. 3; Schefold 1943, 180, 3; K. Fittschen, in Inan-Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 162ff., no. 115, pls. 95, 105. On Theon himself see RE 5.A2 (1934) 2067, s.v. Theon 14 (K. von Fritz).

57 P. Hadot, Philosophie als Lebensform: Geistige Übungen in der Antike (Berlin, 1991); M. Foucault, The Care of the Self, vol. 3 of History of Sexuality, trans. R. Hurley (New York, 1986) esp. 53ff.

58 On Herodes Atticus see Richter III, 286, figs. 2044ff.; Schefold 1943, 180f.

59 Inan-Rosenbaum 1966, 127, no. 150, pls. 83, 3 and 87, 3-4.

60 Inan-Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 186, pl. 139, with commentary on the inscription by J. Reynolds.

61 For the two busts said to come from Smyrna, now Brussels, Musée du Cinquentenaire inv. A1078/79, see Inan-Alféldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 164ff., nos. 116-17, pls. 96-97.

62 Athens, National Museum 427; ABr 639-40; Hekler 1940, 125, figs. 6-7; Schefold 1943, 180f.; Richter III, 235, figs. 2034-37; Willers (supra n. 29) 44, pl. 4, 1-3 (dated Late Hadrianic/Early Antonine). On Polemon see RE 21.2 (1952) 1320ff., s.v. Polemon 10 (W. Stegemann), esp. 1353 on the speech in Athens.

63 K. Fittschen, in Greek Renaissance 1989, 108-13.

64 See Philsotr. VS 552, 558; W. Ameling, Herodes Atticus (Hildesheim, 1983) 1: 113ff.; 2: cat. nos. 148-82; K. A. Neugebauer, "Herodes Atticus, Ein antiker Kunstmäzen," Die Antike 10 (1943) 99f.; H. Meyer, AM 100 (1985) 393-404.

65 Glories of the Past: Ancient Art from the Shelby White and Leon Levy Collection, ed. D. von Bothmer (New York, 1990) 214f., no. 155. We might also place in this context the famous bust of the so-called Rhoimetalkes from the Theatre of Dionysus in Athens: Fittschen (supra n. 63) 109, pl. 38; Bergmann 1977, 80ff.

66 See my paper in Greek Renaissance 1989, 102-7.

67 See Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion, ed. O. Murray (Oxford, 1990), esp. the paper on Athenaeus by A. Lukinovich on pp. 263-71; Dining in a Classical Context, ed. W. J. Slater (Ann Arbor, 1991).

68 Bowersock 1969, 43ff.; E. L. Bowie, "The Importance of Sophists," in Later Greek Literature, Yale Classical Studies 17 (New Haven, 1982) 29-59.

69 See Koch-Sichtermann 1982. For an example of this method of interpretation see L. Giuliani, JBerlMus N.F. 31 (1989) 25-29.

70 Paris, Louvre MA 659; Baratte-Metzger 1985, 29ff.; Amedick 1991, 63ff., 140, no. 114, pls. 52-53; cf. Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 107ff.

71 Cf. M. R. Lefkowitz and M. B. Fant, Women's Life in Greece and Rome ² (London, 1992) 188-89.

72 J. Toynbee and J. Ward Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter and the Vatican Excavations (London, 1956) 82f; H. Mielsch and H. von Hesberg, MemPontAcc 16.2 (in preparation; cf. the preliminary remarks of Mielsch in Stemmer 1988, 186ff.).

73 Hahn 1989, 35; RE 6 (1909) 1216, s.v. Euphrates 4 (H. von Arnim). On the characteristics of these "divine men" see Bieler I.

74 See RE 16.1 (1933) 893, s.v. Musonius Rufus (K. von Fritz).

75 See M. Billerbeck, Der Kyniker Demetrius: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der frühkaiserzeitlichen Popularphilosophie (Leiden, 1979); RE 4 (1900) 2843, s.v. Demetrios 91 (H. von Arnim).

76 M. Morford, Stoics and Neostoics: Rubens and the Circle of Lipsius (Princeton, 1991) esp. 155f., figs. 6, 23.

77 P. A. Brunt, "Stoicism in the Principate," BSR 43 (1975) 7-35; J. Malitz, "Helvidius Priscus und Vespasian," Hermes 113 (1985) 231-46. Cf. P. Desideri, Dione di Prusa (Messina and Florence, 1978) esp. 187ff.

78 Ostia Museum 130 (said to be "da una specie di aula tardo-antica presso il Tempio di Ercole"). The dimensions are 50 × 51 × 12.7 centimeters. G. Calza, Capitolium 14 (1939) 230 ("copisteria antica"); H. Fuhrmann, AA, 1940, 439, fig. 18 ("Versteigerung''); E. G. Turner, Greek Papyri (Oxford, 1968) 189f., pl. 6 (''rhetorician or a teacher"); R. Calza and M. Floreani-Squarciapino, Museo Ostiense (Rome, 1962) 82f., pl. 13 (Christian scene of instructions?); Blanck 1992, 70, fig. 44. I am indebted to H. Blanck for discussing this interesting relief with me.

79 See Bieler I.

80 On Apollonius see Philostr. VA 1.32. On Dio's long hair see Dio Chrys. 72.2, 12.15; and cf. Hahn 1989, 33ff. See also W. Speyer, "Zum Bild des Apollonios bei Heiden und Christen," JAC 17 (1974) 47ff.

81 On the beard styles of the Pythagoreans see also Ath. 4.163f. The one securely identified portrait of Pythagoras himself, on a contorniate of the fourth century A.C. , does not actually show shoulder-length hair, though he does have an extremely long, tapering beard. See Schefold 1943, 172f, no. 19; Richter II, 79, fig. 304.

82 On the magical associations of long hair see L'Orange 1947, 28ff., with further references; E. R. Leach, "Magical Hair," Man: Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 88 (1958) 147-68. The best-known of the Classical portraits of intellectuals with long hair is the Homer of the so-called Apollonius type, which probably derived from an original of the late fourth or early third century B.C. See Richter I, 48ff., figs. 25ff.; S. Schröder, Katalog der antiken Skulpturen des Museo del Prado in Madrid (Mainz, 1993) 42f., nos. 17-18. It was because of the long hair that the type was originally identified as Apollonius of Tyana. It is not clear whether in this case the long hair was inspired by analogy with Zeus (as early as 350 B.C. a coin struck on the island of Ios shows Homer with the long hair of Zeus; cf. p. 164 above), or whether it is connected with the long hair of the singer; cf. H. Lohmann, Grabmäler auf unteritalischen Vasen (Berlin, 1979) 278, no. L 3, pl. 13, 2; 283, no. L 34. Occasionally we come across anonymous portraits with long hair. On the well-known philosopher mosaic in Cologne, Chilon the wise man sports long hair: Richter I, fig. 359. In general, however, very long hair is alien to the intellectual portraits of the Classical and Hellenistic periods.

83 Rosenbaum (supra n. 27) 65, no. 70, pl. 45; K. Fittschen, in Greek Renaissance 1989, 112. Cf. the similar head with band across the brow in Houghton Hall: F. Poulsen, Greek and Roman Portraits in English Country Houses (Oxford, 1923) 47, no. 21. A key piece of evidence in this context is the Hadrianic relief in Eleusis, showing a hierophant, identified by inscription, with very long hair and a priestly fillet: AJA 64 (1960) 268, pl. 73; BCH 84 (1960) pl. 13.

84 O. Weinreich, "Alexander der Lügenprophet," NJbb 47 (1921) 129; Jones 1986, 133ff.

85 Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek inv. 2464; ABr 349-50; V. Poulsen 1954, no. 58, pl. 44; Johansen 1992, 146, no. 60 (here described as modern). See the additional references in Poulsen (supra n. 83) 47, no. 21; and cf. the text on EA 4209-13. The prototype of the so-called Modena Euripides could also belong in this context, if indeed there was one, as I believe (as also Fittschen 1988, 122, pl. 159, and, most recently, M. L. Morricone, "Il cosidetto Omero della Galleria degli Uffizi," RendLinc 9.3.2 [1992] 163-92). In a case like this, it is of course not possible to draw a clear distinction from the type of the ascetic with unkempt hair.

86 Herakleion Museum; Richter I, 80f., figs. 306-7, 310 (here identified as Heraclitus because of the club); Schefold 1943, 160, no. 14 (here called Heraclitus, "based on a not much earlier classicistic prototype"); Hölscher 1982, 214; Fittschen 1988, pl. 51, 1-2.

87 On the identification of the Cynics with Herakles see R. Höistad, Cynic Hero and Cynic King (Uppsala, 1948) 50ff.; B. R. Voss, "Die Keule der Kyniker," Hermes 95 (1967) 124-25.

88 In the early third century, this portrait type occurs for the bucolic reading figure, the "philosopher" from the tomb of the Aurelii, and later also occasionally for the seated philosophers on relief sarcophagi (see pp. 282ff.). On the tomb of the Aurelii see G. Bendinelli, MemLinc 28 (1922) 440; G. Wilpert, RendPontAcc 3.1.2 (1924) 25, pl. 7; Himmelmann 1975, 19f.; A. Grabar, The Beginnings of Christian Art (London, 1967) fig. 107 (color illustration).

1 On the portrait type see Fittschen-Zanker I, 105ff., pl. 111, Beilage 71ff.

2 I shall deliberately omit from consideration the aspect of "heroization" or of continued life after death as a reward for exceptional service to the Muses, a motif that often echoes in the poetic imagery of funerary epigrams. Marrou (1938, 209ff., 253f.) already recognized that these represent a rather marginal group in relation to the wealth of sources pertaining to the praise of learning, and that their evidence is anything but clear-cut. The enormous influence of F. Cumont's Recherches sur le symbolisme funéraire des romains (Brussels, 1942) esp. 253-350, has, in my view, unjustly made this aspect the focus of most subsequent interpretation.

3 See, most recently, S. Walker, Catalogue of Roman Sarcophagi in the British Museum, CSIR Great Britain 2.2 (London, 1990) 51, no. 66, pl. 26, who gives a date of ca. 200. Wiegartz (1965) places this sarcophagus in his chronological chart at about 230-235. He also gives other examples of this type. On the export of Phrygian sarcophagi see M. Waelkens, Dokimeion: Die Werkstatt der repräsentativen kleinasiatischen Sarkophage (Berlin, 1982) 124ff.; G. Koch, Sarkophage der römischen Kaiserzeit (Darmstadt, 1993) 121ff.

4 See Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 548, fig. 538.

5 This material was first gathered together by Marrou (1938), then by Wegner (1966); cf. the important review of Wegner's book by Fittschen (1972), and Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 203-6. See also T. Klauser, JAC 3 (1960) 112ff.; id., JAC 6 (1963) 71-100; Gerke 1940, 272ff. There is, however, a noticeable time lag between the early examples of imported sarcophagi depicting the amateur intellectual, such as the fragment in the British Museum (fig. 144) or the sarcophagus in the garden of the Palazzo Colonna (Wiegartz 1965, 162, dated ca. 180), and the adoption of comparable motifs by workshops in the city of Rome, which will have begun only in the years around 230 to 240, if the dating based on stylistic criteria is correct.

6 On the musical education of women and on dance see Friedländer I, 271f.; II, 137, 183. On the image of Roman women generally see B. von Hesberg-Tonn, "Coniunx carissima: Untersuchungen zum Normcharakter im Erscheinungsbild der römischen Frau" (Diss., Stuttgart, 1983).

7 The same notion also occurs in contemporary inscriptions. Cf., for example, S. Nicosia, Il segno e la memoria (Palermo, 1992) no. 85 (= M. Guarducci, Epigrafia greca [Rome, 1974] 3: 187ff., fig. 75), in which an actress is celebrated as the tenth Muse.

8 Rome, Museo Torlonia 424; Wegner 1966, no. 133, pls. 60, 62, 64a, 73a. See the interpretation of Fittschen (1972, 492f.); Hölscher (1982, 214); Berger-Doer (1990, 425); Ewald (1993, 66ff.), who has rightly recognized in the "wise men" a reference to itinerant philosophers of the day, on account of their dress. On the social status of L. Pullius Peregrinus see R. Stein, Der römische Ritterstand: Ein Beitrag zur Sozial- und Personengeschichte des römischen Reiches (Vienna, 1927) 141.

9 On the difference between the pallium and the toga in seated statues see Goette 1989, 75f.; Fittschen 1992b, 266ff.

10 Like many of his contemporaries, Peregrinus believed in astrology, including the notion that the hour of one's death is already fixed by the constellations governing one's birth. Fittschen (1972, 493) was able to infer this from the fact that the inscription records the exact length of his life down to the minute. At his death Peregrinus was only twenty-nine years, three months, one day, and one-and-a-half hours old.

11 Brown 1980, 12: "These silent figures are the ghosts of what each dead man might have been." See also Hadot 1981.

12 Vatican, Belvedere 68; Wegner 1966, 55, no. 135, pls. 55, 57; Helbig ⁴ I, no. 218 (B. Andreae); Fittschen 1972, 493; Wrede 1981, 149, 287, no. 243, pl. 35, 1-4.

13 Vatican, Galleria dei Candelabri inv. 2422; Lippold, Vat. Kat. III, 2, 116ff., pl. 154; Wegner 1966, 58, no. 139, pls. 59, 69; Helbig ⁴ I, no. 514 (B. Andreae); Fittschen 1972, 494 (dated ca. A.D. 280). Amedick 1991, 69ff., traces the motif to scenes of magistrates and provides further examples.

14 See Bieler I, 34f.; Marrou 1938, 197-207; Amedick 1991, 70f.—all of which also include references to the epigrams and inscriptions.

15 Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Profano 9504; Wegner 1966, 47, no. 116, pls. 64, 70f.; Fittschen 1972, 491f.; Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 204f. On the outfits see Goette 1989, 97; and, on the shoes, id., JdI 103 (1988) 451, fig. 35c; 45gff. The philosopher in the long undergarment was originally intended to be a female figure: Himmelmann 1980, 144 n. 498; cf. G. Koch, Roman Funerary Monuments in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Malibu, 1990) 1: 59-70. Such differentiation among the philosopher-advisers also occurs elsewhere, e.g., on the well-known sarcophagus from the Via Salaria in the Vatican (ex-Lateran 181): Koch-Sichtermann, fig. 123; Repertorium 1967, I 62, no. 66; pl. 21; Age of Spirituality 1979, 518f., no. 462; Himmelmann, 132f.

16 For the Feldherrn sarcophagi, as well as sarcophagi with battles and weddings, see Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 90ff., 99ff., 106f.; G. Rodenwaldt, Über de Stilwandel in der antoninischen Kunst, AbhBerl (Berlin, 1935) no. 3, 3ff.; T. Hölscher, "Die Geschichtsauffassung in der römischen Repräsentationskunst," JdI 95 (1980) 288ff.

17 Naples, Museo Nazionale; Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 102, fig. 203. Fundamental to the interpretation is Himmelmann 1962. V. M. Strocka's reading, in JdI 83 (1968) 221-31, of the middle scene as the dispute between the vita activa and the vita contemplativa is undermined by the outmoded supposition that there must be a narrative. On the interpretation see K. Fittschen, JdI 94 (1979) 589ff. The deceased need not be of consular rank, as Himmelmann assumed. He could be some lesser magistrate (cf. Goette 1989, 94), which for our purposes would not affect the essential meaning of the image. There is a fine example of a philosophical adviser in a scene of a Roman magistrate on a sarcophagus in the Museo Torlonia: B. Andreae, "Processus consularis," in Opus Nobile, Festschrift U. Jantzen (Wiesbaden, 1969) 3-13, pls. 1-2; N. Himmelmann, Typologische Untersuchungen an römischen Sarkophagreliefs des 3. und 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (Mainz, 1973) 6ff., pl. 10.

18 See K. Fittschen, AA, 1977, 319-26.

19 D. Ahrens, MüJb 19 (1968) 232, figs. 3-4. I owe the parallel with Urania to Ewald (1993, 58), who cites other examples combining the toga with the pallium . It is unclear whether the "philosopher" bears portrait features.

20 Marrou 1956, 450ff.; Brown 1980, 4.

21 Wegner 1966 illustrates numerous examples. Cf. also Wilpert I-III; Repertorium 1967. There are, however, a great many more, as a glance through the photo archive of the German Archaeological Institute in Rome reveals (fiches 640-47). Ewald (1993) offers a provisional collection of the material.

22 On the hunt sarcophagi see B. Andreae, Die römischen Jagdsarkophage, ASR 1.2 (Berlin, 1980). Cf. the fragmentary philosopher sarcophagus with the scene of a lion hunt on the back, Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Profano 9523; Andreae, 62, 181, no. 231, pl. 31.5; A. Vaccaro Melucco, Sarcophagi romani di caccia al leone, StMisc 2, 1963-64 (Rome, 1966) 22, no. 12, pls. 12, 28; 13, 29.

23 Berger-Doer 1990, 417ff., no. 256. Cf. the comparanda in T. Hauser, JAC 3 (1960) 112ff.

24 Ewald (1993, 41) suggests a different interpretation. Yet the contradictory iconography (see further below) seems to me to support my interpretation, in which I follow Berger-Doer. Contrast this with the bucolic philosophers or poets on the short sides of a Muse sarcophagus in Paris: Wegner 1966, 36f., no. 75, pl. 135; Baratte-Metzger 1985, 171, no. 84 (ca. 150-160). For the side of the Naples sarcophagus see Himmelmann 1980, 154, pl. 62a.

25 As Himmelmann (1980, 138ff.) has demonstrated, the figure carrying a sheep was at first only a kind of bucolic shorthand and had nothing to do with Christian beliefs.

26 Repertorium 1967, 306, no. 747, pl. 117; Gerke 1940, pls. 52, 58, 59f. For the interpretation see Himmelmann 1980, 133, 157, pl. 66; Deichmann 1983, 126f.

27 Wegner 1966, 34f., no. 69, pl. 128b; Schumacher 1977, pls. 27a, 28c, 30. On depictions of Peter as a reader see W. Wischmeyer, in Kerygma und Logos, Festschrift C. Andresen (Göttingen, 1979) 482-95.

28 Gerke 1940, 73ff., pl. 6, 2; Age of Spirituality 1979, 413, no. 371; Frühchristliche Sarkophage 1966, pl. 7.

29 C. Musonius Rufus, ed. O. Hense (Leipzig, 1905) 58.13; C. Musonio Rufo, Le diatribe e i frammenti minori, ed. R. Laurenti (Rome, 1967) 64; cf. Himmelmann 1975, 20. See also RE 16.1 (1933) 893ff., s.v. Musonius (K. von Fritz).

30 Ostia, Isola Sacra; Brenk 1977, pl. 69; Repertorium 1967, 435, no. 1938, pl. 166; Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 118, fig. 127; N. Himmelmann, "Sarcofagi romani a rilievo," AnnPisa ser. 3, 4.1 (1974) 164, pl. 14, 2. Cf. also the much-discussed sarcophagus lid in New York and the fragment in the Vatican with the shepherd-philosopher supposedly giving instruction: Himmelmann 1980, pls. 72, 62b.

31 For the sarcophagus lid in the Vatican with the scene of a country meal see Repertorium 1967, 97, no. 151, pl. 34; Amedick 1991, 169, no. 295, pl. 30, 1. Philosopher in a vintaging scene: T. M. Schmidt, "Ein römischer Sarkophag mit Lese- und Reiterszene," in Koch 1993, 205-18. For the mosaic from Arroniz, now Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, see J. M. Blasquez and M. A. Mesquiriz, Mosaicos romanos de Navarra, vol. 7 of Corpus de mosaicos de España (Madrid, 1985) 15, no. 2, pls. 3, 17, 50-54a; Theophilidou 1984, 291-304. On the mosaic from Oued-Atmenia, now lost, see Himmelmann 1975, 18, pl. 21.

32 See L. Schneider, Die Domäne als Weltbild (Wiesbaden, 1983); J. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364-425 (Oxford, 1975) 1-12.

33 See Fowden 1982, 56ff.

34 On the motif of the wagon journey see Amedick 1991, 49ff.; id., "Zur Ikonographie der Sarkophage mit Darstellung aus der Vita Privata und dem curriculum vitae eines Kindes," in Koch 1993, 143-53, who also discusses and illustrates (pls. 65, 2; 82, 4) the sarcophagus lid Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano 8942, with the married couple conversing (or perhaps the in-house philosopher with the mistress of the house). Cf. W. Weber, Die Darstellungen einer Wagenfahrt auf römischen Sarcophagdeckeln und Loculus-Platten des 3. und 4. Jh. n. Chr. (Rome, 1978).

35 For the quotation from Epiphanius of Cyprus see H. Koch, Die altchristliche Bilderfrage nach den literarischen Quellen (Göttingen, 1907) 62.

36 Repertorium 1967; Deichmann 1983, 118f.; H. Kaiser-Minn, in Spätantike 1983, 318-38.

37 On the origins of Christian art see the excellent survey, with extensive references, in Deichmann 1983, 107, and, on the early image of Christ, 160ff.

38 We must bear in mind here the change in fashion in the Late Severan period. The long Late Antonine beard of which we have spoken (pp. 222ff.) was replaced by the short, stubbly beard of Caracalla and his successors. It is noteworthy, therefore, that Clement of Alexandria, in arguing in favor of beards, is referring explicitly to the traditional symbol of learning.

39 On the beard styles of the Christians see Sauer 1924, 309, 329; J. Wilpert, Die Gewandung der Christen in den ersten Jahrhunderten (Cologne, 1898). On the Carrand Diptych see n. 47 below.

40 For catacomb paintings showing gatherings of teacher and pupils see, for example, Wilpert 1903, pls. 126, 148, 155, 170, 177, 193.

41 For the child sarcophagus Louvre MA 1520, see Baratte-Metzger 1985, 31ff.; Amedick 1991, 140, no. 112, pl. 65, 1; Wegner 1966, 38, no. 77, pl. 145, and, for further examples, cf. 58, no. 139, pl. 59; 50, no. 127, pl. 120; and DAI Rome Photo Archive, fiche 646. For the mosaic from a mausoleum at Split see Guide to the Archaeological Museum at Split (Split, 1973) no. T7; N. Cambi, in Römische Gräberstrassen, ed. H. von Hesberg and P. Zanker, AbhMünch (Munich, 1987) 268.

42 The statuette is Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano 61565; F. Gerke, Christus in der spätantiken Plastik (Berlin, 1940) pls. 56-59; Age of Spirituality 1979, 524, no. 469. Cf. now Mathews 1993, 129. The suggestion of a modern reworking was made by N. Schumacher, in Actes du X ^e Congrès international d'archéologie chrétienne (Vatican City and Thessaloniki, 1980) 2: 489-99, who erroneously believes that the type is derived from Serapis. M. Bergmann, however, informs me that there are good reasons for doubting this hypothesis.

On the connection between representations of Christ teaching with the type of the frontally seated ancient wise man see Kollwitz 1936, 45ff.; Marrou 1938, 55ff.; Cumont 1942, 335f.

43 Arles, Musée d'Art Chrétien inv. 5; Frühchristliche Sarkophage 1966, 33, pl. 18, 1; Wilpert I, 46, 83, pl. 34, 3; F. Benoit, Sarcophages paléochrétiens d'Arles et de Marseille, Gallia Suppl. 5 (Paris, 1954) 35, no. 4, pl. 3.

44 For the image of Christ singled out among his disciples see, for example, the catacomb in the Via Latina; A. Ferrua, Catacombe sconosciute: Una pinacoteca del IV. sec. sotto la via Latina (Rome, 1990) 105f. For later examples in apse mosaics see J. Wilpert and W. N. Schumacher, Die römischen Mosaiken der kirchlichen Bauten vom IV.-XIII. Jahrhundert (Freiburg, 1916 and 1976) pl. 6 (Milan, S. Aquilino), pls. 19-22 (Rome, S. Pudenziana). For the mosaics in Rome, Villa Albani (from Sarsina), and Naples, Museo Nazionale (from Pompeii), see Richter I, 82, fig. 316; Helbig ⁴ IV, 327, no. 3350 (K. Parlasca); Schefold 1943, 154, fig. 214. On the relationship of apse mosaic to cathedra, which is referred to below, see now the important discussion of Mathews (1993, 113ff.).

45 The recent bibliography on this topic is collected by M. Lutz-Bachmann, "Hellenisierung des Christentums," in Colpe 1992, 77-98; L. Honnefelder, "Christliche Theologie und 'wahre Philosophie,'" ibid., 55ff. Cf. now Mathews (1993), who rightly stresses the connection between the image of the philosopher and that of Christ and rejects the association with the emperor.

46 See J. Vogt, "Der Vorwurf der sozialen Niedrigkeit des frühen Christentums," Gymnasium 82 (1975) 401-11.

47 On the interpretation of the Carrand Diptych see E. Konnowitz, "The Program of the Carrand-Diptychon," ArtB 66 (1984) 484-88; K. J. Shelton, "Roman Aristrocrats, Christian Commissions: The Carrand Diptych," JAC 29 (1986) 166-80; C. Hahn, ''Purification, Sacred Action, and the Vision of God,'' Word and Image 5.1 (1989) 71-84.

48 On the coexistence of the bearded and beardless images of Christ see Deichmann 1983, 149, 164; Dinkler 1980, 28f.; Sauer 1924, 303f. As has long been recognized, when both types appear on the same monument, the youthful Christ is usually the active performer of miracles, while the bearded Christ is more often the inspired teacher and, later, the lawgiver in majesty. In the mosaics of S. Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, for example, the type with beard, now getting even longer, first occurs in a scene of the Passion, while the Christ who journeys through the land preaching and working miracles is still shown as youthful. In a case like this, the beard seems to characterize him at a more mature age, that is, as a "realistic" trait. In this way the scenes suggest a narrative of his life and thus correspond to the lives of the philosophers recorded by Philostratus and Eunapius. This would accord well with the derivation of the youthful type from the iconography of heroes for which I shall argue.

49 Sauer 1924, 303f.

50 H. Kunckel, Der römische Genius (Heidelberg, 1974).

51 On the image of the bearded Christ see especially Sauer 1924, 303-29; RAC 3 (1957) 6ff., s.v. Christusbild (J. Kollwitz). Deichmann (1983, 161, with further references) argues persuasively against Dinkler 1980, 35ff., and B. Kötting, in RAC 13 (1986) 201, s.v. Haar.

52 For the polychrome plaques, Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano inv. 67606/7, see Repertorium 1967, 320ff., no. 773; D. Stutzinger, in Spätantike 1983, 607, no. 200; R. Sörries and U. Lange, AntW 17.3 (1986) 13-22. On the Karpokratians and the figure of Christ see Sauer 1924, 306.

53 See R. Warland, Das Brustbild Christi: Studien zur spätantiken und frühbyzantinischen Bildgeschichte (Rome, Freiburg, and Vienna, 1986).

54 Relief sarcophagus in Sant' Agnese fuori le mura: Wilpert I, 57, pl. 36, 1; Repertorium 1967, 303, no. 739, pl. 116; Dinkler 1980, 36, pl. 20, 29.

55 Some examples: the ceiling fresco from SS. Marcellino e Pietro (first half of the fourth century); J. Deckers, Die Katakombe "Santi Marcellino e Pietro," vol. 1 (Vatican City, 1981) no. 3, folding pls. 2-3. Cf. also Wilpert 1903, pls. 154, 155, 181, 182b. Also the diptych Berlin, Staatliche Museen; W. F. Volbach, Frühchristliche Kunst (Munich, 1958) pl. 224; Spätantike 1983, 697, no. 272. Cf. M. Sotomayor, "Petrus und Paulus in der frühchristlichen Ikonographie," in Spätantike 1983, 199-210; H. P. L'Orange, Likeness and Icon (Odense, 1973) 32-42.

56 For the pyxis Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Sculpture inv. 563, see Volbach 1976, 104, no. 161, pl. 82.

57 On the elements drawn from Imperial art for the iconography of Christ see Kollwitz 1936, 56ff.; Kötzsche 1992. For a different view see now Mathews 1993. The most impressive example from the city of Rome may be found in the apse mosaic of Santa Prudenzia (ca. A.D. 400): Wilpert and Schumacher (supra n. 44) pls. 19-23. For the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus in the Vatican see F. Gerke, Der Iunius Bassus Sarkophag (Berlin, 1936); Repertorium 1967, 279ff., no. 680; Amedick 1991, 170, no. 300, pl. 13.

58 H. Forsyth and K. Weitzmann, The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai (Ann Arbor, 1973) 1: 11ff., pls. 103, 136-37; E. Kitzinger, Byzantine Art in the Making (London, 1977) 99-101, figs. 177-79; Brenk 1977, pl. 185; J. Elsner, "The Viewer and the Vision," Art History 17 (1994) 81-102.

59 See P. Cox, Biography in Late Antiquity: A Quest for the Holy Man (Berkeley, 1983); Fowden 1982; Brown 1980; Goulet 1981.

60 On the tomb of the Aurelii in the Via Manzoni see G. Bendinelli, MemLinc 28 (1922) 289-520; G. Wilpert, MemPontAcc 3.1.2 (1924), and cf. especially the detail view, pl. 22; Himmelmann 1975, 18, pl. 4.

61 G. Shaw, "Theurgy: Rituals of Unification in the Neoplatonism of Iamblichus," Traditio 41 (1985) 1-28; G. Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes (Cambridge, 1986) 126-41.

62 The basic discussion of this issue is Fowden 1982; cf. Brown 1980 and Cox (supra n. 59).

63 For the Socrates mosaic see Richter I, 82, fig. 315; G. M. A. Hanfmann, HSCP 60 (1951) 205-33: J. C. Balty, ed., Actes du Colloque Apamée de Syrie (Brussels, 1972) pl. 53, 1; Smith 1990, 151. Cf. the "School of the Anatomists": A. Ferrua, La pittura della nuova catacomba di via Latina (Rome, 1960) 70f., pls. 107, 102, fig. 11; Balty, pl. 53, 2.

64 Athens, Acropolis Museum inv. 1313; G. Dontas, AM 69-70 (1954-55) 147ff.; Bergmann 1977, 157 n. 637 (dated in the time of Theodosius); A. Frantz, Agora, vol. 26, Late Antiquity, A.D. 267-700 (Princeton, 1988) 44, pl. 44c (on the purported find spot, in the so-called House of Proclus). Istanbul, Archaeological Museum inv. 2461; Inan-Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 282, no. 274, pl. 252; N. Firatli, La sculpture byzantine au Musée Archéologique Istanbul (Paris, 1990) 18, no. 35, pl. 16. For the Aphrodisias head see Smith 1990, 144ff. The head Rome, Capitoline Museum Magazine inv. 3022 will be published for the first time in the forthcoming Fittschen-Zanker II. Among comparable portraits of unknown provenance are the following: Stockholm, National Museum NM Sk 136; L'Orange 1947, 100f., figs. 71-72; Winkes 1969, 247; Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut; Hölscher 1982, 213ff. Add, too, the recut busts in Malibu published by J. Raeder, in Ancient Portraits in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Malibu, 1987) 1: 5-16. The removal of the edges of the bust could have resulted from reuse as a tondo. On the portrait type see L'Orange, 95ff.; Smith, 144ff.

65 Smith 1990.

66 G. Becatti, in Scavi di Ostia (Rome, 1969) 6: 78f., 139ff., pls. 55.2, 56; Brenk 1977, pl. 40; Age of Spirituality 1979, 363f., no. 340; 523f., no. 468; R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia ² (Oxford, 1973) 588f.

67 On the nimbus see now the thorough compilation of material in A. Ahlquist, Tradition och rörelse: Nimbusikonografin in den romerskantika och fornkristna konsten (Helsinki, 1990), esp. 367: "Its primary significance can be connected with astral bodies, its symbolism belongs to the concepts of power and craft, to the divine craft that the nimbated figure possesses and with whose help he acts, directly or as a representative."

68 There is, however, a close convergence in the facial expressions between Christian and pagan, for example, in the image of John the Baptist on the throne of Archbishop Maximian in Ravenna. John's role as prophet and "pathfinder" is to some extent comparable to that of the pagan "holy man." Cf. Volbach (supra n. 55) pls. 227ff.

69 See the collection of material in Smith 1990, 151. Cf. Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1982, which also deals with the contorniates.

70 Smith 1990, 152; H. von Heintze, RM 71 (1964) 77-103, pls. 16-22 (on the portraits of Plato and Socrates); Winkes 1969.

71 Bonn, F.J. Dölger Institute; H. von Heintze, JAC 6 (1963) 35ff., pls. 1-5; Richter II, 250, no. 7; Richter Suppl., fig. 1696a; Stähli 1991, 240.

72 The head comes from the Baths of Scholastica in Ephesus: Selçuk Museum inv. 745; A. Bammer, R. Fleischer, and D. Knibbe, Führer durch das Archäologische Museum in Selçuk-Ephesos (Vienna, 1974) 68; S. Erdemgil et al., Ephesus Museum Catalogue (Istanbul, 1989) 34; Smith 1990, 140. I thank Maria Aurenhammer for the photograph reproduced here.

73 Selçuk Museum inv. 755 (also from the Baths of Scholastica); Richter II, 233, no. 47, fig. 1636; Inan-Rosenbaum 1966, 146f., no. 187, pls. 101.2, 109; Smith 1990, 152.

74 Richter II, 227, no. 2, figs. 1528-30; Fittschen 1991, 248, no. 26.

75 Smith 1990, 132, pls. 6-7; Bergemann 1991, 159ff., which gives a history of the copies.

76 L. Ibrahim, R. L. Scranton, and R. Brill, Kenchreai: Eastern Port of Corinth, vol. 2, The Panels of Opus Sectile in Glass (Leiden, 1976) 268f.; G. M. A. Hanfmann, in Age of Spirituality, Symposium, New York, 1977 (New York, 1980) 78.

77 Richter II, fig. 1382 (Aeschines), fig. 1409 (Demosthenes); Winkes 1969, esp. 237ff.; "Rom," no. 43f.

78 See L. Paduano Faedo, "L'inversione del rapporto Poeta-Musa nella cultura ellenistica," AnnPisa ser. 2, 39 (1970) 1-10.

79 Inv. 1409; Schefold 1943, 130; W. H. Schuchhardt, Epochen der griechischen Plastik (Baden-Baden, 1959) 112, fig. 91; Helbig ⁴ II, no. 1721 (H. von Steuben).

80 For the diptych in Monza Cathedral see Schefold 1943, 184; Volbach 1976, 57, no. 68, pl. 39. Cf. the similar scene on an ivory plaque in Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, where two poets listen to Erato as she plays the kithara: Volbach, 59, no. 71, pl. 41; Age of Spirituality 1979, 258, no. 241.

81 Louvre SMG 46; Volbach 1976, 58, no. 69, pl. 40; Age of Spirituality 1979, 258, no. 242.

82 Rossano, Archepiscopal Library (dated to the sixth century and thought to be of Syrian origin); A. Munoz, Il Codice di Rossano, fascimile ed. (Rome, 1907); K. Weitzmann, Spätantike und frühchristliche Buchmalerei (Munich, 1977) 33 (with good color illustration).

83 See R. A. Müller, Geschichte der Universität (Munich, 1990).

84 Of the new pictorial types created in the third century B.C. , that of the individual reflecting was most often passed on. In the imagery of the evangelists in book illuminations, a particularly popular type has the hand raised to the head in a contemplative gesture that we first saw in the portraits of Epicurus and his circle. But the Christian image is open to the viewer, the Scriptures lying before the evangelist turned so that he can read along. In this way the reflective gesture becomes an admonition to the reader. For a good overview of this material see A. M. Friend, Jr., "The Portraits of the Evangelists in Greek and Latin Manuscripts," in Art Studies: Medieval, Renaissance, and Modern (Cambridge, Mass., 1927) 115-47, with full illustrations.